The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Immigration

FIRE Files Lawsuit Against ICE Violations of the First Amendment

ICE is a menace to freedom of speech, as well as other civil liberties.

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Reuters (2018).

Yesterday, the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE), filed a lawsuit challenging an egregious violation of the First Amendment by the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency (ICE). FIRE's website has a helpful description of the damning facts of the case (see also this summary by Reason's Tosi Akintola):

The freedom to criticize law enforcement without fear of punishment is an essential right in the United States. In fact, it's one of the things that separates our free nation from a police state. But officials at the Department of Homeland Security and Immigration and Customs Enforcement don't seem to understand this.

Five months after a Rochester man, David Streever, wrote a critical email to the then-head of ICE during the agency's January crackdown in Minnesota, federal officers recently went to extraordinary lengths to confront and intimidate him — even going so far as to stake out his New York City hotel as he returned from an overseas vacation with his daughter.

That's an outrageous violation of an American's First Amendment rights. So today, the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression filed a federal lawsuit to challenge ICE's efforts to scare Streever and others into silence and remind other government officials that such behavior is un-American, unconstitutional, and unacceptable in a free society….

In January, federal immigration agents shot and killed Alex Pretti, a Minneapolis ICU nurse, during a tense encounter. Outraged, Streever wrote a stern email to then-acting ICE Director Todd Lyons, entitled "What's next" and calling the official a "monstrous human being" who will "go down in history as America's Reinhard Heydrich, the butcher," a reference to the infamous Nazi official.

The First Amendment unquestionably protects Streever's criticism. Writing an angry note to political leaders is an American tradition as old as the republic itself. That's why time and again, the Supreme Court has upheld that cherished freedom, warning against attempts to label heated political rhetoric as dangerous or unprotected.

FIRE is absolutely right. The organization first became famous for combating mostly left-wing speech codes and other abuses on college campuses. Here, they are working to counter a threat to free speech from the other side of the political spectrum. The consistency is admirable.

Sadly, this is far from the only case where ICE has violated free speech rights. In Tincher v. Noem (now redesignated Tincher v. Mullin), a federal district court found numerous examples of ICE and other federal immigration enforcement agencies using force and other illegal coercive tactics against peaceful protestors and journalists in Minnesota. An appellate court ruling later stayed the injunction issued by the district court, citing procedural considerations (e.g. - it ruled the injunction was likely overbroad). But that doesn't change the awful facts.

Evidence indicates that ICE has repurposed its Office of Professional Responsibility - which is supposed to monitor the agency's own compliance with law - to investigate and harass online critics.

ICE defenders claim its campaign of intimidation is justified by the supposed need to prevent "threats" and "doxxing" of agents. Actual threats of violence can be investigated and prosecuted. But, as the Streever case and others show, ICE's campaign of harassment and intimidation goes far beyond situations where actual threats are at issue. In addition, citizens have every right to criticize government officials -including law enforcement officers - by name.  That's true even if doing so results in people sending those officials angry messages.

The issues at stake here go far beyond the specific case, or the particular issue of immigration enforcement. Law enforcement agencies cannot be allowed to use their power to target and harass their critics. Conservatives inclined to sympathize with ICE here should consider how they would reach if federal or state gun-law enforcers used similar tactics against gun-rights activists.

Sadly, ICE's abuses of civil liberties and other cruel and illegal actions go far beyond violations of the First Amendment. In an August 2025 article in The Hill, I summarized many of ICE's other abusive and unconstitutional actions - including detention without due process, widespread racial profiling, and more. Things have only gotten worse since then. This is just one of a number of ways in which our current system of mass deportation endangers the liberty of American citizens, as well as that of recent immigrants.

Lawsuits like that filed by FIRE can play a valuable role in constraining ICE's violations of constitutional rights. But case-by-case litigation can only do so much. Not all victims have the resources to go through prolonged litigation.  And, even for those who sue and win, justice delayed is often justice denied.

The systematic nature of ICE's many abuses calls for a systematic solution. As I explained in the Hill article, and a later follow-up piece, we should abolish ICE and transfer its funds to real cops. That will simultaneously end ICE abuses and reduce crime. In the linked pieces, I develop the case for abolishing ICE in greater detail, and address various possible counterarguments.

Free Speech

Lawsuit by Khymani James ("Be Grateful That I'm Not Just Going Out and Murdering Zionists") Against Columbia Dismissed

As to James' discrimination claim, "James, who was on disciplinary probation leading up to the suspension, admits that Columbia suspended students involved in the encampment and fails to identify another student, who was also on disciplinary probation, whom Columbia declined to discipline."

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From James v. Columbia Univ., decided Thursday by N.Y. trial court judge Kathleen Waterman-Marshall:

This action arises from certain disciplinary actions by defendant Columbia University …, including Columbia's decision to place plaintiff Khymani James …, a third-year undergraduate student who identifies as a black, Caribbean-American, on a one-year suspension….

James was studying abroad in London during the fall semester of 2023 when they began posting social media content in support of Palestine. According to James, they subsequently received berating, insulting, and physically threatening social media messages as a result thereof. In an alleged effort to dissuade the individuals behind these messages from engaging with James or causing them any physical harm, James posted public messages including one stating:

Zionists in my dm wanting to meet up and fight lol. I don't fight to injure or for there to be a "winner" / "loser." I fight to k***[.] See yall in New York [] January 2024 [].

In response to alleged complaints regarding James' posts, Columbia's Center for Student Success and Intervention ("CSSI"), the office responsible for administering academic and behavioral discipline, scheduled a virtual meeting with James on January 9, 2024. Without Columbia's knowledge or consent, James livestreamed the CSSI meeting, at which James compared Zionists to Nazis and stated, [among other things], that "the world is better without them." After the meeting with CSSI, James continued the livestream and told their online audience to "be grateful" that he was not "murdering Zionists."

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Open Thread

Sorry for the late post: Our auto-posting for some reason glitched out today, so I'm posting this manually.

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Elections

Requesting Absentee Ballots with Fictitious Names = Crime, Even if Ballots Are to Be Sent to Legislator for "Whistleblowing"

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From State v. Zapata, decided May 12, by Wisconsin Court of Appeals Judge Sara Geenen, joined by Chief Judge Joseph Donald and Judge Pedro Colón (for more on the specific whistleblower argument, see this Courthouse News Service article [Destiny DeVooght]):

[T]he State charged {the Deputy Director of the City of Milwaukee Election Commission, Kimberly D. Zapata} with misconduct in public office (acting in excess of lawful authority) and three counts of making a false statement to obtain an absentee ballot….

[T]hrough the "MyVote website," [Zapata] "fabricated three individuals who did not exist, … used those fabricated names to have military voter absentee requests sent to the municipal clerks in Shorewood, South Milwaukee, and Menomonee Falls," and then "had the absentee ballots sent to" the state legislator. Zapata wanted to "make a point that there is fraud in existence" and have the legislator "focus" on "actual true fraud[.]" {Per the trial testimony, the MyVote website is a public-facing voter portal available in Wisconsin, wherein voters can request an absentee ballot, view their voting records and registration information, look up their polling place, and view a sample ballot.} Zapata acknowledged using her work laptop and accessing a "voter registration database" that is "only available to the municipality employees" in order to obtain the legislator's address….

Prior to the fall 2022 election, Zapata became concerned about the process for requesting military absentee ballots. Because a person requesting a military absentee ballot on the MyVote website did not need to provide photo identification or be registered to vote to make the request, Zapata felt that the process was susceptible to fraud. Zapata raised this concern with her supervisor and with the Wisconsin Elections Commission, to no avail.

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Free Speech

Trump's Libel Lawsuit Against N.Y. Times and Penguin Random House Can Proceed in Florida, Rather Than N.Y.

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From Judge Steven Merryday (M.D. Fla.) today in Trump v. N.Y. Times Co. (for the Complaint in the underlying case, which involves various statements about Trump's early life and business career, see here):

A public figure, perhaps the world's most prominent public figure, whose actions and remarks routinely generate immediate global news coverage, sues a newspaper, perhaps the world's most prominent English-language newspaper, along with the world's largest trade book publisher and three authors. The plaintiff initiates in the Middle District of Florida an action for defamation arising from two articles and a book, researched, written, and edited in New York but published nationwide and abroad, including in the Middle District of Florida. The plaintiff, who resides in the Southern District of Florida but maintains a business presence in the Middle District of Florida, alleges that publication of the allegedly defamatory statements in the Middle District of Florida caused reputational and economic injury in the Middle District of Florida.

The court concluded that the case had been permissibly filed in the Middle District of Florida:

Under 28 U.S.C. § 1391(a)(2), venue is proper in any "judicial district in which a substantial part of the events or omissions giving rise to the claim occurred." Section 1391(a)(2) "contemplates some cases in which venue will be proper in two or more districts," and "a plaintiff does not have to select the venue with the most substantial nexus to the dispute, as long as [the plaintiff] chooses a venue where a substantial part of the events giving rise to the claim occurred." …

The plaintiff claims that venue in the Middle District of Florida is proper and bases the claim on publication in the Middle District of Florida of allegedly defamatory statements {defendants distributed approximately 3,000 print copies of the allegedly defamatory articles in this district [and] … approximately 2,200 copies of the allegedly defamatory book "in or around" this district, [and] approximately 45,000 "unique online readers" in this district viewed the allegedly defamatory articles}, consequent reputational and business injuries in the Middle District of Florida, and a business presence in the Middle District of Florida. {The plaintiff is the cofounder of Trump Media & Technology Group, Corp., a media and technology company headquartered in Sarasota, Florida, and the plaintiff "was TMTG's majority shareholder at the time his claims accrued."} {To establish reputational and economic injury in this district the plaintiff alleges, "Defendants used their false and defamatory publications to disparage President Trump and impugn his reputation …. Defendants' false publications about President Trump also led directly to a precipitous decline in the stock price of TMTG, significantly injuring the President given his ownership stake."}

The defendants claim that venue in the Middle District of Florida is improper and base the claim primarily on the location of the "relevant journalistic activities" (the defendants' summary phrase), including researching, interviewing, writing, editing, and the like, almost all of which occurred in New York and the balance of which occurred in New Jersey. The defendants' claim is based on events that occurred before publication, that is, before the claim for defamation accrued. These "relevant journalistic activities" were not—either individually or cumulatively—themselves actionable as defamation (or for any other reason that appears) in Florida or New York or elsewhere.

Under Judge Tjoflat's governing logic in Jenkins Brick [the Eleventh Circuit precedent -EV], these "relevant journalistic activities" are not the events most directly, that is, most immediately and causally, connected to an actionable defamation (or, more exactly, a claim of defamation). Publication plus reputational and business damage are the events most directly connected to the alleged claim and, therefore, most determinative of a proper venue.

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Free Speech

Judge Aileen Cannon Sends Taylor Swift a Slightly Belated Wedding Present—Involving Fire, Desire, Gaslighting, and More

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To be fair, it wasn't much of a surprise, and indeed it's a present Swift was entitled to expect. An excerpt from today's decision by Judge Cannon in Marasco v. Swift:

Plaintiff, proceeding pro se, initiated this lawsuit in February 2025, alleging federal copyright infringement against Defendants Taylor Swift [and others] …. Plaintiff is the author of two books that contain various poems—Dealing with a Chronic Illness: Vestibular Neuritis ("Dealing") and Fallen from Grace ("Fallen"), which Plaintiff alleges was later renamed Songs of the Unsung—together with a standalone poem, "Noah." Plaintiff concedes her books "are not presently being marketed," and pleads specific sales figures only for Songs of the Unsung (the renamed Fallen), alleging "approximately 300 copies" sold globally.

Sprawling twelve counts, Plaintiff alleges that a variety of Defendants' songs infringe her exclusive rights in various poems. To illustrate, Count I alleges that Defendants' song "The Man" (containing the lyric "I'm so sick of running as fast as I can/Wondering if I'd get there quicker if I was a man") infringes Plaintiff's poem "Ordinary Citizen" ("I'm running behind/You say its His word against mine") because both describe a woman working in a male-dominated office environment. Count X alleges that "The Great War" ("Diesel is desire, you were playing with fire") infringes "The Fire" ("Anger fuels our desire … I'm fighting fire with fire") because both use the metaphor of "desire as fuel and fire." Similar allegations populate the remaining counts….

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A Chronological Reader's Guide To The Opinions In Trump v. Barbara

How to read nearly 200 pages of opinions by time period.

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Trump v. Barbara is very long. The entire slip opinion totals nearly two-hundred pages. However, Chief Justice Roberts's majority opinion is stunningly short for the occasion. It stretches only twenty-six pages. Justice Jackson wrote a twenty-page concurrence that largely responded to Justice Thomas's dissent. Justice Kavanaugh wrote an opinion concurring in the judgment and dissenting in part that spanned ten pages. Justice Thomas's dissent, joined by Justice Gorsuch, stretches ninety-one pages. He left no stone unturned. Justice Alito wrote a solo dissent that stretched thirty-nine pages. Finally, Justice Gorsuch rounded out the pack with a solo dissent that was (thankfully) only three pages.

Reading through the entire opinion from start to finish is a daunting experience. I completed the task over the weekend (fittingly in the City of Brotherly Love on the 250th anniversary of independence).

Perhaps the hardest part of this decision is keeping all of the threads together. The Justices discuss different parts of the case in different sections in different orders, making it hard to remember who lines up where.

Here, I will offer something of a reader's guide to the opinion in a chronological fashion the majority and dissenting opinions. I break the cases down into eight primary time periods. I will use the Section labels from the opinions, except for Part V, where the Chief didn't use any subsections.

What stands out most is how quickly Chief Justice Roberts moved through each period, and how much time Justice Thomas dwelled on each. To illustrate the trend, I measured Roberts's opinions in paragraph-length, and Thomas's in page-length. I will have much more to say about this case. This is just a teaser.

 

Period #1: The English common law before independence

Majority: II-A (4 paragraphs); V (*17-*20)

Thomas: IV-A-1 (3 pages)

Alito: I-A (2 pages)

 

Period #2: The law in America between independence and the ratification of the Constitution

Majority: II-A (3 paragraphs)

Thomas: IV-A-2 (3 pages)

 

Period #3: The law in America between the ratification of the Constitution and Dred Scott

Majority: II-B (1 paragraphs)

Thomas: I-A (4 pages); I-B (8 pages)

Alito: I-A (5 pages)

 

Period #4: Dred Scott and its aftermath

Majority: II-B (3 paragraphs)

Thomas: I-C (5 pages)

Alito: I-B (2 pages)

 

Period #5: The Civil Rights Act of 1866

Majority: II-C (4 paragraphs); V (*20, *23-24) (3 paragraphs)

Thomas: I-D-1 (3 pages)

Alito: II-A (2 pages)

 

Period #6: The adoption and ratification of Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment

Majority: III (10 paragraphs); V (*20-*21) (2 paragraphs)

Thomas: I-D-2 (5 pages); III-A (7 pages)

Alito: II-B (9 pages)

 

Period #7: Understanding of Citizenship Clause from 1868 to Wong Kim Ark

Majority: IV-A (4 paragraphs); V (*21-22) (2 paragraphs)

Thomas: I-E-1, I-E-2 (10 pages); III-B (4 pages)

Alito - III (2 pages)

 

Period #8: Wong Kim Ark

Majority: IV-B (6 paragraphs); V (*24-*25) (1 paragraph)

Thomas: I-E-3, I-E-4 (7 pages); IV-A-3 (4 pages)

Alito - III (6 pages)

Free Speech

Libel Lawsuit Over ICE Mass Hysterectomies Claim Thrown Out

The court concluded that the particular broadcast in this case didn't name or otherwise sufficiently identify the plaintiff (Dr. Mahendra Amin), and thus wasn't "of and concerning" him for libel law purposes.

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From Georgia Court of Appeals Judge Gobeil in Thursday's Sinclair, Inc. v. Amin; note that the other two panel members concurred only in the judgment.

Appellee Mahendra Amin, M. D., sued appellant Sinclair, Inc. d/b/a Sinclair Broadcast Group ("Sinclair") and Dawn Wooten for defamation after Sinclair aired a broadcast in which journalist Sharyl Attkisson interviewed Wooten about conditions at a detention center in Irwin County….

"[V]iewing the pleadings and affidavits submitted by the parties in the light most favorable to the plaintiff (as the non-moving party)" …, the record shows the following. On March 5, 2023, an episode of a television news program, "Full Measure with Sharyl Attkisson," was broadcast on Sinclair television stations. In that episode, Attkisson interviewed Wooten, a nurse who worked at the the Irwin County Detention Center ("ICDC"), who claimed that in 2020, female detainees at the facility reported undergoing "mysterious surgical procedures" that "they did not fully understand." After Wooten's initial inquiries went unanswered, Wooten worked with a whistleblower group to file complaints with various federal agencies. Wooten claimed that a number of sterilization procedures, including hysterectomies, ovary removal, and tubal ligation, were being performed on ICDC women in the custody of United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement ("ICE") without their knowledge or consent.

The episode also discussed eugenics and recounted forced sterilization procedures (throughout history) that were performed on various groups of women without their full or informed consent. In addition, the broadcast quoted language from a 2022 Senate committee report, entitled "Medical Mistreatment of Women in ICE Detention," with Attkisson stating: "A Senate committee in November concluded that 'female detainees [at the Irwin County Detention Facility] appear to have undergone excessive, invasive, and often unnecessary gynecological procedures.'"

Dr. Amin subsequently filed a complaint for defamation against Sinclair and Wooten, alleging that the broadcast was "of and concerning" him and contained false statements that accused him of performing mass hysterectomies on immigrant women housed at the ICDC that were not medically necessary and were performed without their knowledge or consent. He characterized the broadcast's statements as "convey[ing] to the average viewer that Dr. Amin was an evil doctor seeking to carry out a sterilization campaign on immigrant women detained at ICDC." Specifically, Amin challenged the following statements from the broadcast:

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Free Speech

Man Sues Alleging Brother-in-Law's Autobiography Book Jacket Summary "Whitewashes [Author's] Life Story"

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From Wizmann v. Simon & Schuster, LLC, decided Thursday by the California Court of Appeal Justice Stephen Goorvitch, joined by Justices Victoria Chavez and Anne Richardson:

Forefront Books published "Dreams Don't Die: The Story of a Man on a Mission to Inspire a Generation of Dreamers" …, the memoir of prominent real estate developer Izek Shomof …. Simon & Schuster distributed the book.

Over the course of his career, Shomof has been involved in many high-profile real estate projects in Los Angeles, including redeveloping several historic hotels and attempting to build an ambitious housing support center. These projects have generated consistent media attention and occasional controversy.

The inside flap of the book's dust jacket states, as relevant here, that "[i]t is the memoir of a man who had every opportunity to take unethical and often-illegal shortcuts but who instead chose the lesser-trod path of honesty and integrity" (the synopsis). The synopsis was also included in various promotional materials, including material published on respondents' websites….

Wizmann [Shomof's brother-in-law] sued respondents for violating the Unfair Competition Law (UCL) … and the False Advertising Law (FAL) …. Wizmann alleged that, by stating that Shomof "chose the lesser-trod path of honesty and integrity[,]" the synopsis falsely led consumers to believe that he is a "scrupulous[,]" "honest[,] [and] law-abiding businessman[,]" even though Shomof had been charged with three counts of felony receipt of stolen property … in the 1980s.

Wizmann sought monetary damages, civil penalties, and an injunction ordering respondents to (1) replace the dust jackets of "all copies of the [b]ook currently in circulation" and (2) delete the offending sentence from their websites….

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Soccer

Balogun's World Cup Red Card Is Suspended -- Justly

I've seen some carping about the process. But getting to the right result is the ultimate goal.

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(Yes: This is another post touching not only on legal issues but also on soccer. If you are one of the unfortunate few missing out on the "beautiful game" during the World Cup, you can just skip this post.)

Last week, I blogged about the straight red card suspension given to the "striker" (attacker) on the U.S. Men's National Team (USMNT), Folarin Balogun. I took the view that the red card for stepping on the ankle of his Bosnian opponent was incorrect—primarily because the simple act of leaping in a legitimate attempt to win the ball could not be viewed as reckless behavior endangering an opponent, even if Balogun ended up accidentally landing on the opponent's ankle. Ordinarily a red card in one game leads to an automatic suspension in the following game. In my previous post, I noted that (as described by various commentators), there was no possibility to "appeal" the apparently incorrect red card decision. I therefore assumed that Balogun would automatically miss the USMNT's next game against Belgium.

Early on Sunday, however, FIFA surprised me and most other observers by "suspending" the implementation of Balogun's suspension. As a result, Balogun will now likely take the field today with his USMNT teammates. Belgium's coach was furious, saying at a press conference Sunday morning: "I didn't know that at the World Cup, the 5th of July is actually the first of April—it's April Fools' [Day]."

Other criticism of the decision has centered around President Trump's lobbying for the U.S. team. Astute American soccer commentator Mark Ogden has argued that that FIFA's decision has hints of "the U.S. benefiting from special privileges. There is a process that appears to have been thrown in the bin for an outcome that suits the co-hosts."

I support FIFA's decision. I will concede my bias. The USMNT is my favorite sports team. I'm typing this post in a USMNT jersey (#15 Kyle Beckman, the standout defender from my home state of Utah who played for the U.S. during the 2014 World Cup.) But my reaction to FIFA's decision—and to the U.S. lobbying effort—focuses primarily on the outcome. To me, the central fact about FIFA's decision is that it is substantively correct. American fans—and soccer fans around the world—should get to watch a full-strength American squad battle Belgium today, rather than having Balogun sit because of his accidentally misplaced foot as he landed in a game last week. Because the parallels between soccer and the legal process are interesting, I write this blog post explaining my view.

To be clear, I don't claim specialized expertise in soccer's disciplinary rules. But I do claim some expertise, as a lawyer and a previous trial court judge, in applying legal provisions to factual situations. So let's follow the standard legal approach (hat tip to Justice Scalia) of turning first to the relevant text.

The basis for FIFA's suspension of the suspension is Article 27 of the FIFA Disciplinary Code. Entitled "suspension of implementation of disciplinary measures," Article 27 provides:

The judicial body may decide to fully or partially suspend the implementation of a disciplinary measure. By suspending the implementation of the sanction, the judicial body subjects the person sanctioned to a probationary period of one to four years. If the person benefiting from a suspended sanction commits another infringement of a similar nature and gravity during the probationary period, the suspension shall be revoked by the judicial body and the sanction enforced without prejudice to any additional sanction imposed for the new infringement. Disciplinary measures relating to match manipulation cannot be suspended.

Applying this rule to Balogun's situation, FIFA concluded that it is more just to allow Balogun to play in Monday's game than to suspend him. As someone who teaches criminal law, my mind immediately races to a criminal law analogy to describe what is happening. Essentially Balogun has been placed on probation for one year—and if he commits a similar offense ("another infringement of a similar nature"), then he has to serve the one-game suspension at that time.

The Royal Belgian Football Association responded to the suspension of the suspension by citing another provision in the same FIFA rules, Rule 66.4.  This Rule provides:

A sending-off automatically incurs suspension from the subsequent match. The FIFA judicial bodies may impose additional match suspensions and other disciplinary measures.

The Belgian argument highlights the word "automatically", taking the position that Rule 66.4 prevents FIFA from using Rule 27 to suspend the suspension.

As a lawyer, two problems immediately spring to mind about the Belgian argument. The first is what American lawyers would commonly describe as the "standing" problem—that is, does the claimant have a right to advance a legal argument? In the U.S., the law surrounding "standing" is well developed, if complex. In general, as well summarized by my co-blogger, Eugene Kontorovich, standing restricts the universe of persons who are entitled to challenge a (government) decision. Without diving into all the details of the doctrine, the essential question is what right does the claimant have to complain?

Applied to the Balogun situation, the question becomes what right does Belgium have to complain about FIFA's review of the consequences of a foul in the game against Bosnia? The USMNT coach, Mauricio Pochettino, alluded to this issue in his comments yesterday:

For me, there isn't much debate here, though I do understand Belgium's perspective and Rudi's [the Belgian coach's] point of view. I understand why people conflate issues—people always do, because there's often an agenda to mix things up—but in this case, I don't think it's right.

If anyone was harmed in this whole situation, it was the United States. Can anyone justify the idea that we weren't punished? I mean, playing 30 or 35 minutes a man down in a World Cup knockout match? It's not as if we're benefiting. No, no. There's no extraordinary gain we're getting out of all this.

To be sure, Belgium would prefer that the U.S. play perhaps it most important soccer game in several decades without one of America's key players. But the Belgium team is, essentially, a bystander to the issue of what is the proper disciplinary result for a foul called during the game against Bosnia.

Perhaps one could argue that Belgium is harmed by the fact that it was practicing this week on the assumption that Balogun would be unavailable, and thus they should have "standing" to complain about FIFA's suspension of the suspension less than 48 hours before the kickoff. That seems like a bit of a stretch. But even if Belgium can argue it should be heard on issues surrounding that earlier red card, the decisive issue should be whether it is just for Balogun to be suspended for the additional game against Belgium. And that issue must ultimately be assessed against the backdrop of whether the initial red card was proper.

In my earlier post, I explained why the decision was incorrect. And I pointed out that many knowledgeable, neutral, and expert commentators agreed— including former Premier League referee Mark Clattenburg here and former Select Group referee Andy Davis here.

USMNT coach Pochettino nicely described the central point about whether the red card was just:

My reaction is everyone who really loves the sport and trusts the integrity, we celebrate that decision [to allow Balogun to play]. We were punished enough against Bosnia to play with 10 men for 30 minutes, in a decision that was unfair. It's not because I'm the head coach of the USA…. I think 99.9% of people agree it was an unfair red card.

The decision [to suspend the suspension] is fair because it was never a red-card offense. Call [the red card] a mistake—whatever you want to call it—but there was an error, and the resulting sanction was excessive, especially for an action that was unintentional. Everyone—99.9% of the football community—has said it was an unfair punishment.

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In Philadelphia For The Fourth Of July

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My family spent the Fourth of July in Philadelphia. This was a last-minute decision, but it was the right one. Much to my surprise, decent mileage tickets were available only a few days in advance, and there were plenty of hotel rooms available for points. Indeed, even with a World Cup game on Saturday, the city still had plenty of capacity. (It would have been poetic if the United States faced off against England on the Fourth of July.)

I had not been to Independence Hall and the Liberty Bell in more than a decade, and this would have been the first time doing so with my kids. Alas, the circumstances did not allow. It was over 100 degrees and the lines were never-ending. Also, Independence Hall did not permit any water past security. This was not going to work for youngins. In the morning, the line wrapped around the block. At 3:00 p.m., the line for Independence Hall was still nearly two hours long, so I did it solo.  Still, I have to think of our forefathers who toiled in that same heat, with the windows drawn at Independence Hall. We have little to complain about. Indeed, every time I visit Independence Hall, I marvel at how small the room is. The famous painting by John Trumbull was not intended to be an accurate depiction. There was barely enough space to fit 50-odd chairs.

We did spend some quality time at the National Constitution Center, which was (thankfully) air conditioned. They had free admission, and lots of activities for kids. We also took a walk to Betsy Ross's house, which I had not visited since I was a little kid. There was a kind actress playing the role of Betsy Ross. She demonstrated how Ross was able to make a five-pointed star by folding paper and making a single cut. It was very kid-friendly. Still, I didn't know that there is no actual documentary evidence that Ross made the first American flag in June 1776. ndeed, we don't even know if Washington ever actually visited Ross's house. The best evidence we have are stories that Ross and her family told years later. I The story is more complex than I remembered.

We also visited the National Museum of American Jewish History, which I had not been to before. I've read that Jewish museums throughout the world have had low attendance, so I made a point to patronize it. On Sunday afternoon, the museum was practically empty. I thought this museum did an excellent job telling the story of Jews in America from the 17th century to the present.

Back to Independence Hall. As I walked through the site, I thought of the litigation over the President's House, and the White House's recent critical report of the Smithsonian Institute. The report concluded:

The report identifies a broad pattern: the Founders are minimized, if not entirely excluded; traditional patriotic narratives are treated with suspicion, if not outright contempt; and the basic symbols and stories that once helped unify Americans are presented not as reasons for gratitude and inspiration, but as objects to be inherently questioned, dismantled, "problematized,"17 and reinterpreted to achieve ideological ends.

I could not agree more.

Let me give you two examples. At Independence Hall, the rangers handed out maps that highlighted different locations around town. Each location had a short blurb.

First, there was the Declaration House:

In 1776 Thomas Jefferson, accompanied by enslaved valet Robert Hemmings, rented two rooms on the second floor. Jefferson drafted the Declaration of Independence here. The house was rebuilt in 1975.

Why is it necessary here to mention that Jefferson was accompanied by Hemmings? Jefferson wrote what might be the most important document in world history, and that fact comes after who accompanied him. That fact is irrelevant and only serves to diminish Jefferson. And to what end? Everyone knows Jefferson owned slaves. It gets worse.

Second, there was the President's House Site:

George Washington and John Adams created the office of president while living and working at this site. Washington's large staff included at least nine enslaved Africans. Adams never owned slaves. Hired servants, possibly including enslaved African Americans, worked in the household.

Our first President lived in this House. He made countless decisions that affected the fate of the nation in this building. But all we learned is that Washington employed slaves. And John Adams, who opposed slavery, is still tainted with the charge that he possibly employed enslaved Africans. Whoever made this map was trying to advance an agenda.

I've given a lot of thought to Justice Jackson's dissent in Barbara. (Much more about that case in due course.) KBJ is so concerned about erasure. The bigger concern, in my view, is not erasure, but the deliberate distortion of American history. The Patriots who founded this country should be celebrated, not unduly denigrated. And every effort to push back against this brazen indoctrination is worthwhile.

Disability Law

No Shoes, No Service, Even if You Claim a Disability

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From Wednesday's decision by Judge Rebecca Pennell in Niederquell v. Dosanjh Enterps.:

The primary issue before the Court is whether Defendants violated Title III of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) by enforcing a footwear policy at its 7-Eleven store, despite Mr. Niederquell's protestation that he has an impairment preventing him from wearing shoes.

The Court concludes Defendants have not violated the ADA. Defendants' footwear policy is a legitimate health and safety measure that may be imposed despite Mr. Niederquell's alleged disability. Furthermore, Defendants have offered Mr. Niederquell remote purchasing options that adequately accommodate Mr. Niederquell's circumstances and afford him full and equal access to Defendants' goods….

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