The Volokh Conspiracy
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Supreme Court Agrees to Consider Birthright Citizenship (This Time for Real)
The justices grant certiorari before judgment in one of the two cases challenging the Trump Administration's attempt to narrow birthright citizenship via executive order.
Today the Supreme Court granted certiorari in four additional cases. Most notably, the justices granted the Trump Administration's petition for certiorari before judgment in Trump v. Barbara, one of the two petitions submitted by the Trump Administration asking the Court to weigh in on birthright citizenship. (The Court took no action on the other petition in Trump v. Washington perhaps because that case also involves standing issues the Court would prefer to address separately.)
The question presented, as set forth in the Solicitor General's brief provides as follows:
The Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment provides that those "born * * * in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof," are U.S. citizens. U.S. Const. Amend. XIV, § 1. The Clause was adopted to confer citizenship on the newly freed slaves and their children, not on the children of aliens temporarily visiting the United States or of illegal aliens. On January 20, 2025, President Trump issued Executive Order No. 14,160, Protecting the Meaning and Value of American Citizenship, which restores the original meaning of the Citizenship Clause and provides, on a prospective basis only, that children of temporary visitors and illegal aliens are not U.S. citizens by birth. The Citizenship Order directs federal agencies not to issue or accept citizenship documents for such children born more than 30 days after the Order's effective date.
The question presented is whether the Executive Order complies on its face with the Citizenship Clause and with 8 U.S.C. 1401(a), which codifies that Clause.
Note that by incorporating the statutory question the question presented gives the Court a relatively easy way to resolve this case without resolving the constitutional question.
Whether or not one believes that the Trump Administration's effort to narrow the scope of birthright citizenship is consistent with the original public meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment (and I do not), it is difficult to argue that the Executive Order is consistent with 8 U.S.C. 1401(a) as it has been traditionally interpreted, understood, and applied. That is, even if one believes that constitutional birthright citizenship is narrower than the conventional understanding, or that Congress has the power to define it more narrowly by limiting the scope of who is born "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States, Congress has not done so, and the Executive lacks any power to redefine the scope of birthright citizenship unilaterally.
But wait, some may argue, doesn't the statute merely repeat the language of the Fourteenth Amendment? And doesn't that mean they should mean the same thing? Yes it is the same language, but the public meaning of the statute, when enacted, need not have been the same as the public meaning of the earlier-adopted constitutional provision. Moreover, insofar as all three branches have consistently interpreted the statutory language to provide for the conventional, broad understanding of birthright citizenship, that interpretation would be entitled to statutory stare decisis even if one were to believe either that the Fourteenth Amendment did not provide for birthright citizenship as broadly as most assume or that Congress has the power to narrow the scope of birthright citizenship through legislation.
What this means is that the Court could simply hold that the Executive Order conflicts with the longstanding interpretation of 8 U.S.C. 1401(a) and defer to another day whether Congress could enact legislation adopting a narrower rule. If the justices are looking for a way to avoid a splintered opinion in Barbara, this approach may be an attractive route to take.
In other news, the Court took no action on any of the Second Amendment cases that had been relisted.
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Glory Hallelujah!!!
On the court, I would take the statutory interpretation "out". Had the question been presented, I would also be inclined to limit relief to a declaratory judgment.
I don't think the Court is looking for a way to avoid the Constitutional question. If it did, it simply could have refused cert. Granting cert before judgment suggests to me there is a majority itching to issue a Dobbs-like decision regarding the Citizenship Clause.
Dead and rigid verses living and alive. What kind of Constitution is ours to be ? Depends on what one wants, since law is might over right. Law is about getting what one wants, by gaming the system. If it were otherwise, they're be no need for so many courts. Law would never change meaning as it could not be anything otherwise than what is listed.
This Citizenship argument will not go away, but it must. If a country is to be a country, borders must be secure, and so too who is or becomes a Citizen. Our representative governments fail in this foundational question.
If a country is to be a country, borders must be secure, and so too who is or becomes a Citizen. Our representative governments fail in this foundational question.
There is no failure. The 14th Amendment is clear:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.
That some xenophobes interpret this foolishly for reasons of their own doesn't mean it's unclear.
I can't imagine that the Court would want a jurisprudence where the phrase "subject to the jurisdiction" means one thing in a statute dealing with immigration and yet a different meaning in a constitutional provision when applied to the same topic because of some nuance about what educated readers would have taken away at different times.
Original public meaning is supposed to complement textualism, not destroy it.
As Adler noted, stare decisis argues for ruling against the Trump administration and statutory stare decisis is given more deference than constitutional stare decisis. So, SOCTUS could hold that the 14th Amendment permits the EO, but it's up to Congress to act to give him permission.
So, [SCOTUS] could hold that the 14th Amendment permits the EO, but it's up to Congress to act to give him permission.
How could the Court uphold the EO before Congress gives permission? If Congress can give such permission, the Citizenship Clause would be rendered mostly a nullity.
“Original public meaning is supposed to complement textualism, not destroy it.”
What is that supposed to mean?
I can't imagine that the Court would want a jurisprudence where the phrase "subject to the jurisdiction" means one thing in a statute dealing with immigration and yet a different meaning in a constitutional provision
Don't worry, there is no difference. In both cases, children of illegal aliens are citizens, period.
And along the same lines, I can't imagine anyone of minimal integrity wanting a jurisprudence where "jurisdiction" means one thing when you don't like the person and want to use it against them, and something different when the same person claims it in their favor.
moved
Another idiot saying the meaning is clear, in a discussion disputing the meaning, which by definition means it isn't clear. Clearly.
People dispute clear things all the time. Just not in good faith.
Good to see. The subconstitutional question is what should be addressed first.
Trump after all, not Congress, did something subject to adjudication.
Also, the law clearly condemns the executive order.