The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

Trump's Libel Lawsuit Against N.Y. Times and Penguin Random House Can Proceed in Florida, Rather Than N.Y.

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From Judge Steven Merryday (M.D. Fla.) today in Trump v. N.Y. Times Co. (for the Complaint in the underlying case, which involves various statements about Trump's early life and business career, see here):

A public figure, perhaps the world's most prominent public figure, whose actions and remarks routinely generate immediate global news coverage, sues a newspaper, perhaps the world's most prominent English-language newspaper, along with the world's largest trade book publisher and three authors. The plaintiff initiates in the Middle District of Florida an action for defamation arising from two articles and a book, researched, written, and edited in New York but published nationwide and abroad, including in the Middle District of Florida. The plaintiff, who resides in the Southern District of Florida but maintains a business presence in the Middle District of Florida, alleges that publication of the allegedly defamatory statements in the Middle District of Florida caused reputational and economic injury in the Middle District of Florida.

The court concluded that the case had been permissibly filed in the Middle District of Florida:

Under 28 U.S.C. § 1391(a)(2), venue is proper in any "judicial district in which a substantial part of the events or omissions giving rise to the claim occurred." Section 1391(a)(2) "contemplates some cases in which venue will be proper in two or more districts," and "a plaintiff does not have to select the venue with the most substantial nexus to the dispute, as long as [the plaintiff] chooses a venue where a substantial part of the events giving rise to the claim occurred." …

The plaintiff claims that venue in the Middle District of Florida is proper and bases the claim on publication in the Middle District of Florida of allegedly defamatory statements {defendants distributed approximately 3,000 print copies of the allegedly defamatory articles in this district [and] … approximately 2,200 copies of the allegedly defamatory book "in or around" this district, [and] approximately 45,000 "unique online readers" in this district viewed the allegedly defamatory articles}, consequent reputational and business injuries in the Middle District of Florida, and a business presence in the Middle District of Florida. {The plaintiff is the cofounder of Trump Media & Technology Group, Corp., a media and technology company headquartered in Sarasota, Florida, and the plaintiff "was TMTG's majority shareholder at the time his claims accrued."} {To establish reputational and economic injury in this district the plaintiff alleges, "Defendants used their false and defamatory publications to disparage President Trump and impugn his reputation  Defendants' false publications about President Trump also led directly to a precipitous decline in the stock price of TMTG, significantly injuring the President given his ownership stake."}

The defendants claim that venue in the Middle District of Florida is improper and base the claim primarily on the location of the "relevant journalistic activities" (the defendants' summary phrase), including researching, interviewing, writing, editing, and the like, almost all of which occurred in New York and the balance of which occurred in New Jersey. The defendants' claim is based on events that occurred before publication, that is, before the claim for defamation accrued. These "relevant journalistic activities" were not—either individually or cumulatively—themselves actionable as defamation (or for any other reason that appears) in Florida or New York or elsewhere.

Under Judge Tjoflat's governing logic in Jenkins Brick [the Eleventh Circuit precedent -EV], these "relevant journalistic activities" are not the events most directly, that is, most immediately and causally, connected to an actionable defamation (or, more exactly, a claim of defamation). Publication plus reputational and business damage are the events most directly connected to the alleged claim and, therefore, most determinative of a proper venue.

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Free Speech

Judge Aileen Cannon Sends Taylor Swift a Slightly Belated Wedding Present—Involving Fire, Desire, Gaslighting, and More

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To be fair, it wasn't much of a surprise, and indeed it's a present Swift was entitled to expect. An excerpt from today's decision by Judge Cannon in Marasco v. Swift:

Plaintiff, proceeding pro se, initiated this lawsuit in February 2025, alleging federal copyright infringement against Defendants Taylor Swift [and others] …. Plaintiff is the author of two books that contain various poems—Dealing with a Chronic Illness: Vestibular Neuritis ("Dealing") and Fallen from Grace ("Fallen"), which Plaintiff alleges was later renamed Songs of the Unsung—together with a standalone poem, "Noah." Plaintiff concedes her books "are not presently being marketed," and pleads specific sales figures only for Songs of the Unsung (the renamed Fallen), alleging "approximately 300 copies" sold globally.

Sprawling twelve counts, Plaintiff alleges that a variety of Defendants' songs infringe her exclusive rights in various poems. To illustrate, Count I alleges that Defendants' song "The Man" (containing the lyric "I'm so sick of running as fast as I can/Wondering if I'd get there quicker if I was a man") infringes Plaintiff's poem "Ordinary Citizen" ("I'm running behind/You say its His word against mine") because both describe a woman working in a male-dominated office environment. Count X alleges that "The Great War" ("Diesel is desire, you were playing with fire") infringes "The Fire" ("Anger fuels our desire … I'm fighting fire with fire") because both use the metaphor of "desire as fuel and fire." Similar allegations populate the remaining counts….

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A Chronological Reader's Guide To The Opinions In Trump v. Barbara

How to read nearly 200 pages of opinions by time period.

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Trump v. Barbara is very long. The entire slip opinion totals nearly two-hundred pages. However, Chief Justice Roberts's majority opinion is stunningly short for the occasion. It stretches only twenty-six pages. Justice Jackson wrote a twenty-page concurrence that largely responded to Justice Thomas's dissent. Justice Kavanaugh wrote an opinion concurring in the judgment and dissenting in part that spanned ten pages. Justice Thomas's dissent, joined by Justice Gorsuch, stretches ninety-one pages. He left no stone unturned. Justice Alito wrote a solo dissent that stretched thirty-nine pages. Finally, Justice Gorsuch rounded out the pack with a solo dissent that was (thankfully) only three pages.

Reading through the entire opinion from start to finish is a daunting experience. I completed the task over the weekend (fittingly in the City of Brotherly Love on the 250th anniversary of independence).

Perhaps the hardest part of this decision is keeping all of the threads together. The Justices discuss different parts of the case in different sections in different orders, making it hard to remember who lines up where.

Here, I will offer something of a reader's guide to the opinion in a chronological fashion the majority and dissenting opinions. I break the cases down into eight primary time periods. I will use the Section labels from the opinions, except for Part V, where the Chief didn't use any subsections.

What stands out most is how quickly Chief Justice Roberts moved through each period, and how much time Justice Thomas dwelled on each. To illustrate the trend, I measured Roberts's opinions in paragraph-length, and Thomas's in page-length. I will have much more to say about this case. This is just a teaser.

 

Period #1: The English common law before independence

Majority: II-A (4 paragraphs); V (*17-*20)

Thomas: IV-A-1 (3 pages)

Alito: I-A (2 pages)

 

Period #2: The law in America between independence and the ratification of the Constitution

Majority: II-A (3 paragraphs)

Thomas: IV-A-2 (3 pages)

 

Period #3: The law in America between the ratification of the Constitution and Dred Scott

Majority: II-B (1 paragraphs)

Thomas: I-A (4 pages); I-B (8 pages)

Alito: I-A (5 pages)

 

Period #4: Dred Scott and its aftermath

Majority: II-B (3 paragraphs)

Thomas: I-C (5 pages)

Alito: I-B (2 pages)

 

Period #5: The Civil Rights Act of 1866

Majority: II-C (4 paragraphs); V (*20, *23-24) (3 paragraphs)

Thomas: I-D-1 (3 pages)

Alito: II-A (2 pages)

 

Period #6: The adoption and ratification of Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment

Majority: III (10 paragraphs); V (*20-*21) (2 paragraphs)

Thomas: I-D-2 (5 pages); III-A (7 pages)

Alito: II-B (9 pages)

 

Period #7: Understanding of Citizenship Clause from 1868 to Wong Kim Ark

Majority: IV-A (4 paragraphs); V (*21-22) (2 paragraphs)

Thomas: I-E-1, I-E-2 (10 pages); III-B (4 pages)

Alito - III (2 pages)

 

Period #8: Wong Kim Ark

Majority: IV-B (6 paragraphs); V (*24-*25) (1 paragraph)

Thomas: I-E-3, I-E-4 (7 pages); IV-A-3 (4 pages)

Alito - III (6 pages)

Free Speech

Libel Lawsuit Over ICE Mass Hysterectomies Claim Thrown Out

The court concluded that the particular broadcast in this case didn't name or otherwise sufficiently identify the plaintiff (Dr. Mahendra Amin), and thus wasn't "of and concerning" him for libel law purposes.

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From Georgia Court of Appeals Judge Gobeil in Thursday's Sinclair, Inc. v. Amin; note that the other two panel members concurred only in the judgment.

Appellee Mahendra Amin, M. D., sued appellant Sinclair, Inc. d/b/a Sinclair Broadcast Group ("Sinclair") and Dawn Wooten for defamation after Sinclair aired a broadcast in which journalist Sharyl Attkisson interviewed Wooten about conditions at a detention center in Irwin County….

"[V]iewing the pleadings and affidavits submitted by the parties in the light most favorable to the plaintiff (as the non-moving party)" …, the record shows the following. On March 5, 2023, an episode of a television news program, "Full Measure with Sharyl Attkisson," was broadcast on Sinclair television stations. In that episode, Attkisson interviewed Wooten, a nurse who worked at the the Irwin County Detention Center ("ICDC"), who claimed that in 2020, female detainees at the facility reported undergoing "mysterious surgical procedures" that "they did not fully understand." After Wooten's initial inquiries went unanswered, Wooten worked with a whistleblower group to file complaints with various federal agencies. Wooten claimed that a number of sterilization procedures, including hysterectomies, ovary removal, and tubal ligation, were being performed on ICDC women in the custody of United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement ("ICE") without their knowledge or consent.

The episode also discussed eugenics and recounted forced sterilization procedures (throughout history) that were performed on various groups of women without their full or informed consent. In addition, the broadcast quoted language from a 2022 Senate committee report, entitled "Medical Mistreatment of Women in ICE Detention," with Attkisson stating: "A Senate committee in November concluded that 'female detainees [at the Irwin County Detention Facility] appear to have undergone excessive, invasive, and often unnecessary gynecological procedures.'"

Dr. Amin subsequently filed a complaint for defamation against Sinclair and Wooten, alleging that the broadcast was "of and concerning" him and contained false statements that accused him of performing mass hysterectomies on immigrant women housed at the ICDC that were not medically necessary and were performed without their knowledge or consent. He characterized the broadcast's statements as "convey[ing] to the average viewer that Dr. Amin was an evil doctor seeking to carry out a sterilization campaign on immigrant women detained at ICDC." Specifically, Amin challenged the following statements from the broadcast:

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Free Speech

Man Sues Alleging Brother-in-Law's Autobiography Book Jacket Summary "Whitewashes [Author's] Life Story"

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From Wizmann v. Simon & Schuster, LLC, decided Thursday by the California Court of Appeal Justice Stephen Goorvitch, joined by Justices Victoria Chavez and Anne Richardson:

Forefront Books published "Dreams Don't Die: The Story of a Man on a Mission to Inspire a Generation of Dreamers" …, the memoir of prominent real estate developer Izek Shomof …. Simon & Schuster distributed the book.

Over the course of his career, Shomof has been involved in many high-profile real estate projects in Los Angeles, including redeveloping several historic hotels and attempting to build an ambitious housing support center. These projects have generated consistent media attention and occasional controversy.

The inside flap of the book's dust jacket states, as relevant here, that "[i]t is the memoir of a man who had every opportunity to take unethical and often-illegal shortcuts but who instead chose the lesser-trod path of honesty and integrity" (the synopsis). The synopsis was also included in various promotional materials, including material published on respondents' websites….

Wizmann [Shomof's brother-in-law] sued respondents for violating the Unfair Competition Law (UCL) … and the False Advertising Law (FAL) …. Wizmann alleged that, by stating that Shomof "chose the lesser-trod path of honesty and integrity[,]" the synopsis falsely led consumers to believe that he is a "scrupulous[,]" "honest[,] [and] law-abiding businessman[,]" even though Shomof had been charged with three counts of felony receipt of stolen property … in the 1980s.

Wizmann sought monetary damages, civil penalties, and an injunction ordering respondents to (1) replace the dust jackets of "all copies of the [b]ook currently in circulation" and (2) delete the offending sentence from their websites….

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Soccer

Balogun's World Cup Red Card Is Suspended -- Justly

I've seen some carping about the process. But getting to the right result is the ultimate goal.

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(Yes: This is another post touching not only on legal issues but also on soccer. If you are one of the unfortunate few missing out on the "beautiful game" during the World Cup, you can just skip this post.)

Last week, I blogged about the straight red card suspension given to the "striker" (attacker) on the U.S. Men's National Team (USMNT), Folarin Balogun. I took the view that the red card for stepping on the ankle of his Bosnian opponent was incorrect—primarily because the simple act of leaping in a legitimate attempt to win the ball could not be viewed as reckless behavior endangering an opponent, even if Balogun ended up accidentally landing on the opponent's ankle. Ordinarily a red card in one game leads to an automatic suspension in the following game. In my previous post, I noted that (as described by various commentators), there was no possibility to "appeal" the apparently incorrect red card decision. I therefore assumed that Balogun would automatically miss the USMNT's next game against Belgium.

Early on Sunday, however, FIFA surprised me and most other observers by "suspending" the implementation of Balogun's suspension. As a result, Balogun will now likely take the field today with his USMNT teammates. Belgium's coach was furious, saying at a press conference Sunday morning: "I didn't know that at the World Cup, the 5th of July is actually the first of April—it's April Fools' [Day]."

Other criticism of the decision has centered around President Trump's lobbying for the U.S. team. Astute American soccer commentator Mark Ogden has argued that that FIFA's decision has hints of "the U.S. benefiting from special privileges. There is a process that appears to have been thrown in the bin for an outcome that suits the co-hosts."

I support FIFA's decision. I will concede my bias. The USMNT is my favorite sports team. I'm typing this post in a USMNT jersey (#15 Kyle Beckman, the standout defender from my home state of Utah who played for the U.S. during the 2014 World Cup.) But my reaction to FIFA's decision—and to the U.S. lobbying effort—focuses primarily on the outcome. To me, the central fact about FIFA's decision is that it is substantively correct. American fans—and soccer fans around the world—should get to watch a full-strength American squad battle Belgium today, rather than having Balogun sit because of his accidentally misplaced foot as he landed in a game last week. Because the parallels between soccer and the legal process are interesting, I write this blog post explaining my view.

To be clear, I don't claim specialized expertise in soccer's disciplinary rules. But I do claim some expertise, as a lawyer and a previous trial court judge, in applying legal provisions to factual situations. So let's follow the standard legal approach (hat tip to Justice Scalia) of turning first to the relevant text.

The basis for FIFA's suspension of the suspension is Article 27 of the FIFA Disciplinary Code. Entitled "suspension of implementation of disciplinary measures," Article 27 provides:

The judicial body may decide to fully or partially suspend the implementation of a disciplinary measure. By suspending the implementation of the sanction, the judicial body subjects the person sanctioned to a probationary period of one to four years. If the person benefiting from a suspended sanction commits another infringement of a similar nature and gravity during the probationary period, the suspension shall be revoked by the judicial body and the sanction enforced without prejudice to any additional sanction imposed for the new infringement. Disciplinary measures relating to match manipulation cannot be suspended.

Applying this rule to Balogun's situation, FIFA concluded that it is more just to allow Balogun to play in Monday's game than to suspend him. As someone who teaches criminal law, my mind immediately races to a criminal law analogy to describe what is happening. Essentially Balogun has been placed on probation for one year—and if he commits a similar offense ("another infringement of a similar nature"), then he has to serve the one-game suspension at that time.

The Royal Belgian Football Association responded to the suspension of the suspension by citing another provision in the same FIFA rules, Rule 66.4.  This Rule provides:

A sending-off automatically incurs suspension from the subsequent match. The FIFA judicial bodies may impose additional match suspensions and other disciplinary measures.

The Belgian argument highlights the word "automatically", taking the position that Rule 66.4 prevents FIFA from using Rule 27 to suspend the suspension.

As a lawyer, two problems immediately spring to mind about the Belgian argument. The first is what American lawyers would commonly describe as the "standing" problem—that is, does the claimant have a right to advance a legal argument? In the U.S., the law surrounding "standing" is well developed, if complex. In general, as well summarized by my co-blogger, Eugene Kontorovich, standing restricts the universe of persons who are entitled to challenge a (government) decision. Without diving into all the details of the doctrine, the essential question is what right does the claimant have to complain?

Applied to the Balogun situation, the question becomes what right does Belgium have to complain about FIFA's review of the consequences of a foul in the game against Bosnia? The USMNT coach, Mauricio Pochettino, alluded to this issue in his comments yesterday:

For me, there isn't much debate here, though I do understand Belgium's perspective and Rudi's [the Belgian coach's] point of view. I understand why people conflate issues—people always do, because there's often an agenda to mix things up—but in this case, I don't think it's right.

If anyone was harmed in this whole situation, it was the United States. Can anyone justify the idea that we weren't punished? I mean, playing 30 or 35 minutes a man down in a World Cup knockout match? It's not as if we're benefiting. No, no. There's no extraordinary gain we're getting out of all this.

To be sure, Belgium would prefer that the U.S. play perhaps it most important soccer game in several decades without one of America's key players. But the Belgium team is, essentially, a bystander to the issue of what is the proper disciplinary result for a foul called during the game against Bosnia.

Perhaps one could argue that Belgium is harmed by the fact that it was practicing this week on the assumption that Balogun would be unavailable, and thus they should have "standing" to complain about FIFA's suspension of the suspension less than 48 hours before the kickoff. That seems like a bit of a stretch. But even if Belgium can argue it should be heard on issues surrounding that earlier red card, the decisive issue should be whether it is just for Balogun to be suspended for the additional game against Belgium. And that issue must ultimately be assessed against the backdrop of whether the initial red card was proper.

In my earlier post, I explained why the decision was incorrect. And I pointed out that many knowledgeable, neutral, and expert commentators agreed— including former Premier League referee Mark Clattenburg here and former Select Group referee Andy Davis here.

USMNT coach Pochettino nicely described the central point about whether the red card was just:

My reaction is everyone who really loves the sport and trusts the integrity, we celebrate that decision [to allow Balogun to play]. We were punished enough against Bosnia to play with 10 men for 30 minutes, in a decision that was unfair. It's not because I'm the head coach of the USA…. I think 99.9% of people agree it was an unfair red card.

The decision [to suspend the suspension] is fair because it was never a red-card offense. Call [the red card] a mistake—whatever you want to call it—but there was an error, and the resulting sanction was excessive, especially for an action that was unintentional. Everyone—99.9% of the football community—has said it was an unfair punishment.

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In Philadelphia For The Fourth Of July

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My family spent the Fourth of July in Philadelphia. This was a last-minute decision, but it was the right one. Much to my surprise, decent mileage tickets were available only a few days in advance, and there were plenty of hotel rooms available for points. Indeed, even with a World Cup game on Saturday, the city still had plenty of capacity. (It would have been poetic if the United States faced off against England on the Fourth of July.)

I had not been to Independence Hall and the Liberty Bell in more than a decade, and this would have been the first time doing so with my kids. Alas, the circumstances did not allow. It was over 100 degrees and the lines were never-ending. Also, Independence Hall did not permit any water past security. This was not going to work for youngins. In the morning, the line wrapped around the block. At 3:00 p.m., the line for Independence Hall was still nearly two hours long, so I did it solo.  Still, I have to think of our forefathers who toiled in that same heat, with the windows drawn at Independence Hall. We have little to complain about. Indeed, every time I visit Independence Hall, I marvel at how small the room is. The famous painting by John Trumbull was not intended to be an accurate depiction. There was barely enough space to fit 50-odd chairs.

We did spend some quality time at the National Constitution Center, which was (thankfully) air conditioned. They had free admission, and lots of activities for kids. We also took a walk to Betsy Ross's house, which I had not visited since I was a little kid. There was a kind actress playing the role of Betsy Ross. She demonstrated how Ross was able to make a five-pointed star by folding paper and making a single cut. It was very kid-friendly. Still, I didn't know that there is no actual documentary evidence that Ross made the first American flag in June 1776. ndeed, we don't even know if Washington ever actually visited Ross's house. The best evidence we have are stories that Ross and her family told years later. I The story is more complex than I remembered.

We also visited the National Museum of American Jewish History, which I had not been to before. I've read that Jewish museums throughout the world have had low attendance, so I made a point to patronize it. On Sunday afternoon, the museum was practically empty. I thought this museum did an excellent job telling the story of Jews in America from the 17th century to the present.

Back to Independence Hall. As I walked through the site, I thought of the litigation over the President's House, and the White House's recent critical report of the Smithsonian Institute. The report concluded:

The report identifies a broad pattern: the Founders are minimized, if not entirely excluded; traditional patriotic narratives are treated with suspicion, if not outright contempt; and the basic symbols and stories that once helped unify Americans are presented not as reasons for gratitude and inspiration, but as objects to be inherently questioned, dismantled, "problematized,"17 and reinterpreted to achieve ideological ends.

I could not agree more.

Let me give you two examples. At Independence Hall, the rangers handed out maps that highlighted different locations around town. Each location had a short blurb.

First, there was the Declaration House:

In 1776 Thomas Jefferson, accompanied by enslaved valet Robert Hemmings, rented two rooms on the second floor. Jefferson drafted the Declaration of Independence here. The house was rebuilt in 1975.

Why is it necessary here to mention that Jefferson was accompanied by Hemmings? Jefferson wrote what might be the most important document in world history, and that fact comes after who accompanied him. That fact is irrelevant and only serves to diminish Jefferson. And to what end? Everyone knows Jefferson owned slaves. It gets worse.

Second, there was the President's House Site:

George Washington and John Adams created the office of president while living and working at this site. Washington's large staff included at least nine enslaved Africans. Adams never owned slaves. Hired servants, possibly including enslaved African Americans, worked in the household.

Our first President lived in this House. He made countless decisions that affected the fate of the nation in this building. But all we learned is that Washington employed slaves. And John Adams, who opposed slavery, is still tainted with the charge that he possibly employed enslaved Africans. Whoever made this map was trying to advance an agenda.

I've given a lot of thought to Justice Jackson's dissent in Barbara. (Much more about that case in due course.) KBJ is so concerned about erasure. The bigger concern, in my view, is not erasure, but the deliberate distortion of American history. The Patriots who founded this country should be celebrated, not unduly denigrated. And every effort to push back against this brazen indoctrination is worthwhile.

Disability Law

No Shoes, No Service, Even if You Claim a Disability

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From Wednesday's decision by Judge Rebecca Pennell in Niederquell v. Dosanjh Enterps.:

The primary issue before the Court is whether Defendants violated Title III of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) by enforcing a footwear policy at its 7-Eleven store, despite Mr. Niederquell's protestation that he has an impairment preventing him from wearing shoes.

The Court concludes Defendants have not violated the ADA. Defendants' footwear policy is a legitimate health and safety measure that may be imposed despite Mr. Niederquell's alleged disability. Furthermore, Defendants have offered Mr. Niederquell remote purchasing options that adequately accommodate Mr. Niederquell's circumstances and afford him full and equal access to Defendants' goods….

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American Revolution

Writings on the Declaration of Independence and the Meaning of the American Revolution

Links to some of my previous writings on these topics, which remain relevant on the 250th anniversary of the Declaration.

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The Declaration of Independence. (National Archives.)

 

Today is the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.

Over the years, I have written various posts and articles on the American Revolution and the ideals of the Declaration of Independence and the American Founding. Some have obvious continuing relevance to such issues as identity politics, nationalism, immigration, the role of slavery in American history, and more. Particularly relevant, given recent political developments, are the various pieces on the liberal universalist ideals of the Founding and their opposition to ethno-nationalism.

This post is an expansion of last year's similar compendium.

I hope the links are useful, and stir reflection on the principles of the Declaration. Unless otherwise noted, all of these pieces were published as posts on the Volokh Conspiracy blog. I put them in chronological order:

"The Declaration of Independence and the Case for Non-Ethnic Secession," July 4, 2009. Why the American Revolution was different from most modern independence and secession movements.

"Frederick Douglass on Immigration," April 10, 2014. A discussion of Frederick Douglass's great 1869 speech on how American ideals require openness to immigration.

"The Declaration of Independence and the Case for a Polity Based on Universal Principles," July 4, 2017.

"The Universalist Principles of the Declaration of Independence," July 4, 2019. Why it matters that the Declaration elevates universal liberal principles over racial, ethnic, and cultural particularism.

"The Case Against the Case Against the American Revolution," July 4, 2019. A rebuttal to longstanding claims - advanced by critics on both right and left - that the Revolution did more harm than good.

"Slavery, the Declaration of Independence and Frederick Douglass' 'What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?'", July 4, 2020. Douglass's famous speech sheds light on some of America's greatest evils - but also on the great good done by the Revolution and Founding. I think Douglass's speech may be the greatest-ever Fourth of July oration.

"Juneteenth and the Universalist Principles of the American Revolution," June 19, 2021. Why there is no inconsistency in celebrating both July 4 and the abolition of slavery. Indeed, the two are mutually reinforcing.

"Immigration and the Principles of the Declaration of Independence," July 4, 2021. This piece explains why the ideals of the Declaration and the Founding require free migration rights.

"Juneteenth Celebrates a Great American Achievement," June 19, 2023. An extension of some of the key points made in my 2021 Juneteenth post, linked above.

"The Declaration of Independence Promotes Individual Liberty More than Collective Self-Determination," July 4, 2023. The "liberty" the Declaration advocates is more about individual freedom than the power of majorities to rule over the rest of society, or the power of ethnic groups to rule "their" territory.

"The Case Against Nationalism," National Affairs, Winter 2024 (with Alex Nowrasteh). This article is a more general critique of nationalism. But it includes a section explaining why nationalism is inimical to the ideals of the Declaration and the Founding.

"Trump vs. the Declaration of Independence," July 4, 2025. Several items on the Declaration of Independence list of grievances against George III also apply to Trump today, most notably on immigration, trade, and deportation without due process. Like King George, he is "unfit to be the ruler of a free people."

"Gordon Wood on America as a "Creedal Nation" Open to all Races and Ethnicities," Nov. 22, 2025. My analysis of a speech by the greatest historian of the American Founding discussing the universal nature of the ideals of the Founding.

"1776 All-Stars: Why George Mason Is Extremely Underrated," Reason, July 2026. My discussion of the contributions of a crucial Founding Father.

"My House Judiciary Subcommittee Testimony Against the "Preserving a Sharia-Free America Act," Feb. 9, 2026. Summary of my testimony before the US House of Representatives Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited Government, explaining why discrimination against immigrants based on their speech and religion is unconstitutional and contrary to the ideals of the Founding. The testimony itself is available here.

Free Speech

Court Rejects Professor's Claim That Discontinuation of University DEI Offices and Programs Violated Professor's Rights

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From Judge Matthew McFarland (S.D. Ohio) Thursday in Rice v. Schell; the analysis seems basically correct to me:

[T]he Advance Ohio Higher Education Act ("S.B. 1") … touches upon, among other things, the discontinuation of offices and orientation programs related to diversity, equity, and inclusion ("DEI") at public universities. Miami University is one such state university that has closed certain committees, entities, and programs related to DEI — both before and after S.B. 1 became effective.

A tenured professor now seeks judicial relief to reinstate these entities and programs on constitutional and statutory grounds. This request raises several questions, including the fundamental question of who decides which committees, entities, and programs a public university should maintain. As for the limited question presented here, the record does not demonstrate that Plaintiff—an individual professor unimpeded in his classroom teaching, scholarship, research, or publications—can proceed with his claims in federal court….

The Court starts by outlining what is at issue in this case and—perhaps just as importantly—what is not at issue. This is not a case involving allegations that the government is compelling particular speech. This is not a case in which a university itself brings suit to enjoin a law on institutional autonomy grounds or otherwise. This is not a case in which students allege constitutional violations. This is not a case in which a plaintiff has been threatened with disciplinary action for certain speech. This is not a case involving abridgment of a professor's speech in the classroom or on the campus green. Rather, this dispute centers around a professor who brings suit to enjoin a university to reestablish certain committees, programming, and events.

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