The Volokh Conspiracy
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Supreme Court Agrees to Consider Birthright Citizenship (This Time for Real)
The justices grant certiorari before judgment in one of the two cases challenging the Trump Administration's attempt to narrow birthright citizenship via executive order.
Today the Supreme Court granted certiorari in four additional cases. Most notably, the justices granted the Trump Administration's petition for certiorari before judgment in Trump v. Barbara, one of the two petitions submitted by the Trump Administration asking the Court to weigh in on birthright citizenship. (The Court took no action on the other petition in Trump v. Washington perhaps because that case also involves standing issues the Court would prefer to address separately.)
The question presented, as set forth in the Solicitor General's brief provides as follows:
The Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment provides that those "born * * * in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof," are U.S. citizens. U.S. Const. Amend. XIV, § 1. The Clause was adopted to confer citizenship on the newly freed slaves and their children, not on the children of aliens temporarily visiting the United States or of illegal aliens. On January 20, 2025, President Trump issued Executive Order No. 14,160, Protecting the Meaning and Value of American Citizenship, which restores the original meaning of the Citizenship Clause and provides, on a prospective basis only, that children of temporary visitors and illegal aliens are not U.S. citizens by birth. The Citizenship Order directs federal agencies not to issue or accept citizenship documents for such children born more than 30 days after the Order's effective date.
The question presented is whether the Executive Order complies on its face with the Citizenship Clause and with 8 U.S.C. 1401(a), which codifies that Clause.
Note that by incorporating the statutory question the question presented gives the Court a relatively easy way to resolve this case without resolving the constitutional question.
Whether or not one believes that the Trump Administration's effort to narrow the scope of birthright citizenship is consistent with the original public meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment (and I do not), it is difficult to argue that the Executive Order is consistent with 8 U.S.C. 1401(a) as it has been traditionally interpreted, understood, and applied. That is, even if one believes that constitutional birthright citizenship is narrower than the conventional understanding, or that Congress has the power to define it more narrowly by limiting the scope of who is born "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States, Congress has not done so, and the Executive lacks any power to redefine the scope of birthright citizenship unilaterally.
But wait, some may argue, doesn't the statute merely repeat the language of the Fourteenth Amendment? And doesn't that mean they should mean the same thing? Yes it is the same language, but the public meaning of the statute, when enacted, need not have been the same as the public meaning of the earlier-adopted constitutional provision. Moreover, insofar as all three branches have consistently interpreted the statutory language to provide for the conventional, broad understanding of birthright citizenship, that interpretation would be entitled to statutory stare decisis even if one were to believe either that the Fourteenth Amendment did not provide for birthright citizenship as broadly as most assume or that Congress has the power to narrow the scope of birthright citizenship through legislation.
What this means is that the Court could simply hold that the Executive Order conflicts with the longstanding interpretation of 8 U.S.C. 1401(a) and defer to another day whether Congress could enact legislation adopting a narrower rule. If the justices are looking for a way to avoid a splintered opinion in Barbara, this approach may be an attractive route to take.
In other news, the Court took no action on any of the Second Amendment cases that had been relisted.
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Glory Hallelujah!!!
Reality check:
There were probably hundreds of kids born to foreign tourists in the US in between ratification of the 14th, and Wong Kim Ark.
to the best of my ability to discover, not even ONE of those kids was granted US Citizenship, even the ones born to rich white European tourists.
If you can provide even one example of such a kid getting a US passport before leaving the US, I'll grant that birthright citizenship is legit.
But if you can't (and no one has done so so far), then it's not legitimate.
Huh?
I guess they didn't want a passport. Tourists seldom do.
(I'm also curious as to how you or anyone else is supposed to know whether any of these tourists actually got one.)
Your "killer" question is ridiculous.
Because they're issued by the State Department, and the State Department keeps records, that's how you would know if it's been issued.
If there was not one single child of tourists visiting the US who became an American citizen because of being born in America in the generation after the 14th was ratified, that would be pretty conclusive evidence that the common public understanding was that such things weren't authorized by the 14th.
IOW, that birthright citizenship for anchor babies is illegitimate and unjustified.
How many passports were issued to anybody before ww1?
You have no "ability to discover" that, for multiple reasons, including incompetence and the fact that there would not in fact be any way for even a real scholar to discover that, since it's not a public record. Also, you're asking the wrong question, since birthright citizens are not "granted" U.S. citizenship at all; they simply have it from birth.
I can't tell if this is stupidly dishonest or cleverly dishonest. Passports were not routinely issued in the 19th century, to anyone.
Indiana State Library
https://blog.library.in.gov › a-brief-history-of-the-united-states-passport
A Brief History of the United States passport - Indiana State Library Although the State Department issued passports beginning in 1789, states and cities were also able to issue passports to citizens until 1856
Just because you're both stupid and dishonest, doesn't mean that the rest of us are, too
"there would not in fact be any way for even a real scholar to discover that, since it's not a public record"
So it's your claim that it's not possible for any academic to request to search 30 years of State Department records for passport requests? That's quite the claim. Got ANYTHING to back that up?
'You have no "ability to discover" that'
Ah, so what you're saying is all those times I've asked BC supporters who've claimed to have done research on it if they'd found any examples of that was "incompetent"? is that from expecting them to be honest?
On the court, I would take the statutory interpretation "out". Had the question been presented, I would also be inclined to limit relief to a declaratory judgment.
I don't think the Court is looking for a way to avoid the Constitutional question. If it did, it simply could have refused cert. Granting cert before judgment suggests to me there is a majority itching to issue a Dobbs-like decision regarding the Citizenship Clause.
...until recently, I would have disagreed with you. Now?
A normal Supreme Court (defined as "Everything I have experienced, for the most part, since this year") would have refused cert.
I s'pose the innocent explanation would be that they took it to "clarify" the issue nationwide after the CASA'd the lower courts. But given that there is no circuit split or contrary opinion (because of course there isn't) ... why would they?
In short- given the death of regular process, I think you might be right.
...until recently, I would have disagreed with you.
Until recently, I would not have thought the way I did in my OP.
Dead and rigid verses living and alive. What kind of Constitution is ours to be ? Depends on what one wants, since law is might over right. Law is about getting what one wants, by gaming the system. If it were otherwise, they're be no need for so many courts. Law would never change meaning as it could not be anything otherwise than what is listed.
This Citizenship argument will not go away, but it must. If a country is to be a country, borders must be secure, and so too who is or becomes a Citizen. Our representative governments fail in this foundational question.
If a country is to be a country, borders must be secure, and so too who is or becomes a Citizen. Our representative governments fail in this foundational question.
There is no failure. The 14th Amendment is clear:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.
That some xenophobes interpret this foolishly for reasons of their own doesn't mean it's unclear.
How about persons who are born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, but who have renounced their citizenship?
It would seem clear to me, based on the text, that people like that are citizens, but apparently not.
Seems clear to me, too, but only in the case of those born here.
Congress has power over naturalization, so perhaps they can make up some rules allowing for renunciation of naturalization under some hand-wavy argument that it's related to naturalization, or the usual go-to thing about affecting interstate commerce.
But the text of the 14th is clear - those born here and subject to the jurisdiction are citizens and the whole point of the amendment was to take that outside the power of states, Congress, and the President to change.
But doesn't the 14A remove any power that Congress had over naturalization, once it has occurred?
Yes, I see and agree. You are right, both natural and naturalized are equally covered by that first sentence.
Once a citizen, always a citizen. Perhaps we could reword the laws to allow people to "waive their rights as a citizen" while still being citizens.
I agree with you; the clear interpretation is that they are still a citizen whether or not they've renounced it.
However, the Court has interpreted the Fourteenth Amendment as permitting people to effectually renounce citizenship, and their interpretation governs.
You might consider the analogy of a contract between A and B which provides that A must do something. It isn't necessary to provide in the contract a clause "unless B releases him," because implicit in any contract (assuming no third-party beneficiaries or other complications) is that the benefitted party may release the burdened party.
Certainly true. And Congress passed a law allowing the renunciation of citizenship within a few days of passing the 14A. Which means that, even as a matter of original intent, the text may not be as clear as one might hope.
If they decide they want to be a citizen again, wouldn't we have to let them?
"If a country is to be a country, borders must be secure". This is false. The US has been a country far longer then the concept of "secure boarders".
By his criteria, North Korea is most country-est country ever. 1960s East Germany a close second. They understood secure borders.
I can't imagine that the Court would want a jurisprudence where the phrase "subject to the jurisdiction" means one thing in a statute dealing with immigration and yet a different meaning in a constitutional provision when applied to the same topic because of some nuance about what educated readers would have taken away at different times.
Original public meaning is supposed to complement textualism, not destroy it.
As Adler noted, stare decisis argues for ruling against the Trump administration and statutory stare decisis is given more deference than constitutional stare decisis. So, SOCTUS could hold that the 14th Amendment permits the EO, but it's up to Congress to act to give him permission.
So, [SCOTUS] could hold that the 14th Amendment permits the EO, but it's up to Congress to act to give him permission.
How could the Court uphold the EO before Congress gives permission? If Congress can give such permission, the Citizenship Clause would be rendered mostly a nullity.
The EO would only be upheld as being permitted by the 14th Amendment (noting that Adler is correct that another possibility is SCOTUS remains silent on the constitutional question).
But, Congress has the power to include more people than the 14th does into the category of citizens at birth without nullifying the 14th. For example, Indians. In my hypothetical ruling, SCOTUS holds that Congress has done so for people the EO excludes, and only Congress can repeal the statute.
“Original public meaning is supposed to complement textualism, not destroy it.”
What is that supposed to mean?
I can't imagine that the Court would want a jurisprudence where the phrase "subject to the jurisdiction" means one thing in a statute dealing with immigration and yet a different meaning in a constitutional provision
Don't worry, there is no difference. In both cases, children of illegal aliens are citizens, period.
And along the same lines, I can't imagine anyone of minimal integrity wanting a jurisprudence where "jurisdiction" means one thing when you don't like the person and want to use it against them, and something different when the same person claims it in their favor.
ducksalad: Children of illegal aliens are citizens if they were born under the jurisdiction of the US. In other words, they have to be born here (or maybe Puerto Rico, Guam, etc.).
Of course.
That ship has sailed. The Court has held that "citizens of different states" meant one thing in the Article III of Constitution and another thing in the Judiciary Act. See Strawbridge v. Curtis and State Farm v. Tashire.
moved
Another idiot saying the meaning is clear, in a discussion disputing the meaning, which by definition means it isn't clear. Clearly.
People dispute clear things all the time. Just not in good faith.
People claim disputes are clear all the time. Just not in good faith.
Disputable has an indisputable meaning. Not much else does.
I would distinguish "disputed" from "disputable".
"disputed" - someone disagrees, reasonably or not.
"disputable" - literally, could be disputed; but in normal usage, could be plausibly disputed.
And by the way, in your last sentence, you were deploying the normal usage.
Just because a racist moron wants to dispute something does not mean the answer is not clear.
That you refuse to accept the obvious don't make it less obvious
it just makes you stupid / dishonest
That you refuse to accept the obvious don't make it less obvious
it just makes you stupid / dishonest
That Greg J refuses to accept the obvious don't make it less obvious
it just makes Greg J stupid / dishonest
Good to see. The subconstitutional question is what should be addressed first.
Trump after all, not Congress, did something subject to adjudication.
Also, the law clearly condemns the executive order.
I don't see the need here for granting certiorari before judgment in the Court of Appeals, but then I'm not on the Court.
Supreme Court Rule 11 states:
Where is such imperative public importance here? Birthright citizenship as to the offspring of aliens has been settled law since 1898.
"Separate but equal" had at least some claim to actual legitimacy, and became "settled law" in 1898 as well, IIRC
Only for legal residents. Not for tourists and illegals.
The children of tourists and illegals have been citizens as long as those categories have existed, and are as subject to the jurisdiction of the U.S. as the children of legal residents are.
"The children of tourists and illegals have been citizens as long as those categories have existed"
"Tourists" existed in the 1800s. Well before 1898.
So, do give an example of the child of a tourist in the 1870s getting US citizenship because of the 14th.
You surely didn't just pull that claim out of your ass, right?
The legal issue is imporant. It affects citizenship of possibly millions of people. The procedural issues are important. There are a lot of injunctions where the proper remedy is a declaratory judgment ("baby X is a US citizen") or setting aside a policy under the APA.
Huh. 8 U.S.C. 1401(f):
The following shall be nationals and citizens of the United States at birth:
...
(f) a person of unknown parentage found in the United States while under the age of five years, until shown, prior to his attaining the age of twenty-one years, not to have been born in the United States;
The second portion strikes me as of dubious constitutionality.
Where in the Constitution does it prohibit people from being citizens?
To be clear, I meant the portion beginning with "until shown, ..."
Yeah. Citizenship at birth, but temporary? Doesn't make sense.
I suppose they could say, "Is presumed to be a citizen..."
Right, this is more of an evidentiary question than changing the substantive law.
This is like the greatest question ever because many people who normally champion textualism originalism become living constitutionalists, consequentialists, purposivists, etc., while most non-originalists start pounding the table in support of textualism and originalism. It's very fun to watch.
"many people who normally champion textualism originalism become living constitutionalists, consequentialists, purposivists"
Sounds fun. Can you link to a few examples?
"while most non-originalists start pounding the table in support of textualism and originalism"
This too. I haven't seen any non-originalists making any sort of full blown originalist arguments. A very superficial textualism, sure, as in "hey I think this is what people generally think this word means in 2025!" without engaging sources on what it "originally" meant.
Read Sauer's brief. It goes on for tens of pages about the consequences (national security! public safety!) and purposes (it was only about freed slaves!).
That makes him both a consequentialist and purposivist.
I guess Sauer's off the hook on living constitutionalist since he repeatedly claims that he's the one with the original meaning and everyone else was confused for 130+ years. No snark, he literally and repeatedly says it was all a mistake.
Accept that everyone interprets the Constitution based on their ideology above any judicial philosophy.
We're all biased by our ideology. But I think some of us are able acknowledge that very often the Constitution can't be spun in a way to align with our preferences, and accept the loss.
The term "a person born in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof" is in both places. Their is no distinction between ruling for the law or for the constitution.
That is silly. Words can have different meanings in different contexts. I'm not convinced they do in this case, but the assertion that they do is not unreasonable on its face.
Gorsuch and I don't know how many others has been itching to address (reverse) the Insular Cases. This may afford the opportunity.
I tentatively agree on the Executive Order point.
I disagree of course on the 14a. The Congressional debates alone are dispositive. I tend to agree with scholars that have weighed in such as Kurt Lash, Randy Barnett, Ilan Wurman, and others.
The Congressional debates alone are dispositive.
So we've been doing it wrong for 150 years despite these "dispositive" debates. Nobody noticed them, or was even aware of their occurrence.
I note also that the much loved "history and tradition" arguments have, in this instance, disappeared from right-wing rhetoric.
Allow me to point out, yet again, the central flaw in modern nativist analysis of those Congressional debates.
The debates at the time were about already born, walking, and talking people who would (or would not) become citizens as a result of the amendment. For example, Indians who chose to live outside of the law. One can reasonably say such a person has "allegiance" to some other sovereign, as expressed through their actions.
The whole allegiance thing is nonsense when applied to a newborn at the moment of birth in ordinary US territory with US laws indisputably in effect. Nativists assign them some arbitrary allegiance, supposedly based on the laws of other countries. That's a double falsehood: first, they make false generalizations about foreign citizenship laws; second, they're dishonestly pretending to respect or care about foreign laws. How can you tell? Ask them about cases where the parents' home country specifically says people born in the US are not citizens and thus don't have allegiance.
Even if one claims that we, the US, can assign allegiance to newborns and tell them they have to obey some foreign country that doesn't accept them, there's no section of the constitution that assigns that power to the president. Assigning allegiance is not an enumerated executive power. It's not a pardon, it's not a veto, and there is "assignment of allegiance" law that the president could claim to be faithfully executing.
It's all allied with the larger big lie technique of conflating the parents with the child. I'm sorry they confused you. I hope one of the justices interrupts Sauer to remind him that the case is not about the parents' citizenship.
The whole allegiance thing is nonsense when applied to a newborn at the moment of birth in ordinary US territory with US laws indisputably in effect.
If that were true, then it wouldn't have taken the Indian Citizenship Act, passed in 1925, to give the children of Antive Americans US citizenship.
But thanks for showing that you're either an ignoramus, and idiot, or a liar.
As I wrote above, no one thought that the children born to rich white European tourists while they were in the US were US citizens, they were clearly citizens of their parents' country. Prove me wrong: find a case of such a kid being granted US citizenship for being born in America.
Until you can do that, there is NO legitimate case for birthright citizenship for children born to non-American / non-green card holder parents in America.
born to rich white European tourists
You think, for a case to be a valid precedent, it has to be "rich white European". Maybe before asking people to do research for you, you could make a halfway plausible case that income, color, and ethnicity are relevant to the 14th Amendment birthright citizen clause.
no one thought
Well, let's see, the US Department of State had it in their official policy for decades. It even specifically mentioned the case of someone born on a plane flying through US airspace, and yes, that person would be a US citizen. I think it's safe to assume some people on the planes could be rich, white, European, and tourists.
So your "no one" claim is clearly wrong, at the very minimum thousands of DoS employees not only thought it but put it into writing and implemented it as policy.
Prove me wrong: find a case of such a kid being granted US citizenship for being born in America.
Ha ha. Your anti-immigrant allies - including John Sauer in his SC filing - are claiming birth tourism has been a big problem, but you try to deny it happened at all! But you want a cite, so here's a case:
https://www.democratandchronicle.com/story/news/local/columnists/andreatta/2018/10/31/am-anchor-baby-birthright-citizenship-andreatta/1832282002/
White, European descent, Dad on expired work visa, Mom lied and said she was coming for a short visit. Don't know their income level.
Until you can do that, there is NO legitimate
So I did it. Where's the next goalpost location going to be?
No, shit for brains, I think that in the case of "rich white European" parents there would be none of the racism that caused Wogn Kim Ark to be refused citizenship.
I'm trying to make it easy for you losers to make your case
Which part of "ordinary U.S. territory" confused you? Indians are sui generis. They were not — as the debates over the 14th amendment made clear — subject to the jurisdiction of the U.S. in the way that everyone else was, at least to the extent that they retained their tribal affiliations.
Indians not living on a reservation, who had their kids not on the reservation, still did not get US Citizenship for their kids until the Indian Citizenship Act was passed.
An illegal alien in the US is no more "under the sovereignty" of the US than was that Indian living off the reservation.
The Indian's kids didn't get US Citizenship. Neither should the illegals'.
Agreed. They unequivocally say that birthright citizenship is available to the children of all people who don't fall into the few narrow categories everyone knows about and agrees upon.
Or, we could play let's-pretend-that-the-constitution-used-different-words-than-it-actually-uses-and-then-pretend-those-different-words-mean-what-I-want-them-to-mean.
Ah, yes, the "scholar" Ilan Wurman, who announced on Twitter that there were obvious good faith arguments against birthright citizenship and then proceeded to spend months trying to figure out what they were, before claiming that the scholaring he had done proved what he knew before he started doing it.
"The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article."
If you're going the Congress route, there's no doubt whatsoever what the original public meaning of the statute was in 1952. People born here were routinely being given citizenship at the time, and Congress knew that when they passed the law. Congress has had 73 years to address the issue if they thought the statute was being applied incorrectly.
That was before we got flooded with illegal aliens. Did Congress in 1952 really want to give benefits to illegal aliens? I doubt it.
It's void because of your doubts?
Idiot.
No, because the 1952 law did not legalize birthright citizenship. It just repeated the 14A language, even though the Congress that there were many exceptions to that.
The 14th Amendment was ratified in 1868.
The federal Immigration Act wasn't until 1891.
That would imply to me that "illegal aliens" weren't contemplated by the 14th.
However.
Is there any case law on the citizenship of Native Americans who were born outside the reservation, prior to 1924? I'd find that informative.
As a practical matter, I think it's bonkers to change this by executive order. If we want to eliminate birthright citizenship, it should go through congress. If Trump can't force it through the Duma, then it shouldn't be done.
As a practical matter, I think it's bonkers to change this by executive order. If we want to eliminate birthright citizenship, it should go through congress.
Yes. I can't see how even an anti-immigrant extremist would want the SC to assign this decision to the whim of the next person who gets elected or 25th-ed into office.
Could SCOTUS hold the EO's interpretation is what the statute requires (*), thus leaving it Congress to change rather than the next president?
(*) Such a ruling would also mean the 14th grants birthright citizenship to at most what the EO contemplates.
Congress had a chance to clarify in 1952, and failed to do it. Trump has to do something, while waiting for Congress.
Trump has to do something, while waiting for Congress.
This is an absurd view of our political system. You're a complete idiot.
.
Hold on there. "Moreover, insofar as all three branches have consistently interpreted the statutory language to provide for the conventional, broad understanding of birthright citizenship, that interpretation would be entitled to statutory stare decisis even if one were to believe either that the Fourteenth Amendment did not provide for birthright citizenship as broadly as most assume or that Congress has the power to narrow the scope of birthright citizenship through legislation."
WHAT? Have all three branches ever consistently interpreted the 14th amendment as providing birthright citizenship to illegals? Uh No. Many Mexican migrants were repatriated in the 20s and 30s, and their children, born here, were not accorded US citizenship. And have any officials "consistently" interpreted the statute independently of Wong Kim Ark? Uh no. To the extent any relied on the statutory language to accord birthright citizenship, they interpreted the text to conform the statute to their understanding (flawed as it was) of Wong Kim Ark. And has the S.Ct. ever held directly that the child of an illegal is a citizen at birth? News to me.
Under the broad interpretation, an illegal pregnant woman could cross the border, give birth, go back, and the child could claim USA citizenship years later. Does any branch of the government agree with that? No, there is no consensus in favor of the broad interpretation.
The EO goes further than those born to unlawfully-present parents. It covers those born to legally-present parents who have temporary visas (e.g., tourists, workers, students, and much more).
That’s because neither the children of illegals or lawful, but temporary aliens, are entitled to birth right citizenship under the 14th amendment. Neither are subject to the jurisdiction of the US within the meaning of the 14th amendment.
I'm pretty sure all three branches have consistently interpreted (from Wong until Trump's EO) the language to cover all those lawfully present.
I just gave an example above where they didn't apply a broad interpretation of the 14th amendment to accord birthright citizenship to the children of repatriated Mexicans. And the S. Ct. has never held that the children of illegals or those temporarily here are entitled to birthright citizenship. The misapplication of Wong Kim Ark has been predominantly through bureaucratic initiative in the later half of the 20th century. Such bureaucratic misfeasance can be and should be corrected by the Chief Executive.
Perhaps your example is not correct.
No an outspoken critic of Prof. Eastman’s position on the scope of the 14th amendment disagrees. He can dispute the facts and law until his little leftist face turns blue. Fortunately, his views, or even those of other advocates committed to maintaining the supremacy of their incorrect and overly broad interpretation of the 14th amendment, do not decide the issue. I would think that should be obvious to you given the grant of certiorari. And the open borders crowd has controlled the narrative for so long they’re quite shocked and frightened of that review. Letting other arguments be heard? That’s crazy talk.
In this sub-thread we aren't debating how the 14th ought to be interpreted. We are debating how it has been interpreted. I think you are very wrong on that issue, noting your argument to the contrary is being heard.
First, that claim is made up. Second, "at one period of time X didn't happen" in no way supports the claim that X never happened.
Has the Supreme Court ever held directly that a child born in the U.S. to someone named "Stephen" is a citizen at birth? Does that mean that there's any doubt that the broad holding of Wong Kim Ark applies to children born in the U.S. to people named "Stephen"?
Is there any doubt that the children of illegals or itinerants are citizens at birth under the citizenship clause of 14th amendment and statutory codification of that clause? Uh, yeah, there is. Maybe you didn’t notice, but the Supreme Court has granted certiorari on the issue. More than anything, leftists hate not being able to censor any challenges to their preferred narratives. And this case is apparently no exception.
I admit that the Supreme Court's unnecessary decision to grant cert concerns me, but I am certainly not going to concede that the Supreme Court's choice to do so somehow establishes that the racist made-up position is going to prevail.
A lot to unpack here. The history of the 14th Amendment is shockingly. This is what AI says about it:
"The former Confederate states universally rejected the 14th Amendment after it was passed by Congress in 1866.
In March 1867, the U.S. Congress, controlled by Radical Republicans, passed the Reconstruction Acts over President Andrew Johnson's veto. These acts declared the existing state governments in the South (except Tennessee) invalid and divided the South into five military districts . Each district was placed under the command of a Union general.
A key provision of the Reconstruction Acts was that, to be fully readmitted to the Union and regain representation in Congress, the former Confederate states were required to ratify the 14th Amendment and draft new state constitutions that guaranteed voting rights for Black men."
Not only does it's passage have a sordid history but it's purpose was to deal with citizenship for slaves. There was no intent to address children of illegal aliens (in large part due to illegal aliens not being an issue).
Plenty of settled law has been overturned and in fact the 14th Amendment overturned settled law and most of those settled laws being overturned did not come close to the crap required to ratify the 14th Amendment. Whatever current arguments are being made supporting birthright citizenship ignore history at their own peril.
So you would invalidate the 14th Amendment, guaranteeing people the equal protection of the laws, because Confederates were pressured into signing it?
Make America Confederate Again, right?
Oh, and you could do original research. This is not a blog with a great love for AI generated results.
Bunny,
I don't see anything sordid here.
The former Confederate states lost the war, you may recall. To set conditions for readmission seems perfectly reasonable. Indeed, to let them go back and reinstate race-based restrictions would have been absurd.
As to the 14th's "purpose," who cares what you or other neoconfederates think. No doubt there were various ideas as to the intent. But the language is there in black and white.
For those wondering about the same method of interpretation potentially resulting in interpreting the exact same language differently in two different places, consider the following real-life example.
1 - Congress passes FOIA, which contains a provision saying a plaintiff who prevails gets attorney fees.
2 - Every federal COA to analyze the question concludes "prevails" doesn't have to have a court order, a catalyst theory is good enough (did the litigation cause the agency to turn over the records). SCOTUS does the same thing.
3 - A state adopts their own FOIA for state & local records, and also includes a provision saying a plaintiff who prevails gets attorney fees.
4 - SCOTUS reverses itself, concludes "prevails" means you have to get a court order.
When interpreting the state "prevails" position, what should courts do? When the state legislature passed their FOIA, everybody who cared to look would know that "prevails" included a voluntary production if it was caused by the litigation. Nobody would have understood it any differently. If a legislator were thinking "I want the record custodian to have to pay fees if they get sued and then turn over the records", this is exactly how they would have written the law.