The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

Brief Update on the Entergy / Arkansas Democrat-Gazette Matter

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From the docket this morning; for more on the case, see here and here (the latter item notes the sealing, and expresses the now-realized hope that "the motion will be unsealed at some point soon"):

Via email, Plaintiff has informed the Court that it will not be pursuing preliminary injunctive relief…. Plaintiff has also indicated an intent to amend its Complaint…. Finally, it appears that the Clerk sealed the documents filed by Entergy in error …. Docs. 2, 3, and 4 should be unsealed. Plaintiff has confirmed that it never intended for these documents to be sealed in the first place.

The unsealing reveals that the plaintiff's brief in support of the TRO motion didn't even discuss the First Amendment elephant in the room, even though it was pretty obvious that the judge would recognize that a lawsuit seeking to restrain a newspaper's publication would raise such an issue.

Socialism

My New USA Today Article On Dangerous Similarities Between "Democratic Socialists" and MAGA Nationalists

Both seek sweeping government control over the economy, thereby imperiling liberty, prosperity, and democracy.

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USA Today just published my op ed entitled ""Democratic Socialists and MAGA Share a Dangerous Flaw." Here's an excerpt:

Beginning with New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani's election victory in 2025, democratic socialist candidates have won a string of major Democratic primaries – most recently Florida state Rep. Angie Nixon's upset U.S. Senate nomination win – and come close in several others. Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders has long been the most prominent self-proclaimed democratic socialist in national politics, and was the runner-up for the Democratic presidential nomination in both 2016 and 2020.

Democratic socialism is a terrible ideology. If implemented, its agenda would cause grave harm and imperil democracy itself. And in seeking massive state control of the economy, today's socialists ironically have much in common with the MAGA nationalists they claim to oppose.

Both promote government control over the economy, and both paths undermine liberty, prosperity and democracy. Socialists do not control the Democratic Party in the way MAGA largely dominates the Republicans. But their influence is growing.

The democratic socialist agenda goes far beyond a marginal increase in economic regulation or welfare spending. It amounts to sweeping government control of the economy and society, on a scale that invites comparison to Cuba, North Korea and the old Soviet Union….

Ironically, democratic socialists have more in common with MAGA nationalists than either likely wants to admit. President Donald Trump has pursued his own version of economic central planning: ruinous tariffs, severely restrictive immigration policy and government equity stakes in Intel, U.S. Steel and roughly 30 other companies.

Tariffs and immigration restrictions are both major forms of government control over the economy. Immigration restrictions, in particular, curtail economic freedom more than any other current U.S. policy….

 

The rest of the article explains how both socialist and nationalist forms of government control of the economy run into problems of knowledge and incentives, and why both threaten liberty and democracy. I also explain why adherents of these ideologies cannot paper over their flaws by claiming they favor democratic versions of them, rather than authoritarian ones:

Today's socialists say they will avoid this fate because they champion "democratic" socialism, not the authoritarian kind. But near-total state control of the economy has never coexisted with democracy for long. A government that controls the economy can starve opposition parties of resources and weaponize control of basic goods to crush dissent.

That's exactly what happened in Venezuela, where a democratically elected socialist government became a dictatorship.

Right-wing nationalist regimes have followed a similar path, in Germany, Italy, Spain and many Latin American nations.

Many of today's socialists even admire authoritarian socialist regimes and hope to emulate them:

"Postliberal" MAGA nationalists similarly often admire right-wing despots, like Spain's Francisco Franco, Portugal's Antonio Salazar and others.

Progressives and others should consider whether they trust someone like Trump to have the kind of sweeping control over the economy socialists advocate for. There is no guarantee such a person – or worse – would not come to power under socialism….

I end with this point:

If nothing else, we should heed the powerful evidence of people "voting with their feet." Almost every socialist regime in history has produced a mass exodus toward market economies, never the reverse. Venezuela's exodus is the largest refugee crisis ever recorded in the Western Hemisphere, and Cuba has had multiple waves of refugees over six decades….

If socialism worked as advertised, people would be fleeing market economies to live under it, not the other way around. Right-wing nationalist regimes have produced their own refugee outflows. Refugees from Nazi Germany and fascist Italy, for instance, helped build American science, including the Manhattan Project, which developed the atomic bomb.

I addressed some of the issues covered in the article more fully in previous writings, such as "The Case Against Nationalism" (coauthored with Alex Nowrasteh), and "Perils of Democratic Socialism." See also my recent piece on the contradictions of socialist prison abolitionism.

Gender

Puerto Rico Has Rational Basis for Allowing Only Two Genders for Birth Certificate Gender Changes

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From Tuesday's decision by Judge Lara Montecalvo, joined by Chief Judge David Barron and Judge Sandra Lynch, in Díaz v. Colón:

In its summary judgment order, the district court held that Plaintiffs were entitled to relief under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. {[T]he district court only reached Plaintiffs' claim under the Equal Protection Clause; it did not reach Plaintiffs' claims under the Due Process Clause or the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution and Puerto Rico Constitution.}

Explaining that the Application for Gender Change gives "an option for binary applicants to choose a gender marker which aligns with their true gender, but does not provide [such] an option" for "nonbinary individuals," the district court concluded that Puerto Rico's "Birth Certificate Policy" creates a classification on its face between "people with a binary gender identity" and "nonbinary people." The district court also concluded that it did not need to decide which level of scrutiny applied to Puerto Rico's Birth Certificate Policy because it held that the Policy did not survive the lowest level of scrutiny—rational scrutiny….

Under [the]"forgiving" standard [set forth by past cases], we conclude that Puerto Rico's Birth Certificate Policy is supported by a rational basis….

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Donald Trump

Federal Court Issues First Ruling Against Trump's New Birthright Citizenship Executive Order

The court rightly concluded that the order is barred by the Supreme Court's decision in Trump v. Barbara.

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Milla74/Dreamstime

Last month, I wrote about Trump's new executive order seeking to deny birthright citizenship to various classes of children born on US soil, and noted the first legal challenges to it. As I pointed out then, almost every part of the new order is at odds with the Supreme Court's recent ruling in Trump v. Barbara, which struck down Trump's executive order denying birthright citizenship to children of undocumented immigrants born in the United States, and those born to non-citizen parents here on temporary visas. The Fourteenth Amendment guarantees grants citizenship to all children "born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof." In Barbara, the Supreme Court majority made clear that "subject to the jurisdiction thereof" includes children of all persons who are subject to and required to obey US law.

Today, in Casa, Inc. v. Trump, federal district court Judge Deborah Boardman of the District of Maryland issued a decision imposing a preliminary injunction blocking the new order. It is the first judicial ruling on Trump's new birthright citizenship executive order. As Judge Boardman put it, "[t]he 2026 Executive Order is almost certainly unconstitutional as applied to the certified class for the simple reason that the Supreme Court in Barbara already decided that the children in the class are citizens at birth." She goes on to explain why:

When the Supreme Court explained the meaning of "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States, it distinguished between people over whom the United States has the power to govern (and who are thus subject to the jurisdiction of the United States) and people over whom the United States does not have the power to govern (and who are thus not subject to the jurisdiction of the United States). See Barbara, 146 S. Ct. at 2449– 50… . The latter category of people falls into the "narrow exceptions" to the rule of citizenship by birth that are implicated when the United States does not have the "full and complete power" to govern over people born on its land. Id. at 2450. Those "narrow exceptions" include "children of foreign ministers" and "members of 19th-century Indian tribes over whom the United States had ceded a part of its territorial jurisdiction to preserve its relationship with a foreign sovereign (or quasi-sovereign)." Id.

This is pretty obviously correct. As explained in my earlier post on the new executive order, that order covers four groups almost all of whose members are clearly subject to US law:

  1. Children of "alien enemies," defined as those where at least one of two non-citizen parents is a "designated Foreign Terrorist Organization under 8 U.S.C. 1189 or Specially Designated Global Terrorist, consistent with the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, 50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq., and Executive Order 13224 of September 23, 2001 (Blocking Property and Prohibiting Transactions With Persons Who Commit, Threaten to Commit, or Support Terrorism)."

  2. Children born to at least one non-citizen parent who is a "foreign government employee" or employed by an "international organization that possess[es] international-organization immunity."

  3. Children where "either parent" has engaged in "birth tourist" transactions of various kinds (deliberately seeking to give birth in the US so the child would get birthright citizenship).

  4. Children "born in a territory or territorial waters of the United States where citizenship is not conferred by Federal statute." …[T]his only applies to children born in American Samoa, the one populated overseas US territory to whose residents Congress has not conferred citizenship by statute….

As I explained more fully in the earlier post, all of the children in these four categories are obviously subject to US law, with the exception of those born to foreign diplomats who have diplomatic immunity. This latter group is already excluded from birthright citizenship. In that post, I also explained why the analogy between "alien enemies" (as defined in the order) and children of members of an invading army occupying US territory fails.

Judge Boardman's ruling also covers a number of procedural issues I will not attempt to go over here. But the bottom line is she has imposed a preliminary injunction blocking implementation of the order with respect to a previously certified class of all children born on US territory and subject to the 2025 executive order,  to parents who are unlawfully present in the US or here on temporary visas (the class was certified as part of the litigation challenging Trump's earlier birthright citizenship order).

This covers pretty much all the people potentially affected by the new birthright citizenship order and born after February 19, 2025 (when the earlier executive order took effect), except those born to legal residents of American Samoa, in category 4 above. It is not clear whether the administration will try to implement the order against children born before February 2025. As noted in Judge Boardman's opinion, "[n]owhere in the order does it indicate it does not apply to children already born." The government's lawyers claimed it would only apply to children born in the future, but these assurances may not be credible. If the administration does try to enforce the order against children born before February 2025, further litigation will be needed to stop that.

Today's ruling is probably only the beginning of the litigation over the new order. The administration is likely to appeal. But I hope and tentatively expect that appellate courts - including, potentially,  the Supreme Court - will rule much the same way. The new order is pretty obviously at odds with Trump v. Barbara - and also with the text and original meaning of the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Free Speech

No TRO Against Arkansas Democrat-Gazette as to Publishing of Data Center Plans

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From KARK (Alex Kienlen) today, reporting on a decision by Judge Lee Rudofsky (E.D. Ark.) in Entergy Arkansas LLC v. Arkansas Democrat-Gazette Inc.:

A federal judge issued a decision on Wednesday denying a request by lawyers for Entergy Arkansas to stop the use of documents released under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) to a Little Rock woman….

The Democrat-Gazette reported on Monday that the Entergy documents, including some marked "confidential," were released after Jessica Kivell filed her FOIA request with the Public Service Commission and shared them with the newspaper….

The filing asked that the defendants be immediately prohibited from using or disclosing the documents, since it would do "irreparable harm" by disclosing Entergy Arkansas' trade secrets.

There is no written opinion from Judge Rudofsky; but besides the general First Amendment rules against temporary restraining orders barring speech, the matter also seems to me to be governed by Florida Star v. B.J.F. (1989).

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Property Rights

My New Liberalism.Org Article on the Centrality of Private Property Rights to Liberalism

It argues that strengthening protection for property rights is essential to liberty, and to benefiting the poor and disadvantaged.

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Today, the Institute for Humane Studies Liberalism.Org website published my article on why private property rights deserve a central place in the liberal political tradition. It explains how property rights are essential to liberty, and why strengthening protection for them particularly benefits the poor and disadvantaged. Here is an excerpt:

Property rights were central to the origins of the liberal political tradition. And, in our time especially, they should be central once again. In addition to their inherent value as a vital element of liberty and autonomy, bolstering them is essential to uplifting the poor and disadvantaged and boosting prosperity and innovation. The right to private property can also help protect a variety of other important rights.

Property rights were a central focus of the early liberal tradition. John Locke famously wrote that the purpose of government was the protection of "life, liberty, and property." Many of the American Founders made similar statements. At the Constitutional Convention, Alexander Hamilton avowed that "one great obj[ect] of Gov[ernment] is the personal protection and security of property." James Madison—Hamilton's great adversary on many issues—agreed, writing in his famous 1792 essay on "Property," that "Government is instituted to protect property of every sort… This being the end of government, that alone is a just government, which impartially secures to every man, whatever is his own."

In more recent times, many—including many left-liberals—have downgraded property rights, and advocated that they be severely limited, often supposedly to protect the interests of the poor and disadvantaged. Yet the poor and disadvantaged have the most to gain from strengthening protection for property rights. Stronger protections would raise living standards for them, and for society as a whole….

As early liberals understood, property is essential to liberty. Almost every important human activity requires the use of property…

Property is also essential to the exercise of almost every type of liberty and autonomy. There is no meaningful freedom of speech without property rights in books, computers, newspapers, printing presses, internet connections, and other facilities necessary to disseminate our words. There is little, if any, freedom of religion without property rights in locations needed to hold religious services, propagate religious doctrines, and operate other religious institutions. The right to contraception protected by the Supreme Court's famous decision in Griswold v. Connecticut, though usually thought of as a "privacy" right, depends on the right to acquire and possess property rights in contraceptives.

We can make similar points about almost any other form of liberty. If exercising it requires the use of land or material goods, that exercise depends on property rights. Without such rights, the government could at any time negate the liberty simply by denying the ability to use property needed to exercise it. 

Moreover, liberty depends not just on the mere legal ownership of property, but on the right to use that property for the purposes the owner decides….

The rest of the article goes into detail on the importance of specific property rights issues, such as exclusionary zoning, protection against eminent domain, and others.

I am a regular contributor to Liberalism.Org. My previous articles for the site are "Liberalism's Uneasy Relationshp with Democracy" and  "Immigration Restrictions Restrict Americans' Liberties."

Liberalism.Org is a new initiative of the Institute for Humane Studies, led by Jason Kuznicki. Its purpose is to promote and revitalize liberal political thought in an era where illiberal of various types are on the rise. Jason provides an overview of the project and its purposes here

The other regular contributors are prominent libertarian or libertarian-leaning thinkers (though some may prefer terms like "classical liberal"). They include Radley Balko (leading expert on criminal law and law enforcement issues), Janet Bufton (prominent Canadian classical liberal thinker and political commentator), Prof. Michael Munger (Duke University), Sarah Skwire (Liberty Fund), and Prof. Matt Zwolinski (University of San Diego, coauthor of The Individualists: Radical, Reactionaries, and the Struggle for the Soul of Libertarianism). I look forward to continuing to work with them!

Guns

Third Circuit Rejects Facial Challenge to Ban on Nonimmigrant Aliens' Gun Possession

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Some excerpts from U.S. v. Aleman-Lozano, decided yesterday by Third Circuit Judge Patty Shwartz, joined by Judges Theodore McKee:

Aleman-Lozano is a native and citizen of El Salvador. He entered the United States unlawfully but, in 2017, was granted a nonimmigrant temporary visa with work authorization. Since entering the United States, he has resided with his family, attended school, and worked in Washington, D.C.

In September 2021, a Pennsylvania state trooper pulled Aleman-Lozano over for a traffic violation …. During the stop, the trooper saw a rifle cartridge on the passenger seat. As a result, the trooper obtained a search warrant and found a pistol containing a loaded sixteen-round magazine, which Aleman-Lozano told police he had purchased from an unidentified individual in Maryland. The pistol did not have a serial number….

Aleman-Lozano was prosecuted under 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(5)(B), which generally makes it illegal for aliens present under a nonimmigrant visa (with some exceptions) to possess guns, and brought a facial challenge to the constitutionality of the provision. Judges Shwartz and McKee assumed without deciding that "the people" in the Second Amendment included noncitizens who were lawfully present, but concluded that "there is historical support for the challenged restriction" based on "analogues from before and at the time of the Second Amendment's ratification":

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Free Speech

"[A]n Unopposed Grant" of Sealing "Carries Little Weight in a Contested Posture"

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From Townsend v. The Gardens at Aldersgate LLC, decided Monday by Magistrate Judge Rachel Schwartz (D. Kan.):

This is a skilled-nursing-home negligence case proceeding in federal court based on diversity jurisdiction …. In diversity cases proceeding under § 1332(a), Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 7.1(a)(2) requires every "party or intervenor [to]…file a disclosure statement[ ] [that] must name—and identify the citizenship of—every individual or entity whose citizenship is attributed to that party or intervenor[.]" On August 3, 2026, Defendants filed their unredacted Rule 7.1 disclosure statements provisionally under seal. In the present Motion, Defendants seek to maintain under seal the unredacted Rule 7.1 disclosure statements, which reveal various layers of the respective limited liability companies' ("LLC") memberships and the identities of those layers of members. Defendants request permission to file publicly only redacted versions of these documents, redacting "the names of non-party individuals, trusts, and limited liability companies whose disclosure would reveal the private ownership and financial associations of non-parties." Plaintiffs oppose the Motion on multiple grounds, including that granting the Motion "would convert a transparency rule into a sealing regime for any LLC that prefers anonymity."

The court noted the general right of access to court records, and concludes that there's no exception to it for the LLC disclosures; here's part of the analysis:

[F]ederal district courts have overwhelmingly rejected these types of generic confidentiality and privacy concerns as insufficient to justify sealing or otherwise restricting Rule 7.1 disclosure statements. [Long string citation omitted. -EV] Simply put, "[c]orporations and limited partnerships may offer individuals protection from liability, but they do not entitle individuals to anonymity in court proceedings." Here, all the individuals and entities listed in Defendants' Rule 7.1 disclosure statements elected to have an ownership interest in a skilled nursing facility and the company that manages the skilled nursing facility. It is not unusual or unforeseeable that these types of parties would be sued in diversity cases in federal court, triggering the requirement that these Defendants file Rule 7.1 disclosure statements. While there may be specific cases in which sealing would be appropriate, they would involve a far more specific set of facts pertaining to specific entities or individuals than what this Court has before it….

[R]ather than address these cases, which represent the overwhelming majority view, Defendants' Motion relies on a different case from this District that also involved Defendant MRC. In that case, the judge granted defendants' unopposed motion seeking leave to file redacted copies of Rule 7.1 disclosures. This is the only case Defendants cite in which a court allowed Rule 7.1 disclosures to be sealed in whole or in part. But as Plaintiffs persuasively argue, "[a]n unopposed grant carries little weight in a contested posture," such as here. The undersigned agrees with the majority view that Rule 7.1 disclosures should not be sealed in whole or in part based on generic privacy arguments that could apply to nearly any business that wishes to keep private those with an ownership interest….

The court also noted that

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Politics

Lion King Composer vs. Comedian Dispute Leads to ~$40K Attorney Fee Award Against Composer

Look, there's an attorney fee award. Oh my god!

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From Morake v. Mwanyenyeka, decided Friday by Judge Josephine Staton (C.D. Cal.):

Plaintiff Lebohang Morake is the creator and original performer of "Nants'ingonyama bagithi Baba," the opening chant from Disney's The Lion King. Defendant Learnmore Mwanyenyeka is a comedian and content creator.

Defendant appeared on a podcast, where he asserted that "Nants'ingonyama bagithi Baba" means "Look, there's a lion. Oh my god" in the Zulu language. The podcast was posted on YouTube and went viral. Defendant has been repeating this assertion at various comedy clubs. Plaintiff maintains that Defendant's assertion is false, and that the true translation of "Nants'ingonyama bagithi Baba" is "All hail the king, we all bow in the presence of the king."

On March 16, 2026, Plaintiff filed the instant action, bringing claims for (1) misleading representation in violation of the Lanham Act, 15 U.S.C. § 1125; (2) defamation per se; (3) trade libel; and (4) tortious interference with prospective economic advantage against Defendant, for Defendant's "mischaracterization of the true meaning of 'Nants'ingonyama bagithi Baba.'"

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Guns

Second Amendment Doesn't Protect Machineguns, Doesn't Preclude Registration Requirement for Silencers

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From Third Circuit Judge Stephanos Bibas, joined by Judges Felipe Restrepo and Cindy Chung, in yesterday's U.S. v. Berger:

Gun bans are strong medicine. But occasionally, they are just what the doctor ordered. History teaches that governments may ban weapons when they are commonly used principally for crime. Machine guns fit that mold….

The Second Amendment is not boundless…. The Second Amendment protects weapons commonly used for self-defense and other legal purposes. Conversely, "the Second Amendment does not protect those weapons not typically possessed by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes." This traditional principle "accords with the historical understanding of the scope of the right." To support the common-use principle, Heller relied on "the historical tradition of prohibiting the carrying of 'dangerous and unusual weapons.'" …

Machine guns are not in common use for lawful purposes. That means they are dangerous and unusual. They are indiscriminate weapons of war and crime, not self-defense ones. And because they can cause unusual amounts of damage, they are used mostly for criminal purposes….

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CJ Roberts and the Smithsonian Bypass Congress To Build New Latino Museum

On the same day that he accuses President Trump of bypassing Congress to build a new structure, his own entity bypasses Congress to build a new structure.

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At the same time that Chief Justice Roberts voted to halt the construction of the East Ballroom because Congress did not authorize it, the Chief Justice's other institution voted to bypass Congress to build a new museum. I'm not sure anyone else saw the connection between these two items, but that's why you read this blog.

For decades, there has been a movement to build new Smithsonian museums on the National Mall dedicated to African Americans, Latino Americans, and Women. The African American museum was built in 2016, but it somehow forgot to mention any of Clarence Thomas's accomplishments. (If only one of Thomas's colleagues was in charge!) Alas, the Museum for Latino Americans and Women did not make much progress.

In December 2020, Congress authorized two new Smithsonian museums for Latino Americans and Women.  Congress suggested two new sites on the Mall near the Washington Monument, or the Arts and Industries Building, which is an old structure adjacent to the Smithsonian Castle. In 2022, the Smithsonian Board of Regents selected the two sites on the mall near the Washington Monument for new construction. Both of those sites would have required congressional approval.

"The Board of Regents has been committed to meeting the December deadline Congress set for the selection of sites for these important new museums," Steve Case, chairman of the Board of Regents, said in an email to The Washington Post. "Our search has narrowed to two sites on the National Mall that we believe are optimal, and appropriate. We hope Congress will now consider legislation so we can move forward, as we seek to more fully showcase our collective American journey."

The Regents eliminated the Arts and Industries building from the process:

With this step, the Board of Regents effectively eliminates what was believed to be the most likely choice for at least one of the museums: the Arts and Industries Building, which was also considered for the African American Museum and is the only site of the four selected in June under Smithsonian control. [Lonnie] Bunch said in June that the Arts and Industries Building, which was designed in 19th-century, World's Fair-era "Festival" style architecture, would have to be studied to see how it could be reimagined as a 21st-century museum.

Indeed, this building would have required digging into the ground to build a new annex:

The building resurfaced as a proposed home in 2016, when Becerra and then-Sen. Bob Menendez (D-New Jersey) introduced legislation that would have placed the museum there and added an underground annex. The historic building presented challenges for a modern museum: Its soaring ceilings and skylights were not designed for conventional exhibitions.

Fast-forward to the Trump Administration. Legislation to authorize the Woman's museum and Latino museum failed after an amendment would have limited the museum's exhibits to "biological women" and barred it from depicting "any biological male as a female." Moreover, President Trump's 2026 budget would have eliminated the Latino museum altogether.

Trump's proposed 2026 budget sought to eliminate separate funding for the stand-alone museum and instead integrate Latino programming across the Smithsonian. The proposal drew objections from Democrats as well as Republican members of the Congressional Hispanic Conference, who called eliminating the museum's funding a "disservice to the American public." A White House official said at the time there was no reason to provide construction funding because Congress had not approved a site.

What did the Smithsonian Institution do in response to these political roadblocks? They reverted to the the Arts and Industries Building for the Latino museum. Why? Well objectively this was not the best site. But because the Smithsonian already owned the property, they didn't need authorization. I don't even know if Congress will have to appropriate any funds. Presumably, the Smithsonian will solicit donations from private groups to build the museum, much like they did with the African American History museum.

Don't take my word for it. Read the Washington Post:

The decision revives a plan the Smithsonian considered but discarded years ago, a major shift for a project whose supporters have spent decades pushing for a new building on the National Mall designed specifically for the museum. It also gives the Smithsonian a path forward that does not depend on Congress approving construction on one of the undeveloped sites the institution previously selected.

The Smithsonian had chosen two sites near the Washington Monument for its two new museums — one across from the National Museum of African American History and Culture and another between the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum and the Tidal Basin. Both are controlled by the National Park Service and sit within the Reserve, an area of the Mall where Congress has restricted new construction.

Because the Smithsonian owns the Arts and Industries Building, the institution can decide how to use it without additional legislation.

That distinction could prove important. Building a Smithsonian museum from scratch can take a decade or longer, even after Congress authorizes it. The National Museum of African American History and Culture took more than a decade to build after its five-acre site was chosen.

Mike Gonzalez at Heritage stated the obvious: "And the only reason for that is that the Smithsonian could never win a vote in Congress to house the Latino Museum anywhere else, so it had to use a building it already owned, the AIB."

All of this should sound very familiar. You see, when Congress blocked authorization, and refused to fund the new project, the Smithsonian just found a workaround with an existing site and outside funds.

Who is the Chancellor of the Smithsonian Institution? John Roberts. On the same day that he accused President Trump of bypassing Congress to build a new structure in the Washington, D.C., his own entity bypasses Congress to build a new structure in Washington, D.C. Some chutzpah, huh?

In my essay on the cult of judicial celebrity, I urged Congress to remove the Chief Justice as the Chancellor of the Smithsonian:

As usual, change should start at the top. The Chief Justice serves as Chancellor of the Smithsonian Institution. Why? The Chief Justice lacks any formal training in research or museum management. Why would he hold this position? Chief Justice Roberts recently opined that serving as Chancellor is "the best thing about being the Chief Justice" even though he is the "one person in the room that really doesn't know . . . what's involved." The first Chief Justice to serve as Chancellor was Roger B. Taney, who took over the position after Vice President Millard Fillmore became President. Moreover, in recent times, the Smithsonian has been embroiled in controversies with President Trump. It would make sense for the Chief Justice to step out of this field and any related controversies. Indeed, Congress should modify the law that requires the Chief Justice to serve on the Smithsonian Board of Regents altogether.

Maybe Congress should go further and investigate? Maybe someone who walks past the National Mall should file a frivolous law suit to block any construction of any subterranean annex. If there is standing to see a green crocodile there should be standing to see red bricks. Judge Leon can recycle some of his exclamation points.

Alas, the Woman's Museum will have to wait. There is no other extant structure where it can be held. Remember, the 15th Amendment came well before the 19th Amendment. The Chief Justice has his priorities.

After some reflection, I think Roberts may have viewed the East Wing construction as an affront to his idealized vision of Washington, D.C. He cares profoundly of how things appear, and was willing to disregard everything he thinks about standing and national security to maintain the appearance of the mall.

I'm done talking about the ballroom--for now at least.

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