The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Guns

Third Circuit Rejects Facial Challenge to Ban on Nonimmigrant Aliens' Gun Possession

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Some excerpts from U.S. v. Aleman-Lozano, decided yesterday by Third Circuit Judge Patty Shwartz, joined by Judges Theodore McKee:

Aleman-Lozano is a native and citizen of El Salvador. He entered the United States unlawfully but, in 2017, was granted a nonimmigrant temporary visa with work authorization. Since entering the United States, he has resided with his family, attended school, and worked in Washington, D.C.

In September 2021, a Pennsylvania state trooper pulled Aleman-Lozano over for a traffic violation …. During the stop, the trooper saw a rifle cartridge on the passenger seat. As a result, the trooper obtained a search warrant and found a pistol containing a loaded sixteen-round magazine, which Aleman-Lozano told police he had purchased from an unidentified individual in Maryland. The pistol did not have a serial number….

Aleman-Lozano was prosecuted under 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(5)(B), which generally makes it illegal for aliens present under a nonimmigrant visa (with some exceptions) to possess guns, and brought a facial challenge to the constitutionality of the provision. Judges Shwartz and McKee assumed without deciding that "the people" in the Second Amendment included noncitizens who were lawfully present, but concluded that "there is historical support for the challenged restriction" based on "analogues from before and at the time of the Second Amendment's ratification":

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Free Speech

"[A]n Unopposed Grant" of Sealing "Carries Little Weight in a Contested Posture"

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From Townsend v. The Gardens at Aldersgate LLC, decided Monday by Magistrate Judge Rachel Schwartz (D. Kan.):

This is a skilled-nursing-home negligence case proceeding in federal court based on diversity jurisdiction …. In diversity cases proceeding under § 1332(a), Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 7.1(a)(2) requires every "party or intervenor [to]…file a disclosure statement[ ] [that] must name—and identify the citizenship of—every individual or entity whose citizenship is attributed to that party or intervenor[.]" On August 3, 2026, Defendants filed their unredacted Rule 7.1 disclosure statements provisionally under seal. In the present Motion, Defendants seek to maintain under seal the unredacted Rule 7.1 disclosure statements, which reveal various layers of the respective limited liability companies' ("LLC") memberships and the identities of those layers of members. Defendants request permission to file publicly only redacted versions of these documents, redacting "the names of non-party individuals, trusts, and limited liability companies whose disclosure would reveal the private ownership and financial associations of non-parties." Plaintiffs oppose the Motion on multiple grounds, including that granting the Motion "would convert a transparency rule into a sealing regime for any LLC that prefers anonymity."

The court noted the general right of access to court records, and concludes that there's no exception to it for the LLC disclosures; here's part of the analysis:

[F]ederal district courts have overwhelmingly rejected these types of generic confidentiality and privacy concerns as insufficient to justify sealing or otherwise restricting Rule 7.1 disclosure statements. [Long string citation omitted. -EV] Simply put, "[c]orporations and limited partnerships may offer individuals protection from liability, but they do not entitle individuals to anonymity in court proceedings." Here, all the individuals and entities listed in Defendants' Rule 7.1 disclosure statements elected to have an ownership interest in a skilled nursing facility and the company that manages the skilled nursing facility. It is not unusual or unforeseeable that these types of parties would be sued in diversity cases in federal court, triggering the requirement that these Defendants file Rule 7.1 disclosure statements. While there may be specific cases in which sealing would be appropriate, they would involve a far more specific set of facts pertaining to specific entities or individuals than what this Court has before it….

[R]ather than address these cases, which represent the overwhelming majority view, Defendants' Motion relies on a different case from this District that also involved Defendant MRC. In that case, the judge granted defendants' unopposed motion seeking leave to file redacted copies of Rule 7.1 disclosures. This is the only case Defendants cite in which a court allowed Rule 7.1 disclosures to be sealed in whole or in part. But as Plaintiffs persuasively argue, "[a]n unopposed grant carries little weight in a contested posture," such as here. The undersigned agrees with the majority view that Rule 7.1 disclosures should not be sealed in whole or in part based on generic privacy arguments that could apply to nearly any business that wishes to keep private those with an ownership interest….

The court also noted that

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Politics

Lion King Composer vs. Comedian Dispute Leads to ~$40K Attorney Fee Award Against Composer

Look, there's an attorney fee award. Oh my god!

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From Morake v. Mwanyenyeka, decided Friday by Judge Josephine Staton (C.D. Cal.):

Plaintiff Lebohang Morake is the creator and original performer of "Nants'ingonyama bagithi Baba," the opening chant from Disney's The Lion King. Defendant Learnmore Mwanyenyeka is a comedian and content creator.

Defendant appeared on a podcast, where he asserted that "Nants'ingonyama bagithi Baba" means "Look, there's a lion. Oh my god" in the Zulu language. The podcast was posted on YouTube and went viral. Defendant has been repeating this assertion at various comedy clubs. Plaintiff maintains that Defendant's assertion is false, and that the true translation of "Nants'ingonyama bagithi Baba" is "All hail the king, we all bow in the presence of the king."

On March 16, 2026, Plaintiff filed the instant action, bringing claims for (1) misleading representation in violation of the Lanham Act, 15 U.S.C. § 1125; (2) defamation per se; (3) trade libel; and (4) tortious interference with prospective economic advantage against Defendant, for Defendant's "mischaracterization of the true meaning of 'Nants'ingonyama bagithi Baba.'"

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Guns

Second Amendment Doesn't Protect Machineguns, Doesn't Preclude Registration Requirement for Silencers

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From Third Circuit Judge Stephanos Bibas, joined by Judges Felipe Restrepo and Cindy Chung, in yesterday's U.S. v. Berger:

Gun bans are strong medicine. But occasionally, they are just what the doctor ordered. History teaches that governments may ban weapons when they are commonly used principally for crime. Machine guns fit that mold….

The Second Amendment is not boundless…. he Second Amendment protects weapons commonly used for self-defense and other legal purposes. Conversely, "the Second Amendment does not protect those weapons not typically possessed by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes." This traditional principle "accords with the historical understanding of the scope of the right." To support the common-use principle, Heller relied on "the historical tradition of prohibiting the carrying of 'dangerous and unusual weapons.'" …

Machine guns are not in common use for lawful purposes. That means they are dangerous and unusual. They are indiscriminate weapons of war and crime, not self-defense ones. And because they can cause unusual amounts of damage, they are used mostly for criminal purposes….

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CJ Roberts and the Smithsonian Bypass Congress To Build New Latino Museum

On the same day that he accuses President Trump of bypassing Congress to build a new structure, his own entity bypasses Congress to build a new structure.

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At the same time that Chief Justice Roberts voted to halt the construction of the East Ballroom because Congress did not authorize it, the Chief Justice's other institution voted to bypass Congress to build a new museum. I'm not sure anyone else saw the connection between these two items, but that's why you read this blog.

For decades, there has been a movement to build new Smithsonian museums on the National Mall dedicated to African Americans, Latino Americans, and Women. The African American museum was built in 2016, but it somehow forgot to mention any of Clarence Thomas's accomplishments. (If only one of Thomas's colleagues was in charge!) Alas, the Museum for Latino Americans and Women did not make much progress.

In December 2020, Congress authorized two new Smithsonian museums for Latino Americans and Women.  Congress suggested two new sites on the Mall near the Washington Monument, or the Arts and Industries Building, which is an old structure adjacent to the Smithsonian Castle. In 2022, the Smithsonian Board of Regents selected the two sites on the mall near the Washington Monument for new construction. Both of those sites would have required congressional approval.

"The Board of Regents has been committed to meeting the December deadline Congress set for the selection of sites for these important new museums," Steve Case, chairman of the Board of Regents, said in an email to The Washington Post. "Our search has narrowed to two sites on the National Mall that we believe are optimal, and appropriate. We hope Congress will now consider legislation so we can move forward, as we seek to more fully showcase our collective American journey."

The Regents eliminated the Arts and Industries building from the process:

With this step, the Board of Regents effectively eliminates what was believed to be the most likely choice for at least one of the museums: the Arts and Industries Building, which was also considered for the African American Museum and is the only site of the four selected in June under Smithsonian control. [Lonnie] Bunch said in June that the Arts and Industries Building, which was designed in 19th-century, World's Fair-era "Festival" style architecture, would have to be studied to see how it could be reimagined as a 21st-century museum.

Indeed, this building would have required digging into the ground to build a new annex:

The building resurfaced as a proposed home in 2016, when Becerra and then-Sen. Bob Menendez (D-New Jersey) introduced legislation that would have placed the museum there and added an underground annex. The historic building presented challenges for a modern museum: Its soaring ceilings and skylights were not designed for conventional exhibitions.

Fast-forward to the Trump Administration. Legislation to authorize the Woman's museum and Latino museum failed after an amendment would have limited the museum's exhibits to "biological women" and barred it from depicting "any biological male as a female." Moreover, President Trump's 2026 budget would have eliminated the Latino museum altogether.

Trump's proposed 2026 budget sought to eliminate separate funding for the stand-alone museum and instead integrate Latino programming across the Smithsonian. The proposal drew objections from Democrats as well as Republican members of the Congressional Hispanic Conference, who called eliminating the museum's funding a "disservice to the American public." A White House official said at the time there was no reason to provide construction funding because Congress had not approved a site.

What did the Smithsonian Institution do in response to these political roadblocks? They reverted to the the Arts and Industries Building for the Latino museum. Why? Well objectively this was not the best site. But because the Smithsonian already owned the property, they didn't need authorization. I don't even know if Congress will have to appropriate any funds. Presumably, the Smithsonian will solicit donations from private groups to build the museum, much like they did with the African American History museum.

Don't take my word for it. Read the Washington Post:

The decision revives a plan the Smithsonian considered but discarded years ago, a major shift for a project whose supporters have spent decades pushing for a new building on the National Mall designed specifically for the museum. It also gives the Smithsonian a path forward that does not depend on Congress approving construction on one of the undeveloped sites the institution previously selected.

The Smithsonian had chosen two sites near the Washington Monument for its two new museums — one across from the National Museum of African American History and Culture and another between the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum and the Tidal Basin. Both are controlled by the National Park Service and sit within the Reserve, an area of the Mall where Congress has restricted new construction.

Because the Smithsonian owns the Arts and Industries Building, the institution can decide how to use it without additional legislation.

That distinction could prove important. Building a Smithsonian museum from scratch can take a decade or longer, even after Congress authorizes it. The National Museum of African American History and Culture took more than a decade to build after its five-acre site was chosen.

Mike Gonzalez at Heritage stated the obvious: "And the only reason for that is that the Smithsonian could never win a vote in Congress to house the Latino Museum anywhere else, so it had to use a building it already owned, the AIB."

All of this should sound very familiar. You see, when Congress blocked authorization, and refused to fund the new project, the Smithsonian just found a workaround with an existing site and outside funds.

Who is the Chancellor of the Smithsonian Institution? John Roberts. On the same day that he accused President Trump of bypassing Congress to build a new structure in the Washington, D.C., his own entity bypasses Congress to build a new structure in Washington, D.C. Some chutzpah, huh?

In my essay on the cult of judicial celebrity, I urged Congress to remove the Chief Justice as the Chancellor of the Smithsonian:

As usual, change should start at the top. The Chief Justice serves as Chancellor of the Smithsonian Institution. Why? The Chief Justice lacks any formal training in research or museum management. Why would he hold this position? Chief Justice Roberts recently opined that serving as Chancellor is "the best thing about being the Chief Justice" even though he is the "one person in the room that really doesn't know . . . what's involved." The first Chief Justice to serve as Chancellor was Roger B. Taney, who took over the position after Vice President Millard Fillmore became President. Moreover, in recent times, the Smithsonian has been embroiled in controversies with President Trump. It would make sense for the Chief Justice to step out of this field and any related controversies. Indeed, Congress should modify the law that requires the Chief Justice to serve on the Smithsonian Board of Regents altogether.

Maybe Congress should go further and investigate? Maybe someone who walks past the National Mall should file a frivolous law suit to block any construction of any subterranean annex. If there is standing to see a green crocodile there should be standing to see red bricks. Judge Leon can recycle some of his exclamation points.

Alas, the Woman's Museum will have to wait. There is no other extant structure where it can be held. Remember, the 15th Amendment came well before the 19th Amendment. The Chief Justice has his priorities.

After some reflection, I think Roberts may have viewed the East Wing construction as an affront to his idealized vision of Washington, D.C. He cares profoundly of how things appear, and was willing to disregard everything he thinks about standing and national security to maintain the appearance of the mall.

I'm done talking about the ballroom--for now at least.

Advocate John Roberts v. Chief Justice John Roberts

How do you know what a lawyer really believes when he is always representing a client?

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One of the greatest challenges with judicial selection is knowing what a lawyer actually believes. How do you know what a lawyer really believes when he is always representing a client?

For sure, lawyers at firms are largely hired guns. They'll take whatever paying client comes through the door. Indeed, whenever a lawyer takes a case, he has plausible deniability: I zealously represented my client, without regard to whether I agreed with the cause. How, then, do you know what a lawyer really believes?

You cannot give any weight to clerkships. Those who seek to clerk on the Supreme Court can often fake their politics to get through the gates--and I'm not talking about so-called counter-clerks. Brass rings are neither red nor blue. Dana Remus clerked for Justice Alito, and then served as President Biden's White House Counsel. Eric Miller clerked for Judge Silberman and Justice Thomas, and was appointed by President Trump to the Ninth Circuit, yet he consistently votes opposite the conservatives on that court. There are many more such examples.

Maybe you could see what sorts of pro bono cases a lawyer takes. But still, lawyers at firm are often nudged to take certain cases or discouraged from taking other cases. Remember that John Roberts provided pro bono assistance to the plaintiffs in Romer v. Evans. Pro bono is not always a reliable indicia of what a person believes.

Maybe you could give special credit to lawyers who take political appointments in government service. But again, not really. Government lawyers have clients, just like everyone else. Moreover, government lawyers who seek higher office will go along to get along. Amit Argawal clerked for Judge Kavanaugh and for Justice Alito, then served as Solicitor General of Florida under Attorney General Pam Bondi. When he argued Slaughter, people thought he could brandish conservative bona fides. Yeah right. Now Argawal works for Protect Democracy, a leading liberal firm that opposes President Trump.

This background brings me to (who else) John Roberts.

Way back in September 1990, when Roberts was the Principal Deputy SG, he joined Ken Starr's brief in Rust v. Sullivan which argued that "Roe was wrongly decided and should be overruled" because there's "no support in the text, structure, or history of the Constitution" for a right to an abortion. Did Roberts actually believe this? Or did he just sign it because that was the office's position. As Judge James Ho pointed out in a recent National Review essay, Roberts disavowed anything he signed as a lawyer: "I do not believe it is proper to infer a lawyer's personal views from the position taken on behalf of a client." Of course, when push came to shove, Roberts upheld Roe in Dobbs.

So I return to my principal question. When everything a lawyer does is on behalf of  client, how do we actually know what the lawyer believes? The ballroom case leads to another example.

Deputy Solicitor General John Roberts argued Lujan v. National Wildlife Federation (1990)--not to be confused with the landmark decision of Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife (1992). Did Deputy SG Roberts personally want to narrow Article III standing? I would think so. In a 1993 article in the Duke Law Journal, Roberts favored a narrow reading of Article III standing. In Massachusetts v. EPA, Chief Justice Roberts favored a narrow reading of standing. So what does Roberts actually think about standing?

Well, in the ballroom case, he found a person who walks near Lafayette Park is sufficiently injured to stop the construction of a military facility. Roberts dismissed the national security concerns in a bogus footnote.

What exactly does Roberts believe here? Is there a difference between John Roberts the advocate and John Roberts the judge?

Free Speech

Free Speech Unmuted: The Process Is The Punishment: ABC v. FCC with Stuart Benjamin

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ABC is challenging the Federal Communications Commission, arguing that the agency is using its licensing authority to punish the network for its coverage and political viewpoint. Jane and I are joined by Duke law professor Stuart Benjamin to examine the lawsuit, the FCC's unusually broad "public interest" power, and the special rules that have long governed broadcast speech. We discuss allegations of retaliation and pretext, the chilling effect of costly government investigations, and whether this dispute could prompt the Supreme Court to reconsider broadcasters' second-class status under the First Amendment.

Also check out our past episodes:

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AI in Court

What About a "'Let's Go Brandon' Was a Hallucination in the First Place" Defense?

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From De Ford v. Koutoulas, decided last month by Judge Paul Byron (M.D. Fla.) but just posted on Westlaw, which has to do with a class action over alleged misstatements in the sale of the Let's Go Brandon cryptocurrency (LGBCoin)

Further, Defendants Koutoulas and LGBCoin LTD submitted fabricated authority across at least eight separate filings …. Plaintiffs have catalogued more than forty such instances in a spreadsheet attached to their Motion. Federal courts around the country are taking a firm stance against AI-hallucinated case citations. This is just one of Defendant Koutoulas's many sanctionable acts, including terminating sanctions.

Recall that the "Let's Go Brandon" phenomenon emerged from an NBC sports reporter hearing fans at a NASCAR race chanting "Fuck Joe Biden," and misunderstanding this as "Let's Go Brandon" (the winner of the race was named Brandon Brown).

The Biggest Revelation In Recent NYT Expose Is Justice Scalia Wasn't Planning on Dying

Scalia made no plans for his papers.

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Last night I included a throwaway line my post about a possible Jodi Kantor reveal from this past term. It has been on my mind for some time. Where are the leaks? We are already in September.

Well, a few hours later, Kantor published an expose, but there is very little new here. In fact, it's all old stuff.

It seems after Justice Scalia passed, the other Justices agreed to restrict the publication of their papers until after each member who was involved in a case dies. The bigger reveal is that Justice Scalia made no plans for his papers:

In early 2016, Justice Antonin Scalia died suddenly of a heart attack on a Texas ranch, sending his Supreme Court colleagues into a period of grief and uncertainty. Behind closed doors, they had to contend with another piece of unsettling news.

Justice Scalia, the leading light of the conservative legal movement, had left no plans for his working papers, according to five people aware of the situation. For a Supreme Court justice, this was the equivalent of dying without a will. With no instructions for creating an archive or opening it to the public, the definitive inside account of his work — and the court's — could be lost or emerge with uncomfortable speed.

So following his death, his colleagues entered into private negotiations to try to head off any such situation in the future.

In a series of memos and conference meetings, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. led the surviving justices in discussions about imposing a more uniform seal for their own papers, according to several people with knowledge of the process.

The absence of instructions from Justice Scalia and ensuing confidential conversations, which have not previously been reported, help explain why the nation's highest court can be so difficult to understand. The ultimate record of the court's work is considered the personal property of each justice, to dispose of or share as he or she chooses. And many of the justices have valued confidentiality over transparency and chosen to postpone scrutiny of their work for years to come.

I think this tells us that Justice Scalia did not think he was anywhere close to death. Certainly Scalia wouldn't leave something like this to chance.

It is also relevant that Kantor continues to mine the October 2015 Term. Her previous piece on the shadow papers came from the same term. What else does her source(s) from that term have?

New in Civitas Outlook: "The End Is Near for the American Bar Association"

"I played a small role in trying to stop the ABA’s collapse, which I have not previously discussed, but now wish to share."

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My latest column in Civitas Outlook previews the final days of the American Bar Association. The once-great organization is entering the end game.

When the history of the American Bar Association's downfall is written, one theme will recur: it didn't have to end this way. By the 1960s, nearly half of the lawyers in the United States were members of the ABA. Congress, Presidents, and the courts consulted the ABA closely as a trusted advisor on all legal matters.  Yet, tragically, that trust was squandered when the ABA was captured by the left. Instead of serving as a trade group for lawyers, the ABA became just another left-wing advocacy group. As membership declined, the ABA could have arrested its progressive lurch, but instead accelerated in the wrong direction. The group took liberal positions on abortion, affirmative action, national security, and other controversial issues that had nothing to do with the legal profession. The ABA stopped being relevant decades ago. All that is left is a hollow husk of a once-great entity. Now, the Trump Administration is poised to strike the mortal blow by eliminating the ABA Education Council's power over law school accreditation. Things didn't have to end this way, but the ABA brought this endgame onto itself.

I also relay my own personal role in this process, which I had only partly made public before.

Free Speech

School Can Control What Flags Schoolteachers Hang on Classroom Walls

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The flags in the classroom, from the Second Circuit opinion.

A short excerpt from the longish Dole v. Connetquot Central School Dist., decided yesterday by Second Circuit Judge Alison Nathan, joined by Judges Michael Park and Maria Araújo Kahn:

Christopher Dolce, Sarah Ecke, and Shinaide McAleavey-Polley are teachers at Connetquot Central High School and "open members of the LGBTQ+ community." Connetquot Central School District officials ordered Ecke to take down two pride flags that hung on the walls of her math classroom. They also told Dolce and McAleavey-Polley that they could not place pride flag stickers on their classroom doors….

{Under Garcetti v. Ceballos (2006), and its progeny, when public employees' speech "owes its existence" to their "professional responsibilities," the Government—their employer—can control the content of that speech without implicating their First Amendment rights.} … [A] public high school teacher's classroom wall decorations are speech that "owes its existence" to their "professional responsibilities." After all, teachers decorate their classroom walls as part of their duty to create physical classroom spaces conducive to the curricula they are assigned to teach. Those decorations are thus the Government's speech, and the First Amendment does not apply to them….

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Free Speech

Traditional Medical Licensing Requirements Don't Generally Violate First Amendment Rights of Doctors Providing Advice

So the Third Circuit held yesterday, though it left room for challenges to laws that make it too hard to get cross-licensed from one state to another.

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From MacDonald v. President of N.J. State Bd. of Med. Examiners, decided yesterday by Judge Thomas Hardiman, joined by Justice Thomas Ambro:

New Jersey requires any doctor who wishes to practice telemedicine with a patient located in the state to first obtain a license from its Board of Medical Examiners….

Shannon MacDonald, M.D., is a radiation oncologist at Massachusetts General Hospital who specializes in treating rare pediatric cancers. She lives in Massachusetts and is licensed to practice medicine there. Dr. MacDonald used proton therapy to treat her patient J.A. for a rare childhood cancer when he was 18 months old. J.A. requires annual scans to monitor for anomalies, as the cancer often recurs. An anomaly was detected previously when J.A. lived in New York, and Dr. MacDonald was able to provide a telemedicine consultation to address the matter. J.A. is now a teenager living in New Jersey. He and his father, Michael Abell, would like to consult virtually with Dr. MacDonald in the future if any new anomalies appear on his annual scans.

Paul Gardner, M.D., is a neurosurgeon at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center and an expert in skull base surgery. He lives in Pennsylvania and is licensed there. He too would like to speak with his patients located in New Jersey to "discuss treatment options" without requiring them to incur travel expenses. Hank Jennings is a New Jersey resident who underwent surgery and treatment by specialists in Pittsburgh when he was nineteen. Like J.A., Jennings needs periodic follow-up consultations and would like to do them via telemedicine to mitigate financial and time burdens….

The court concluded that the law was a content-based speech restriction, citing the Supreme Court's decision earlier this year in Chiles v. Salazar (which struck down the Colorado ban on conversion therapy, as applied to therapy that consists entirely of speech). But it concluded that such laws nonetheless didn't have to pass the "strict scrutiny" usually required for such content-based speech restrictions, because they were "consistent with a long and robust regulatory tradition" of professional licensing:

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Guns

No Second Amendment Right to Carry Gun on Your Government Job

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From Tyson-Phipps v. Rubio, decided yesterday by Magistrate Judge Gabriel Gorenstein (S.D.N.Y.):

[The Complaint] alleges that defendant's decision to discipline plaintiff {a Diplomatic Security Special Agent employed by the United States Department of State} "for carrying a licensed personal handgun in a private hotel room in an open carry state," was in violation of the Second Amendment, rendering this decision "not in accordance with law" and "contrary to constitutional right" under the [Administrative Procedure Act]. As we have previously explained to plaintiff, however, "just as a private employer engaged in security would obviously be justified in barring its employees from carrying their personal handguns on the job" without violating the Second Amendment, "so too may the Government here."

New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass'n, Inc. v. Bruen (2022) … has no application here. Defendant's decision to discipline plaintiff was merely "a restriction placed by the Government on one of its employees"—not, as in Bruen, an instance of "the Government exercising its power to regulate or license as a lawmaker."

Seems correct to me.  For more on how the normal Second Amendment rules, like the normal First and Fourth Amendment rules, generally don't apply to government employees on the job, see p. 1962 of Implementing the Right to Keep and Bear Arms After Bruen.

Making Sense Of The Chief Justice's Tango In The Ballroom Case

It was the Chief, and not KBJ, who was holding up the case. Was he trying to flip ACB's vote?

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Read the Chief Justice's six-page dissent in the ballroom case. Does something stand out? There is no reference to the fact that it is a dissent until page four. Virtually every dissent I've ever read indicates at the outset where the dissenting Justices depart from the majority. But the Chief Justice jumps straight into things, acting as if he was speaking for the Court. The first two pages focus entirely on the merits, an issue that the majority did not even address. Then Roberts spends another two pages talking about standing. Only halfway-through page four does he refer to "the Court." And there are no citations to specific page-ranges. Just, "the Court."

By contrast, the per curiam opinion (by Justice Kavanaugh in my mind) includes four pincites to Roberts's dissenting opinion. This clearly looks like a conventional majority opinion responding to a dissent.

Perhaps Roberts was in denial that he was in dissent--it happens so rarely. But I have another theory. I get the vibe that Roberts's dissent was an opinion written so it could easily be converted from a dissent to a controlling opinion. How easy would it be to replace "the Court" with "the dissent"? This was the Chief Justice's tango in the ballroom case.

Think about the timing. The Chief Justice did not enter an administrative stay on August 13 when the emergency application was filed. With the benefit of hindsight, we knew he was not inclined to rule for the government, so he wanted to create pressure to rule on the matter quickly.

Roberts is a fast writer. He probably wrote his six-page opinion before lunch. He probably finished it before the briefing even concluded.

Yet, on August 21, when the D.C. Circuit's stay was about to expire, the Chief Justice simply entered an administrative stay. At that point, there were squarely five votes to stay the D.C. Circuit. Why did't the Chief Justice just drop his dissent, along with the per curiam?

Ultimately, ten days elapsed from the administrative stay on August 21 until the per curiam decision was issued on August 31. There wasn't much back-and-forth between the opinions. And there was no Kafkaesque dissent from Justice Jackson.

My theory is that the Chief was trying to flip Justice Barrett's vote. We know the Chief was trying to change Barrett until the bitter end on Dobbs even after a deranged man tried to murder Justice Kavanaugh. At heart, Roberts is still an advocate, trying to get one more vote. But friends don't let friends give the Chief a fifth vote.

I am quietly dreading reporting from Jodi Kantor about behind-the-scenes action from OT 2025. Maybe the ballroom case will take a twirl.

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