The Volokh Conspiracy

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The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

Mother Ordered Not to Speak Publicly About Child Protection Proceedings; Maine High Court Says Order Violates First Amendment

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From In re Child of Cassie S., decided by the Maine Supreme Judicial Court yesterday, in an opinion by Chief Justice Valerie Stanfill:

Cassie S. is the mother of a child with a complex medical history beginning when the child was about six months old. When the child was twenty-one months old, the mother persuaded the child's doctor to perform an invasive procedure—a tracheotomy [I assume this should read "tracheostomy" -EV]—to attempt to cure cyanotic spells she had observed. According to the mother, the tracheostomy did not ameliorate the cyanosis, so the child's medical providers recommended its immediate removal. The mother, however, insisted that the child's tracheostomy become permanent.

In the years that followed, the mother took the child to various medical providers in Maine and other states, many of whom recommended the removal of the child's tracheostomy. The mother also reported to the child's doctor that the child was aspirating on liquids, and as a result, a gastrostomy tube was placed in the child's stomach.

Ultimately, the medical director of the child protection program at a Massachusetts medical center reported the mother to the Maine Department of Health and Human Services. The medical director expressed concerns that the child had received inappropriate medical care at the urging of the mother. As a result, the Department petitioned for a protection order in 2019, although that petition was ultimately dismissed. Throughout the 2019 proceedings, the mother spoke to the press about the Department's efforts to remove the child from her care, resulting in published articles about the child's medical history and the mother's experience with the Department.

In September and October 2023, when the child was eight years old, the mother took him to a pediatric pulmonology specialist in New York City. The child arrived in a wheelchair with a tracheostomy, gastrostomy tube, and leg braces. Doctors conducted various medical tests and exams, all of which found no abnormalities. The doctors observed no mobility issues even though the child was wearing leg braces and the mother reported concerns with his balance and gait. The child's neurological examiner concluded that there was no evidence of a neuromuscular abnormality. The pulmonologist concluded that the child did not need the tracheostomy or gastrostomy tube, and that to begin the removal process, the child should be observed overnight with his tracheostomy capped. The mother refused to permit the child to undergo that evaluation. In fact, after the child's discharge from the New York hospital, the mother scheduled a procedure with a Massachusetts doctor to enlarge the child's tracheostomy, a procedure that the court ultimately blocked.

On October 18, 2023, the medical center in New York filed a report with the Department expressing concerns that the mother was engaging in medical abuse of the child.

This led to a child protection order proceeding against the mother, and to this analysis:

The mother has a history of inviting members of the press, state legislators, or other members of the public to child protection proceedings. During the pendency of the prior petition, the mother spoke to the press about the case, resulting in newspaper articles about the child's medical history and the mother's experience with the Department. On the first day of the jeopardy hearing in the current case, after multiple members of the public, including media, attempted to attend the hearing, the court issued the following order:

This matter is confidential pursuant to Title 22 § 4007. The parties in this matter are enjoined and forbidden from speaking to the media, posting on any social media platform, or speaking about any issues involved in this litigation. Any dissemination of the kind is subject to sanction, including but not limited to fine and/or contempt of court.

The mother contends that the judge's order restricting her ability to discuss this case is an unconstitutional prior restraint under the First Amendment. Because the mother did not challenge this order in the trial court, we review the order for obvious error that "affects substantial rights or results in a substantial injustice."

Court orders that prohibit future communications are considered prior restraints on speech. "There is a 'heavy presumption against [the] constitutional validity' of any prior restraint on speech." "The presumption against prior restraints is heavier—and the degree of protection broader—than that against limits on expression imposed by criminal penalties."

A prior restraint on speech is an extraordinary remedy, and for it to be permissible,

the harm from the unrestrained speech must be truly exceptional. A prior restraint is permissible only where the harm expected from the unrestrained speech is grave, the likelihood of the harm occurring without the prior restraint in place is all but certain, and there are no alternative, less restrictive means to mitigate the harm.

Because this order is a prior restraint that restricts the content of speech, it is subject to strict scrutiny. To satisfy strict scrutiny, a prior restraint on speech must be "necessary to serve a compelling state interest and … narrowly drawn to achieve that end."

The court's order relied on Title 22, section 4007, which provides that "[a]ll [child protection] proceedings and records shall be closed to the public, unless the court orders otherwise." There is no question that the state has a compelling interest in ensuring that child protection proceedings remain confidential. Safeguarding the details of a child's alleged abuse and medical conditions is of paramount importance. See Globe Newspaper Co. v. Super. Ct. (1982) (protecting the physical and psychological well-being of a minor is a compelling interest); see also Handler v. Mayhew (D. Me. 2012) ("[T]he state has a recognized interest in protecting child victims from undue trauma and humiliation ….").

However, the trial court's order restraining the mother's speech is not narrowly tailored to ensure confidentiality throughout the proceedings and to protect the child's well-being. A restriction on speech is narrowly tailored if it does not "unnecessarily circumscribe protected expression."

The Supreme Court of Pennsylvania held that, in an ongoing child protection case, an order forbidding a parent from communicating details to the public which would tend to identify the child, including the use of the parent's name in public communications about the child protection case or child abuse generally, was a permissible restraint on speech. S.B. v. S.S. (Pa. 2020). The Court explained that the order restricting speech

affords Appellants ample opportunity to disseminate all of their thoughts into the marketplace of ideas without restriction on the content of their message. The gag order further allows Appellants to voice all of their opinions regarding issues important to them, including parental alienation, child sexual abuse, and placement of children in the custody of sexually abusive parents, and to testify about these issues before governmental bodies in an effort to remedy these vital societal concerns. The only limitation on Appellants' speech lies in the manner of communication, as they are precluded from conveying such public speech in a way that exposes Child's identity and subjects him to harm.

In contrast to the order approved in S.B., here, the court issued a sweeping restriction that prevents the mother from "speaking to the media, posting on any social media platform, or speaking about any issues involved in this litigation." This restraint on speech appears to preclude political speech such as advocacy for reform of the child protection system. It may also prevent the mother from speaking to the media and posting on social media in general. The mother's ability to speak to the press about her experience with this case as a means of advocating for policy or governmental change is the exact kind of "core speech" that the First Amendment is intended to protect. However, disclosing information which would tend to identify the child is not core speech and may be restricted given the government's compelling interest in protecting the child from harm.

Likewise, a prior restraint with no definite term may be overbroad, depending on the circumstances.

Although the State has a compelling interest in restricting access to child protection proceedings and enforcing nondisclosure of private information, the court's order is not narrowly tailored to achieve that interest. We thus vacate the order restraining the mother's speech and remand to the trial court for modification, including by providing a time limit and narrowing the order's scope to encompass only the disclosure of confidential information or information that would tend to identify the child….

I appreciate the argument for protecting the mother's speech: People have to be free to criticize the judicial system, and the parties to proceedings may have special insight as to possible problems with the system (though of course they also have special biases). But I'm not sure how the mother's rights can be reconciled with the court's allowance of restrictions on "disclosure of … information that would tend to identify the child": Presumably the mother's speaking under her own name about what happened to her child would tend to identify the child, to anyone who knows the mother.

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court in S.B. v. S.S. (a case cited by the opinion) dealt with that by (among other things) requiring the mother not to identify herself in certain criticisms of the court decision. But that itself raises pretty serious First Amendment problems, I think (see this post for more): Requiring people to speak anonymously when criticizing the government, and to fuzz out any facts that might let people in the community figure out who the speakers are (and thus who the child is), is a massive restriction on the ability to engage in such criticism.

In any event, I'm not sure how the Maine courts will end up resolving all this, though I think the Maine high court at least got it right in saying that the original order was unconstitutional. The court was also right in concluding, contrary to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court in S.B. v. S.S., that these injunctions are content-based.

Free Speech

No Contempt Sanctions for Laura Loomer's Comments About CAIR, Magistrate Judge Recommends

Loomer had entered into a non-disparagement agreement to settle an earlier case, and the agreement had been adopted as a court order, but it also had an exception for statements responding to CAIR's statements about her.

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From yesterday's Report and Recommendation by Magistrate Judge Bruce Reinhart in Illoominate Media, Inc. & Laura Loomer v. CAIR Florida, Inc. & CAIR Found.:

CAIR is a self-described civil rights and advocacy organization whose mission is to "enhance understanding of Islam, protect civil rights, promote justice, and empower American Muslims." Plaintiff Laura Loomer is a self-described journalist who regularly posts on social media.

In the underlying litigation, CAIR got a Final Judgment for $124,423.37 [in attorney fees, more on that here. -EV] Post-judgment litigation ensued. The parties resolved their dispute through a written Settlement Agreement. As part of the settlement, CAIR agreed to forego half of the Final Judgment. The Settlement Agreement contained a non-disparagement term that prohibited Ms. Loomer from speaking about CAIR:

Plaintiffs [Loomer et al.] shall never make any comments, of any kind, about CAIR in the future. Violation of this provision shall be a substantive breach of this Settlement….

Plaintiffs may publicly respond to any specific statement by Defendants or their authorized agents that discuss Plaintiffs by name. Plaintiffs may not use the exception for such responses to begin making general comments about Defendants outside of responding to the specific statement.

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Free Speech

TV Station News Managers Fired for Allegedly Anti-Gay Memo Can Go on with Their Defamation Suit Against Nexstar Media

"Often, two true statements can be juxtaposed in such a way that they imply an idea that is false, which, under Michigan law, gives rise to a cause of action for defamation."

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From Fox v. Nexstar Media Group, Inc., decided today by Judge Robert Jonker (W.D. Mich.), allowing plaintiffs' defamation claim to go forward:

These cases arise from the fallout over an internal memo that two senior news managers at WOOD‑TV—Amy Fox and Stanton Tang—either wrote or approved regarding coverage of Pride-month events. According to Fox and Tang, management initially agreed that the memo merely restated corporate policy, but after some colleagues misinterpreted the memo as being anti‑gay—and after the memo was leaked externally—management allegedly shifted its stance and planted news stories that portrayed Fox and Tang as anti‑gay. The plaintiffs contend Nexstar did this to cause Fox and Tang to absorb the blame for the controversy while allowing the company to emerge unscathed.

In early June of 2023, Stanton Tang began to feel concerned about WOOD-TV's coverage of Pride-related events. To him, it seemed that the newsroom's approach to Pride coverage differed from its approach to coverage of other events, such as women's history month or black history month.

As Tang tells it, when it came to the latter events, the newsroom tried to approach coverage in a unified way, to ensure that coverage was diversified, newsworthy, and spread throughout the month. However, when it came to Pride events, the newsroom was deviating from its typical editorial review process, and many reporters were beginning to go cover stories about Pride festivals as soon as they heard that the event was taking place—without discussing with the rest of the newsroom whether the story ought to be covered, whether it was duplicative of another story that had recently aired, or whether some unique aspect of the story could be explored in a way that highlighted the story's overall newsworthiness. Tang was also worried that the volume of Pride stories being covered by WOOD-TV news staff was alienating some of the station's more conservative viewers.

On the morning of June 13, 2023, Tang shared his concerns with his Assistant News Director, Amy Fox. He explained that he wanted to ensure that any Pride‑related reporting included appropriate historical context and that the newsroom was approaching the topic consistently. To address these concerns, he asked Fox to draft an email to the newsroom. Fox did so and then shared her proposed email with Tang. Tang added a few more lines to the email—including a directive for reporters to "get both sides of the issue" when covering Pride events—and told Fox to send the memo to all staff, which she did….

Many coworkers opposed the memo, and some leaked it to outside media outlets, which reached out to Nexstar for comment. Fox and Tang were eventually fired, and Nexstar released two statements that were then quoted by other media outlets:

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Politics

Harlan Virtual Supreme Court Round of 8

The top four teams announce to the championship round at the National Archives.

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The Harlan Institute is currently hosting the Fourteenth Annual Virtual Supreme Court Competition. This competition offers teams of two high school students the opportunity to research cutting-edge constitutional law, write persuasive appellate briefs, argue against other students through video chats, and try to persuade a panel of esteemed attorneys during oral argument that their side is correct. This year, in honor of America's 250th Anniversary, the competition will focus on the case of Patriots v. Loyalists.

Eight teams of high school students presented oral arguments in the Round of 8. The teams were superb. Truly, these high school students could compete in any law school moot court competition. My sincere thanks two Elizabeth Steeves (Yale) and Shemaiah DeJorge (Georgetown) for helping to judge the rounds. The top four teams announce to the championship round at the National Archives.

Match #1: Team #24266

Match #2:  Team #24346

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Other Comments From Chief Justice Roberts

A wide-ranging interview between the Chief Justice and Judge Rosenthal at the Baker Institute.

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I blogged earlier about what I thought was the highlight of Chief Justice Roberts's exchange with Judge Rosenthal at the Baker Institute. Here, I will flag a few of Roberts's comments of interest.

First, Roberts spoke about the difficult summer of 2005. In the span of a short span, he was nominated for Justice O'Connor's seat, Chief Justice Rehnquist died, and Roberts was then nominated for the Chief Justice seat.

Well, the beginning it was very emotionally draining, you're right. It was a level of tension. I mean, if I get nervous before arguing, you can imagine what it was like to get nervous before those hearings. And Chief Justice Rehnquist had been very much a mentor to me, and it was Saturday night, and I gone to bed. I was trying to get rested up. My wife called to tell me that the chief had passed away. And then the next morning, I got a call from the White House, and they wanted me to come in and had another interview with President Bush that afternoon, and then the next morning, they announced my nomination to be chief the day after that, I'm helping carry Chief Justice Rehnquist casket up to the lie in repose at the court, and the new hearings are starting the next week. There's just an awful lot going on, and I had to start learning a little bit more about Chief Justice's and their role, because that obviously hadn't been a been a focus. And I do remember thinking, you know, everything was looking pretty good with the first nomination.

Second, Roberts said he stumps law professors by asking them to name the portraits of Chief Justices in the East Conference Room.

And, you know, we have two conference rooms in the East one, they have on the walls the first eight Chief Justices, and the next one, they have the next eight chief justices. Just inside. I don't see where the room is for the, you know, 17. And I just sort of like, of like, you know, walk around, and you look up and there's, you know, John Jay, and I knew about him. And the next one, there's a picture of somebody I had no idea who it was. And this is the second Chief Justice. Turned out to be a fellow named John Rutledge who had a pretty he was there for five months. So I felt, well, that's not bad. And then the next one, and not, not really, you know, Oliver Ellsworth just rings a bell vaguely. And then John Marshall, you know, I could talk for hours about that. He's the most significant person in our political history who wasn't a president, and a lot more significant than many of the presidents. And then Chris Roger Taney, the unfortunate counterpart to Marshall. Okay, I know them. The next one I knew had worked with Lincoln, but I couldn't quite place the name Salman Chase there for a while. And then one, when I have professors in the conference room, and we're talking about something I will always ask, like, Who is that? And sometimes nobody knows.

Humblebrag. When I recently moved for the admission of South Texas alum to the Supreme Court bar, we had a breakfast reception in the East Conference room. I told our alums who all the Chiefs were. Who hasn't memorized all of the Chiefs? Jay, Rutledge, Ellsworth, Marshall, Taney, Chase, Waite, Fuller, White, Taft, Hughes, Stone, Vinson, Warren, Burger, Rehnquist, and Roberts. (I still would like to know where Roberts's bust will go, but that is a question for another time.)

Third, Roberts spoke at several juncture about judicial "courage." He said that Chief Justice Jay demonstrated an "incredible act of courage" by not answering questions posed in the "Correspondences of the Justices." Roberts also said that in this 250th year of independence, we should focus and celebrate "courage." He referenced the "extraordinary" bravery of those who signed the Declaration of Independence. They would not have been "given the privilege of being shot. They would be be hung, and all their families possessions would be gone." Roberts suggested that judges will need to exhibit a "great deal of courage," an "overlooked virtue of a judge," to disagree with what AI says. Judge Rosenthal also gave Chief Justice Roberts a biography of Chief Justice Chase, written by her father, Harold M. Hyman, who had been a longtime professor at Rice. Rosenthal said, and I agree, that Chase exemplified "courage." (I had the good occasion to cite one of Professor's Hyman's articles in a draft paper I wrote with Seth Barrett Tillman.) When I write about judicial "courage," people lose their collective minds. But this is a real concept. And, I've praised Roberts for having courage, to a limited extent.

Fourth, Judge Rosenthal asked how the Chief deals with criticism. The Chief responded, "I actually try not to read outside criticism too much. And it's, you know, just because you're you're on to something else, and you don't want to worry too much about you've done, you've done your best." I will not check how often Supreme Court IP addresses access the Volokh Conspiracy.

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Would John Roberts Have Become Chief Justice If He Was Confirmed To The D.C. Circuit in 1992?

Roberts suspects that if he was confirmed to the D.C. Circuit at the age of 37, he probably "wouldn't have ended up" as Chief Justice.

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Today Chief Justice Roberts spoke at the Baker Institute at Rice University in Houston. No, I did not attend. In candor, members of the Baker Institute Roundtable (a $500 fee) had early access to public tickets, and once those were gone, the event was at capacity. That was too rich for me. I considered protesting outside the building with a "#RESIGN" sign, but decided against it.

The conversation was moderated by Judge Lee Rosenthal of the Southern District of Texas. She did an expert job moderating the conversation. Most of the press focused on Roberts's comments concerning attacks on judges:

ROSENTHAL: In your 2024, year end report on the judiciary, you wrote that criticism comes with the territory for judges and justices and that it can be healthy. You've talked about the criticisms that your predecessors encountered. How do you handle criticism of your court or your opinions today?

ROBERTS: Well, it does. It does come with the territory. Often when any of us issue an opinion, there's often a dissent, usually not but I mean, people, their most opinions are more opinions than anything else, are unanimous, and that's pretty to get used to the criticism right away, and it can very much be healthy. We don't believe that we're, you know, flawless in any way, and it's important that our decisions are subjected to scrutiny, and they are. The problem sometimes is that the criticism can move from a focus on legal analysis to personalities. And you see from all over, I mean, not just any one political perspective on it, that it's more directed in a personal way, and that, frankly, can be actually quite dangerous. Judges around the country work very hard to get it right, and if they don't, their opinions are subject to criticism, but
personally directed hostility is is dangerous, and it's got to stop.

ROSENTHAL: It's very much part of our lives these days. And on behalf of trial judges
everywhere, I want to personally thank you, because while we know that you may not always agree with us, we always know that you have our backs, and that means a great deal. So thank you, and I hope it continues. I know it will.

I found one of the most fascinating exchanges to concern what might be seen as the Roberts's biggest disappointments. In 1992, President George H.W. Bush nominated Roberts to the D.C. Circuit at the age of 37. Of course, Senator Joe Biden blocked the nomination, and Roberts never even received a vote. Elena Kagan likewise was nominated for the D.C. Circuit in 1999. She too never received a vote.

I've long suspected that if Roberts and Kagan had been confirmed, they never would have made it to the Supreme Court. One of the downsides of being a judge who aspires to higher office is that you have to actually decide cases. And those cases will invariably upset some people. When Roberts was nominated for the Supreme Court in 2005, he had only been an appellate judge for about two years, with very few cases to show. Before there was the frozen trucker, there was the greasy snacker. Roberts's most controversial decision concerned a girl who was arrested for eating french fries on the Metro. Of course, Roberts also decided what would become Hamdan v. Rumsfeld on July 15, 2005--at the same time he was interviewing before the Supreme Court. Talk about a well-timed audition!

Judge Rosenthal asked Roberts to reflect on his experience of not getting the D.C. Circuit at the age of 37:

Well I was disappointed. I wasn't naïve about the prospect that things might not work out. It was a disappointment. You look ahead and plan what your life will be like. I think it was a great honor. It was a great calling to be a federal judge. In retrospect, 100%, it was one of the best things that ever happened to me. That is a young age to take on a life-tenure job. You give up a lot of opportunity for other experiences. I'm pretty sure if I had done that, I wouldn't have ended up where I am now. You do develop something of a track record and it is not always something that appeals to people. And I went on and was able to do private practice but also another government opportunity. It was a disappointment but turned out alright.

I've listened to many speeches the Chief has given over the years, but I don't recall him ever being so honest and vulnerable. It was truly refreshing. I firmly believe that people only learn from defeats. Someone who has never faced adversity likely has not been taking enough risks.

On the substance, Roberts is 100% correct. Had Roberts spent a decade on the D.C. Circuit during the 1990s, his record would have looked very different. He likely would have infuriated Democratic Senators by ruling against the Clinton Administration. And Roberts likely would have disappointed Republican Senators by not being conservative enough (because he isn't that conservative). To play out the counterfactual, it's possible that Roberts still would have made the short list. Indeed, he likely would have still been a finalist alongside Judges Luttig and Wilkinson. Maybe Roberts still would have been picked. Who knows? But Roberts doesn't think so.

Likewise, had Elena Kagan spent much of the Bush Administration ruling in favor of Guantanamo Bay detainees, she would never have been considered. Senator Lindsey Graham would have never voted for her. And what would have happened to Harvard Law School? It might have gone the way of Yale Law School! By way of comparison, Justice Kavanaugh spent a decade on the D.C. Circuit and made lots of enemies. He was only confirmed by a bare majority. Had the filibuster still been in place, Kavanaugh would have never been considered.

Kudos to Judge Rosenthal for getting the Chief Justice to open up. This was a very well done interview. I'll write up a few other points in another post.

 

Paul Ehrlich Helped Create Roe v. Wade

Justice Blackmun echoed the Population Bomb's concerns about "population growth," and Ehrlich thought Roe supported "compulsory abortion."

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Paul Ehrlich has died at the old age of 93. I am grateful he lived long enough to witness how many of his doomsday predictions were wrong. But he does not seem to have recognized his faults. As late as 2018, Ehrlich predicted (once again) that the collapse of civilization would happen in decades. How could a person who is consistently wrong about everything maintain his status as a public intellectual? I think the short answer is that Ehrlich told progressives what they wanted to hear and reaffirmed their world view. When a progressive uses the phrase "trust the science" or "evidence based," especially about the climate, think of Paul Ehrlich.

There is much to say on Ehrlich's death, but it may be most useful to connect his writings on population control with Roe v. Wade. The Population Bomb was published in 1968. The book opens, "The battle to feed all of humanity is over. In the 1970s hundreds of millions of people will starve to death." Ehrlich endorsed mandatory sterilization to remedy overpopulation. But he also favored abortion as a way to promote, shall we say, swinging tricks, without the consequences of reproducing.

Roe v. Wade was decided in 1973. There is a sentence in Justice Blackmun's majority opinion that is edited out of most ConLaw casebooks, but that Randy and I include:

We forthwith acknowledge our awareness of the sensitive and emotional nature of the abortion controversy, of the vigorous opposing views, even among physicians, and of the deep and seemingly absolute convictions that the subject inspires. One's philosophy, one's experiences, one's exposure to the raw edges of human existence, one's religious training, one's attitudes toward life and family and their values, and the moral standards one establishes and seeks to observe, are all likely to influence and to color one's thinking and conclusions about abortion.

In addition, population growth, pollution, poverty, and racial overtones tend to complicate and not to simplify the problem.

What do "population growth, pollution, [and] poverty" have to do with abortion? Well, as more children are born, there will be more pollution, less food, more poverty, more death, and the end of the world as we know it. Or so Ehrlich would explain.

Justice Blackmun was almost certainly alluding to Ehrlich's work, which was in the ether. An amicus brief submitted by National Organization for Women, among other groups, expressly cited Ehrlich's book:

A state cannot seriously contend today that restrictions on abortion are justified by an overriding state interest in increasing population. See Ehrlich, The Population Bomb, 1968. On the contrary, it is accepted government policy to limit family size and to encourage family planning.

Jane ROE, John Doe, and Mary Doe, Appellants, James Hubert HALLFORD, M.D., Appellant-Intervenor, v. Henry WADE, Appellee. Mary DOE, et al., etc., Appellants,, 1972 WL 126045, at *27

Justice Ginsburg spoke to those concerns in a 2009 interview:

Frankly I had thought that at the time Roe was decided, there was concern about population growth and particularly growth in populations that we don't want to have too many of. So that Roe was going to be then set up for Medicaid funding for abortion. Which some people felt would risk coercing women into having abortions when they didn't really want them. But when the court decided McRae, the case came out the other way. And then I realized that my perception of it had been altogether wrong.

Justice Ginsburg was quite right about how Ehrlich and others viewed abortion. I scanned through the Population Bomb. Here are some of the things Ehrlich wrote about abortion.

Page 138: Two other functions of the DPE would be to aid Congress in developing legislation relating to population and environment, and to inform the public of the needs for such legislation. Some of these needs are already apparent. We need a federal law guaranteeing the right of any woman to have an abortion if it is approved by a physician. We need federal legislation guaranteeing the right to voluntary sterilization for both sexes and protecting physicians who perform such operations from legal harassment. We need a federal law requiring sex education in schools -- sex education that includes discussion of the need for regulating the birth rate and of the techniques of birth control.

Page 141: If we take the proper steps in education, legislation, and research, we should be able in a generation to have a population thoroughly enjoying its sexual activity, while raising smaller numbers of physically and mentally healthier children. The population should be relatively free of the horrors created today by divorce, illegal abortion, venereal disease, and the psychological pressures of a sexually repressive and repressed society.

Page 148: Biologists must point out that contraception is for many reasons more desirable than abortion. But they must also point out that in many cases abortion is much more desirable than childbirth. Above all, biologists must take the side of the hungry billions of living human beings today and tomorrow, not the side of potential human beings. Remember, unless numbers are limited, if those potential human beings are born, they will at best lead miserable lives and die young. We cannot permit the destruction of humanity to be abetted by a doctrine conceived in total ignorance of the biological facts of life.

In Ecoscience, published in 1977, Ehrlich invoked Roe to argue that the federal government could impose "compulsory abortion" to reduce the population:

Page 837: To date, there has been no serious attempt in Western countries to use laws to control excessive population growth, although there exists ample authority under which population growth could be regulated. For example, under the United States Constitution, effective population-control programs could be enacted under the clauses that empower Congress to appropriate funds to provide for the general welfare and to regulate commerce, or under the equal-protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Such laws constitutionally could be very broad. Indeed, it has been concluded that compulsory population-control laws, even including laws requiring compulsory abortion, could be sustained under the existing Constitution if the population crisis became sufficiently severe to endanger the society.

Never forget that Roe v. Wade favorably cited Buck v. Bell, alongside Jacobson v. Massachusetts:

The privacy right involved, therefore, cannot be said to be absolute. In fact, it is not clear to us that the claim asserted by some amici that one has an unlimited right to do with one's body as one pleases bears a close relationship to the right of privacy previously articulated in the Court's decisions. The Court has refused to recognize an unlimited right of this kind in the past. Jacobson v. Massachusetts197 U. S. 11 (1905) (vaccination); Buck v. Bell274 U. S. 200 (1927) (sterilization).

Perhaps Justice Blackmun would have also supported the constitutionality of mandatory abortion if the state had a sufficiently compelling interest.

Roe v. Wade was an illegitimate decision on every conceivable ground. At some level, the Justices were motivated by the worst quack science in modern history, which led to oppressive family policies around the world. Indeed, at least part of the underpopulation problem we are facing can be traced directly to Ehrlich, Roe, and the five decade culture it spawned. Dobbs was right, just, and inevitable.

"Denaturalization's Missing Limit" to Appear in Northwestern University Law Review Online

Why civil denaturalization should have a five-year statute of limitations under existing law

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Cassandra Burke Robertson and I have a new piece entitled "Denaturalization's Missing Limit" forthcoming in the Northwestern University Law Review Online. Here is the abstract:

Civil denaturalization has become a bipartisan tool of punishment and deterrence. The government has used the civil justice system to strip citizenship from naturalized citizens convicted of serious crimes—including sex offenders—to "send a loud message" and "hold accountable" those it considers undesirable, circumventing the ten-year statute of limitations Congress imposed on criminal naturalization fraud. The Trump administration has gone further, elevating denaturalization to one of the Department of Justice's top five enforcement priorities and directing attorneys to "maximally pursue" every viable case. One of the features that makes denaturalization such a potent tool is the widely accepted proposition that no statute of limitations applies. This Essay argues that proposition is wrong. Drawing on the Supreme Court's decision in Kokesh v. SEC, the text and structure of 28 U.S.C. § 2462, and the policy rationales underlying statutes of limitations, we argue that Congress's existing default five-year limitations period should be understood to apply to civil denaturalization. A five-year time bar would preserve the government's ability to pursue clear fraud while preventing the indefinite vulnerability that chills the political participation of over twenty-three million naturalized Americans.

How AI Tools Can Help With Legal History Research

Probably not the most in-demand use, but a really cool one. And maybe something that makes originalism easier?

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I do a lot of legal history research in my academic work, often studying late 18th Century legal understandings and trying to trace back their origins. Studying the origins is particularly difficult because, when you start to look at materials from the early 18th century and before, legal reports and books are typically in Latin or Law French (the latter being a sort of weird mix of Latin, French, and Anglo-Saxon used by lawyers). The switch to English was pushed along by laws in 1650 and then 1730, and after 1730 everything seems to be in English.  But if you want to look back at the sources the late 18th Century lawyers relied on—to know not just what Blackstone said, but what Blackstone was relying on, and what what the sources Blackstone was relying on were themselves relying on, etc.—you quickly run up against the language barrier.  And of course you also run up against the broader problems of deciphering the text, and trying to understand the context of the terms and legal concepts they used.

I've been fascinated by how the latest generation of AI tools can help to solve these problems.  A year ago, you could ask (say) Claude for help with a legal history question, and it could fo only the basics.  It could look up what Blackstone said and summarize Blackstone.  That's a start, but not so helpful for a researcher who is already familiar with the basics.  These days, Claude can not just read Blackstone, but identify what Blackstone cited, and try to look that up, too—and if it has access to a database that has those sources on the public web, it can read that and summarize that, too.

And of particular interest to me, you can also upload legal materials in Latin or Law French and ask the AI tool to read it, translate it, and explain it.  For example, I picked this random passage in a 16th Century legal treatise in Law French.

I recognize the word Assize, which I know from the courts of assize.  But I really have no idea what this randomly-selected text means. So I uploaded the screenshot to Claude (Opus 4.6, extended), and I asked Claude to read it, state it in the original, translate it, and explain what is going on.

Here's what I received back:

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Parental Rights

"Stalking-Type Behavior"/"Coercive Control" of Minor Stepdaughter, or "Salutary" "Parental" Behavior?

"[T]he trial court identified only two actions that purportedly constituted 'coercive control': the first was 'coordinating with someone Mia thought was her friend to deliver her' to her parents, and the second was an 'unreasonable level of monitoring a nearly grown woman,' which the trial court stated 'is concerning.'"

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From Toles v. Toles, decided yesterday by the Washington Court of Appeals (opinion by Judge Leonard Feldman, joined by Judges Linda Coburn and David Mann):

On May 23, 2024, following many months of ongoing conflict and related legal proceedings, Mia, an unemancipated minor child at the time, filed a petition for a DVPO alleging that George had committed various acts that constituted "domestic violence" as defined in RCW 7.105.010(10)(b).

In her petition, Mia claimed George had assaulted her; taken away her cell phone; "attempted to thwart" her academic success by requiring that she unenroll in the Running Start educational program; placed tracking devices on her vehicles; asked one of friends to bring her to an agreed location so George and his wife, Phuong Toles (Mia's biological mother), could bring her home; "yelled at" {"about how ungrateful I was," "for forgetting to wash the dishes," "about my attitude," and that "I'm to blame for the fact that he does not have a relationship with his sons"} and "berated" her; and filed in court evidence that she had shared intimate photos with a romantic partner. {Although George admittedly failed to file the photos under seal in accordance with GR 15, the trial court immediately rectified this serious oversight.}

George characterizes these behaviors as "helping his wife recover their runaway child from an unlawful, dangerous situation," while Mia describes them as "an escalation of physical and mental abuse at the hands of her step-father."

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Free Speech

No Defamation Liability for NYU Report Summarizing Court Filing Alleging Prosecutorial Misconduct

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From McCaffery v NYU School of Law, decided yesterday by Judge John Murphy (E.D. Pa.):

This is a defamation case. The challenged statements are recent, but they describe an earlier legal proceeding. The story begins in 2007, when Dontia Patterson was arrested and charged with murder in Philadelphia. His first trial, prosecuted by Assistant District Attorney Beth McCaffery, ended in a hung jury. His second jury trial, prosecuted by Assistant District Attorney Richard Sax, resulted in his conviction.

Years later, Mr. Patterson's convictions and related charges were vacated and he got a new trial. At this point, the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office (DAO) assessed whether to try Mr. Patterson a third time and the DAO charged its Conviction Integrity Unit (CIU) with investigating the case.

The DAO determined that Mr. Patterson was probably innocent, so it sought to drop the case against him. As part of these proceedings, Patricia Cummings—then-Chief of the CIU—drafted a motion that alleged prosecutorial misconduct, asserting that the original prosecutors hid exculpatory evidence from the defense. The motion succeeded.

Six years later, New York University and NYU School of Law—where Ms. Cummings was serving as a Research Scholar—published a report focused on prosecutorial misconduct in the Philadelphia DAO. The report included 55 case studies—one of which focused on Mr. Patterson's case. The report's case study on Mr. Patterson included specific allegations from the Nol Pros Motion, and it named Ms. McCaffery and Mr. Sax as the prosecutors involved. Ms. McCaffery ardently rejects, as defamatory, the allegations made against her in the Nol Pros Motion and later published in the report, and she seeks relief for defamation and related torts. {Often shortened, as in this opinion, to "nol pros[,]" "[a] nolle prosequi is a voluntary withdrawal by the prosecuting attorney of proceedings on a particular bill or information, which can at any[ ]time be retracted to permit a revival of proceedings on the original bill or information."} …

The case largely turned on the "fair report" privilege, which protects accurate accounts of government proceedings, including of court filings (whether or not the filings being reported on contain errors). The court noted that the N.Y. and Pennsylvania fair report privileges differ:

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Free Speech

No Pseudonymity for Plaintiffs Alleging Sean Combs (P. Diddy) Sexually Assaulted Them

The Second Circuit just affirmed lower court decisions so holding.

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From today's opinion in Doe v. Combs, by Second Circuit Judges Michael Park, William Nardini, and Maria Araújo Kahn, the key paragraphs:

"[O]ur review of a district court's decision to grant or deny an application to litigate under a pseudonym is for abuse of discretion." Sealed Plaintiff v. Sealed Defendant (2d Cir. 2008). "A district court abuses its discretion when (1) its decision rests on an error of law … or a clearly erroneous factual finding, or (2) its decision … cannot be located within the range of permissible decisions."

As numerous courts have observed, "concealing the name of a party could deprive a litigant and the court of the chance that a yet unknown witness would, upon learning … about the case, know to step forward with valuable information about the events or the credibility of witnesses." Doe v. Del Rio (S.D.N.Y. 2006) (citing Richmond Newspapers, Inc. v. Virginia (1980) (Brennan, J., concurring) ("Public trials come to the attention of key witnesses unknown to the parties.")). The loss of such witnesses would be particularly prejudicial here given that the incidents complained of allegedly occurred decades ago and would "be difficult to defend even with information about Plaintiff[s'] identit[ies]." The district court thus reasonably concluded that the sixth Sealed Plaintiff factor strongly favored Defendants.

More details:

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New in Civitas Outlook: The Temptation of the Inferior "Imperial Judiciary"

"As Judge Kenneth K. Lee wisely warned, judges of the inferior courts should 'not be seduced by the temptation of judicial resistance,' lest they inch towards an inferior 'imperial judiciary.'"

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Long-time readers may remember my writings about the "judicial resistance" during President Trump's first term. Well, it seems we are swinging back to that era. My new essay in Civitas Outlook is titled, The Temptation of the Inferior "Imperial Judiciary."

It begins:

In this 250th year of our independence, the horizontal and vertical structure of our government should be well settled. Horizontally, the legislative branch makes the law; the executive branch enforces the laws; and the judicial branch interprets the laws. Vertically, Congress sits atop the lawmaking powers, not administrative agencies; the President sits atop the enforcement power, not the bureaucracy; and the Supreme Court sits atop the judiciary, not the inferior courts. Critically, the states have no role in enforcing or impeding federal law. Yet somehow, everything has gone topsy-turvy. Under the new order of operations, the President takes an action, states bring a lawsuit, a district court judge decides whether the policy goes into effect, and then two or three members of the Supreme Court promptly settle the issue with near finality. We've come a long way from "School House Rocks."

During President Trump's first term, the horizontal separation of powers were routinely breached as states and lower courts resisted virtually every presidential action. That much was well known. But with Trump 2.0, we have seen a novel inversion of both the horizontal and vertical separation of powers: lower court judges are resisting both the President and the Supreme Court. As Judge Kenneth K. Lee wisely warned, judges of the inferior courts should "not be seduced by the temptation of judicial resistance," lest they inch towards an inferior "imperial judiciary."

President Trump, during his first term, faced an unprecedented barrage of legal challenges. The self-professed "legal resistance" launched a never-ending barrage of lawsuits to challenge virtually every facet of his administration. Worse still, many courts eagerly allowed these suits to proceed on the jurisprudential grounds that President Trump was not entitled to the same deference and regard as his predecessors. I described this jurisprudential shift as the "judicial resistance." I was widely criticized for using this term. In the New York Times, Dahlia Lithwick and Steve Valdeck described it as a "dangerous myth." But I think I was onto something.

And from the conclusion:

The risk here is clear. Judge Lee warns that the "judicial resistance" will "risk inching towards an imperial judiciary that lords over the President and Congress." Here, Judge Lee invoked Justice Amy Coney Barrett's ruling in Trump v. CASA (2025), in which she warned against "embracing an imperial judiciary." We can take the lineage back even further. In Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1991), the landmark decision reaffirming Roe v. Wade, Justice Scalia declared, "The Imperial Judiciary lives." Of course, the "Nietzschean vision of . . . unelected, life-tenured judges" Scalia warned against belonged to five members of the Supreme Court. Scalia would often yell "stop" to his colleagues. But now the resistance has spread to the inferior federal courts.

Politics

"Perhaps Due to the Asynchronous Thelma and Louise, Neither Side Requests Sanctions"

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From Magistrate Judge Stephanie Christensen (C.D. Cal.) in Creditors Adjustment Bureau, Inc. v. All Season Power LLC, decided Feb. 13 but just posted on Westlaw:

Both parties cited a non-existent case in their briefs.

Specifically, after Plaintiff's opposition and Defendant's reply were filed, Plaintiff's counsel filed a declaration providing that "certain quoted material set forth in Plaintiff's brief … [wa]s not accurate, and in one instance, from a non-existent case." The declaration identified four false citations comprising one non-existent case and three non-existent quotes from real cases. Plaintiff's counsel further declared that "[i]t appears that some legal research that was done on this case relied upon artificial intelligence and resulted in these phantom quotes and citations."

Defendant's counsel subsequently filed a declaration providing that "one of the same erroneously cited cases was also referenced [in Defendant's reply.]" Counsel for Defendant further declared that "[t]his error was inadvertent and was not related to any AI usage by Defendant's counsel." In other words, they merely followed Plaintiff's counsel over the cliff.

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