The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

"Disturbing Lawful Meeting" Doesn't Need to Be "Substantial" to Be Criminal, at Least if a "Purpose to … Disrupt" Is Shown

So holds the Ohio Court of Appeals, interpreting the Ohio disturbing-lawful-meeting statute.

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From a May 5 decision by the Ohio Court of Appeals in City of Nelsonville v. Nguyen, decided by Judge Michael Hess, joined by Judges Jason Smith and Kristy Wilkin:

The State of Ohio, City of Nelsonville appeals the judgment rendered in this criminal case involving an offense of disturbing a lawful meeting. The State contends that the trial court erred when it added the element of "substantial" to the offense of disturbing a lawful meeting under R.C. 2917.12(A)(1) to its jury instructions….

The State presented witness testimony from the Nelsonville City Council President, Gregg Clement, that the Nelsonville City Council held a regular meeting on April 14, 2025 at which two new council members were to be sworn in following the roll call. However, after roll call and before the swearing in, [former City Council President] Nguyen stepped forward and began speaking.

Clement called Nguyen to order and instructed her that it was not the appropriate time to speak and that she could make comments during the citizens' comment period. Nguyen continued to speak, and Clement called her to order a second time and again instructed her that she could speak under the citizens' comment period. Nguyen continued to speak and Police Chief Devon Tolliver, who was providing security for the meeting, stepped in and tried to get Nguyen to stop speaking, but she continued so Chief Tolliver removed her from the council meeting.

Clement called a recess of the meeting for approximately 10 to 15 minutes to allow everyone to regain composure. Following the recess, the meeting was resumed, there were no further interruptions, council business was conducted, and the meeting concluded. Clement testified that he believed that Nguyen had the misconception that she was the Nelsonville City Council President and could speak anytime during the meeting. However, because Nguyen had resigned from council several weeks earlier, Clement understood that Nguyen was no longer a member of council.

Nguyen testified that she believed that she was the city council president during the April 14, 2025 meeting and had the right to speak when she did without waiting until the citizens' comment period. Nguyen testified that it was her intent to speak for two minutes. A video recording of the meeting was played for the jury. The video shows Nguyen speaking and arguing with council president and the police chief continuously for approximately three and one-half minutes. Nguyen continues to argue loudly with law enforcement off camera as she is removed from the meeting, such that Clement called a recess for approximately 10 to 15 minutes….

Nguyen was charged with a violation of Ohio Rev. Code 2917.12(A)(1):

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Politics

Court Rejects Claim That Rwandan Speech Restrictions Will Prevent Rwandan Witnesses in U.S. Perjury Trial "from Speaking Freely About the Genocide"

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From Judge F. Dennis Saylor IV yesterday in U.S. v. Nshimiye (D. Mass.):

This is a criminal case arising out of a six-count indictment charging defendant Eric Tabaro Nshimiye with perjury, obstruction of justice, and knowingly concealing material facts in his application for refugee status in the United States.

Nshimiye has moved to dismiss the indictment, asserting that the Rwandan government and its restrictions on speech will prevent the witnesses from speaking freely about the genocide, rendering their testimony unreliable, and that admitting such testimony would violate his due-process rights…. He [also] contends that the government cannot establish that the statements alleged in Counts One and Three were knowingly false or material.

For the following reasons, the motion will be denied….

Eric Tabaro Nshimiye was born and raised in the Republic of Rwanda. He is a Hutu, which is the majority ethnic group in Rwanda. In April 1994, the Rwandan genocide targeting the country's Tutsi ethnic population began. At the time, Nshimiye was enrolled as a medical student at the University of Rwanda in Butare. The government alleges that Nshimiye was an active member of the Movement Revolutionaire National pour le Development ("MRND"), a group that committed genocidal acts in Rwanda in 1994. At some point in 1994 or 1995, Nshimiye fled Rwanda to Kenya.

In May 1995, he applied to become a refugee to the United States and was admitted in December 1995. He became a lawful permanent resident of the United States in 1998 and achieved United States citizenship status in 2003. The government alleges that he knowingly made false statements about his involvement in the Rwandan genocide at each stage of the immigration process.

In April 2019, Nshimiye was called to testify as a defense witness on behalf of Jean Leonard Teganya, his former University classmate and roommate. Teganya was charged with committing perjury and making false statements during immigration proceedings about his membership in the MRND and his actions during the Rwandan genocide. Nshimiye testified under oath before a federal jury….

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Immigration

My New Article Making "The Case Against Mass Deportation" [Updated with link]

It was published on the Society for the Rule of Law's Checks and Balances substack.

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Today, the Society for the Rule of Law published my article on "The Case Against Mass Deportation," on its Checks and Balances substack. Here is an excerpt:

Since Donald Trump returned to the White House in January 2025, U.S. immigration enforcement and deportation operations have become more cruel and oppressive than they have been in many decades, if not ever - with victims including both immigrants and many US citizens. The best approach to curbing these abuses is cutting back on deportations more generally.

Since Trump returned to office in January 2025, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and other federal officers have killed at least three U.S. citizens (two in Minnesota and one in Texas), wounded numerous others, and detained hundreds illegally, usually after mistaking them for illegal migrants. ProPublica found some 170 cases of illegal detention of citizens through October 2025. But that is almost certainly a severe underestimate.

ICE and other agencies also make extensive use of racial profiling, which leads to detention and harassment of numerous U.S. citizens who are Asian, black, or Hispanic, or look like they might be and thus potentially suspect. The enormous extent of racial and ethnic profiling by ICE is shown by the fact that immigration arrests in Los Angeles County declined by 66 percent after a federal court order barring the use of such tactics (the ruling was eventually blocked by the Supreme Court, perhaps for procedural reasons). Conservatives and others who favor color-blind government cannot make an arbitrary exception for immigration enforcement.

Conditions in ICE detention facilities are often horrific, routinely featuring overcrowding, inadequate food and denial of essential medical treatment. Since the start of the present fiscal year in October, a record 29 people have died in ICE detention, even though the fiscal year is only about half over. The brutality and violations of civil liberties have been exacerbated by the administration's massive expansion of the number of ICE personnel (including hiring many poorly qualified people), and by its imposition of deportation quotas incentivizing arbitrary arrests with little or no proof. There have been so many illegal ICE detentions that courts have ruled against the administration in detention cases some 11,500 times, including thousands of decisions issued by Republican-appointed judges….

The abuses of the deportation system have increased significantly thanks to Trump's policies. But the system is cruel and unjust even under more conventional presidents. Illegal detention and deportation of U.S. citizens long predates Trump. Northwestern University political scientist Jacqueline Stevens estimated that the federal government detained or deported more than 20,000 U.S. citizens from 2003 to 2010…. Racial profiling is also not unique to the Trump era….

Ultimately, it is impossible to deport any large proportion of the estimated 13.7 million undocumented immigrants in the United States without arresting and detaining many people with little or no due process….

Ultimately, the only way to end or greatly reduce that brutality is to radically scale back deportation itself. There are a variety of ways to do that…..

The rest of the piece outlines a variety of potential reforms.

UPDATE: In the original version of this post, I forgot to include a link to the article. That error has now been corrected.

 

Free Speech

Court Upholds Dismissal of U.S. Coast Guard Auxiliary Officer for "Crass Statements on LinkedIn" "in Uniform"

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From Wenzler v. U.S. Coast Guard, decided today by Seventh Circuit Judge Michael Scudder, joined by Judges Amy St. Eve and Joshua Kolar:

James Wenzler posted a series of crass statements on LinkedIn while serving as a member of the Coast Guard Auxiliary and depicting himself in uniform. The Auxiliary investigated, told him to stop, and removed him from its ranks after he failed to heed its warning….

James Wenzler joined the Coast Guard Auxiliary in 2007. He held various positions over the years, eventually becoming a Vice Flotilla Commander. Wenzler publicized his affiliation with the organization on LinkedIn. His profile depicted him in uniform and represented that he served as the Auxiliary's Branch Chief for Human Resources.

In May 2022, a member of the public complained to the Auxiliary about Wenzler's LinkedIn posts. One of the posts accused certain Supreme Court Justices of being racist, and another included a crude remark about the Girl Scouts.

Here are the details on the posts, from the district court opinion:

The first [post] was in response to a post congratulating Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson. Wenzler's responsive post read: "Another racist makes the court to join racist Sotom[a]yor and Kag[a]n. Great job America!" The second post was in response to a post commending a girl scout for writing a letter to the editor to complain about an announcement regarding boy and girl scouts that the writer deemed sexist. Wenzler's responsive post read: "Well if you are proving you are just having fun, then you are. To find something sexist is to show you are the sexist. Perhaps the Girl Scouts should actually accomplish something, but alas they just sell cookies."

Back to the Seventh Circuit opinion:

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Judge Ross Should Have Been Punished For Abdicating Her Judicial Power To Her Law Clerks

Perhaps it is common enough for Presidents to sign executive orders he does not read, or for members of Congress to vote on bills they do not read, but federal judges should aspire to a higher standard.

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Judge Eleanor Ross, who serves on the federal bench in Atlanta, engaged in multiple acts of misconduct. She carried on a secret affair with an Atlanta police department officer for nearly two years, repeatedly had loud sex in her chambers, lied about her trysts, and obstructed the investigation. Each of these actions warranted a public reprimand and an impeachment inquiry. But one of the more stunning allegations has flown under the radar: Judge Ross routinely signs judicial orders her law clerks prepare without even reading them. Indeed, it seems she never even talks about these cases with her clerks, so likely has no clue what she is even approving. Yet the council that reviewed this case found no misconduct. 

Let me tell you a not-so-well-kept secret: most judges let their law clerks do far too much. Take it from my personal experience. I clerked in a federal district court for two years immediately after law school. The judge I clerked for, who recently passed away, was a dedicated jurist and an honorable man, but he let his clerks have far too much autonomy. At the time, I was overwhelmed with how many important decisions turned on my immature judgment. In hindsight, I cringe at my mistakes that the judge did not catch. Judge Ross will likely lose her judgeship, either through resignation or impeachment. But the public needs to take a closer look at judges who have abdicated the judicial power to unknown law clerks.

The Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeal's Judicial Council, which reviews misconduct complaints, interviewed six of Judge Ross's former law clerks. They explained that the judge's "longstanding practice was to handle all criminal case work without law clerk assistance." This choice makes some sense, as Ross was a former prosecutor. This work is also predictable. Virtually all federal cases wind up with plea bargains, so the most difficult work concerns calculating a defendant's sentence. This sort of judgment will be based in large part on experience and judicial philosophy. The judge I clerked for would allow law clerks to make recommendations but he always calculated the sentence himself after considering all the evidence.

In contrast with the criminal docket, Judge Ross had no oversight of the civil docket. All six clerks reported that Judge Ross "did not indicate to the clerk how the judge was inclined to rule on the motion or otherwise provide any direction." Moreover, "it was generally understood that" Judge Ross "did not wish to discuss substantive civil-case related issues with clerks." I suppose her time was better spent having loud sex in chambers. 

To be clear, the Judge didn't talk to her clerks about cases before they were assigned, and didn't want to talk to the clerk while the cases were being considered. Worse still, it appears that the judge rubber-stamped virtually every civil order that came before her. The clerks relayed that Judge Ross "rarely, if ever, substantively edited civil orders the clerks drafted." Indeed, the clerks were "generally unaware as to whether the Subject Judge reviewed pleadings or draft civil orders." As proof, a law clerk "stated that on multiple occasions the judge emailed the clerk to docket an order within a few minutes of receiving it, indicating that the judge may not have had time to read it." 

Most civil cases in the federal system are resolved on motions without the benefit of oral argument. Judge Ross was likely able to get away with ignoring her civil docket unless summary judgment was denied and the case went to trial. At that point, she would have to catch up. A career clerk "recalled one instance in which, during the middle of a civil trial, [Judge Ross] made a comment indicating that the judge had recently, for the first time, read the order denying summary judgment in the case." With good reason, the clerks felt "uncomfortable with the level of discretion they appeared to exercise in handling civil cases" especially "given their inexperience."

Judge Ross offered only a partial rejoinder to her clerks. Judge Ross conceded that she does not review any of the filings before assigning a case. Accordingly, she "does not offer clerks guidance, in advance, as to whether a motion should be granted or denied." The Judge maintained that she is "always available" to answer "substantive legal questions." Though it is unclear how much help she can provide if she never read any of the briefs. Judge Ross further "insisted that draft substantive orders are reviewed, and, from time to time, needed corrections are identified." 

Indeed, it isn't even clear what "reviewed" means in this context. She admitted "making edits to between 30 and 40 percent of draft orders." So between 60 percent and 70 percent of the orders she signed had no edits. How often is any work product perfect when delivered? As any editor would tell you, the answer is never. If "corrections are identified" only "from time to time" then the judge is not reviewing documents at all. What about those orders that she edits? Does Judge Ross read the briefs, check the caselaw, or assess the legal arguments? Or does she simply proofread to find typos? I would wager she does little if any substantive work.

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Justice Thomas Faults The Court's Inconsistent Approach to Summary Reversals

This aspect of the "shadow" docket is largely ignored.

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Today the Supreme Court summarily reversed an Eleventh Circuit capital case, Whitton v. Dixon. Justice Thomas dissented, joined for the most part by Justice Alito. The Eleventh Circuit issued a 60-page decision, but the Court found objectionable two sentences. As Justice Thomas points out in his dissent, the Eleventh Circuit can simply strip out those two sentences, and the outcome would remain unchanged. This seems to be the essence of harmless error. Why, then, did the Court waste everyone's time with a summary reversal?

Justice Thomas charges his colleagues with an inconsistent approach to summary reversal.

This Court has increasingly granted summary relief in certain cases based on lower court errors that seemingly had no effect on the outcome of the case. See Pitts v. Mississippi, 607 U. S. 1 (2025) (per curiam) (granting summary vacatur for man who sexually abused his daughter after likely harmless trial error); Doe v. Dynamic Physical Therapy, LLC, 607 U. S. 11 (2025) (per curiam) (granting summary vacatur after likely harmless state intermediate appellate court error). It would be one thing if this practice reflected the Court's consistent commitment to correcting legal error in all cases. But, in reality, this Court routinely declines to provide relief to law-abiding Americans when it would actually matter, even after lower courts conspicuously flout this Court's precedents in ruling against them.

Over the years, I've noticed this practice. The Court issues a narrow summary reversal on grounds that are easily surmounted, the lower court affirms the conviction, and then the Supreme Court denies cert. What's the point? Why waste so much time and effort on correcting an error that will not affect the outcome of the case. The Supreme Court often says its certiorari docket is not designed for error correction, but as usual, all the rules go out the window for capital cases. The murder in this case occurred in 1990. As often happens in capital cases, delay is the end and not the means.

Justice Thomas also flags specific cases where his colleagues denied certiorari, even as lower courts flouted the Supreme Court. First, he noted two post-SFFA affirmative action cases involving the Boston School Committee and Thomas Jefferson High School in Alexandria, Virginia. The Court refused to "correct a glaring constitutional error." Second, he pointed to the Court's refusal to revisit the Feres doctrine in Beck v. United States. (Justice Alito did not join this part of the dissent, as he did not dissent in Beck.) Third, Thomas cited two cases from Speech First that challenged campus bias response teams. Lower courts found there was no standing, and the Court did nothing.

I continue to think the Supreme Court's mandatory jurisdiction should be expanded. Too many important issues are being left unresolved, and the Justices offer no explanation why. This failure to take important cases is compound when the Justices expend their limited resources in summarily reversing a capital case where the outcome will not change.

Free Speech

"ICE Expected the Court to Accept … [Its] Basis for Detaining Petitioner, but Shield Its Rationale from the Court"

"Such practices are repugnant to the rule of law, and ICE is warned that further obfuscation and misuse of sealing and redaction before the undersigned will lead to sanctions against the agency."

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From Judge Sanket Bulsara (E.D.N.Y.) Wednesday in Nazarenko v. Genalo:

On May 25, 2026, Respondents filed an answer to the [habeas] petition in this case. That response contained as an exhibit an INA § 236(a) Initial Custody Determination ("INA § 236(a)"). The document was redacted—including the date and time of the arrest of Petitioner and the "Discussion" outlining the basis for a finding of dangerousness. ICE took it upon itself to redact the document, claiming it had been "authorized for release on the condition that certain information, regarding the assessment of dangerousness, be redacted."

The Court immediately noted that the filing of such a document violated its Individual Practices. And importantly, there was no version of the document filed on the docket for the Court to view in unredacted form. In other words, ICE expected the Court to accept that it properly conducted an evaluation of Petitioner's dangerousness, and the basis for detaining Petitioner, but shield its rationale from the Court.

Such practices are repugnant to the rule of law, and ICE is warned that further obfuscation and misuse of sealing and redaction before the undersigned will lead to sanctions against the agency. The Court herein details the reasons why it will not tolerate such practices in the future.

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The Art of the Deal cont'd, cont'd

Serious questions about Trump's scheme to get the government to (a) put $1.776 billion into a slush fund under his control, and (b) drop ALL tax claims the IRS has against him, are, I'm happy to report, not going away.

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[I am assuming that you all know the basic background of the Slush Fund "Settlement"; my earlier discussions are here and here.]

Things are definitely heating up on the Slush Fund front.

Even for a President for whom courtroom losses are a depressingly regular occurrence[1], and even putting aside the Order from D.D.C. requiring him to take his name off of the Kennedy Center, Friday was a tough day for our President.

First, in Floyd et al v. DOJ, the district court (ED VA, Judge Brinkema) enjoined the DOJ from "taking any further action pursuant to the creation or operation of the Anti-Weaponization Fund, including the transferring of money to the Fund; the consideration of any claims submitted to the Fund; and the disbursing of any funds from the Fund."[2]

And then a second court (SD FL, Judge Williams), re-opened the Trump v. IRS case (in which Trump had agreed to a voluntary dismissal of his claims), based on …

"… grievous allegations that [Trump] voluntarily dismissed this litigation solely to avoid judicial scrutiny of a lawsuit that was collusive from the start and was only filed to provide the imprimatur of legality for an unlawful settlement.[3]" The court further ordered Trump to file a response to those allegations by June 12, "detailing his "position on . . . (1) the charges of collusion and whether the Parties are truly adverse; (2) the assertion that the dismissal in this case was premised on deception by the Parties; and (3) the question of whether the case should be reopened because the Court was the victim of a fraud." (Emphasis added)

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Free Speech

No Pseudonymity in Lawsuit by Inmate Who Claims Detectives Endangered Him by …

actions signaling that he might have sent law enforcement information about another inmate.

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From Friday's decision in Watts v. Jones, by Seventh Circuit Judge Frank Easterbrook, joined by Chief Judge Michael Brennan and Judge Diane Sykes:

Two detectives investigating an inmate at the Wisconsin Secure Program Facility tried to speak with David Watts, another inmate, who had sent letters suggesting that he had valuable information about a murder and an attempted murder. One detective appeared at Watts's cell. He feared that the inmate under investigation would get wind of anything he said, so he refused to talk. Watts relates that, even so, he was threatened and harassed. Though no physical harm came to him, Watts filed this suit under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 seeking damages from the detectives for exposing him to risk.

The court concluded that such a claim was unavailable, at least in the absence of physical harm, but also had this to say on the earlier attempts to litigate the case under seal and with pseudonyms:

The district court entered an order sealing the litigation in large measure, which effectively created anonymity for the litigants and any potential witnesses. A motion to continue the sealing during the appeal led to a one-judge order denying that request but requiring anonymity all around. The result is that the parties have filed public briefs but not identified the persons involved. After hearing oral argument, this court now concludes that anonymity is inappropriate given this court's strong presumption that adult litigants must use their own names.

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Free Speech

What If You Start Calling Yourself Jane Smith, and Sue as Jane Smith, Instead of Asking to Sue Under a Pseudonym?

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Suing under a pseudonym can often be quite valuable to a plaintiff; for instance, someone suing over alleged mistreatment by an employer may worry about becoming known as a litigious employee, and might therefore prefer to sue as a Jane Doe. But there's a strong presumption in our legal system against such pseudonymous litigation, and worry about professional or economic retaliation generally isn't enough to rebut that presumption.

But what if you start calling yourself Jane Smith in your everyday life, and then argue that you've therefore informally changed your name? People are often allowed to sue under names that aren't their official names in government documents. If you routinely go by Bill Jones, for instance, you can sue as Bill Jones, even if your official name is William A. Jones, Jr. Likewise, women often start using their married names some time after marriage, or revert to their maiden names after a divorce, without going through any formal procedures.

Generally, "a person is free to adopt and use any name that he or she sees fit, if it is not done for any fraudulent purpose and does not infringe on the rights of others." Yet it's not clear how far this goes, especially if the alleged name change to a generic-sounding name happens after an earlier denial of pseudonymity.

I've only rarely seen discussion of this, but there's now a court decision on the subject, Judge William Young's May 7 order in Smith v. Roe (D. Mass.):

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Free Speech

Alexis Wilkins, FBI Director's Kash Patel's Girlfriend, Sues MS Now for Defamation

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From the Complaint in Wilkins v. Versant Media Group. Inc. (M.D. Tenn.), filed Friday:

This defamation lawsuit is about MS Now (formerly, MSNBC) using sham "anonymous" sources to push knowingly or recklessly false allegations that Alexis Wilkins, through her relationship with FBI Director Kash Patel, abused FBI resources. Defendants are, of course, free to comment on the leadership of the FBI and its allocation of resources, whether positively or negatively. They are not, however, entitled to lie about it.

Defendants falsely asserted that Ms. Wilkins demanded, and Director Patel ordered, that federal agents assigned to her security detail—which did not even exist at the time—escort an intoxicated friend home after a "night of partying." They falsely portrayed Ms. Wilkins as being intoxicated even knowing that she does not drink. Defendants presumed they could get away with this fiction by citing to "anonymous sources," disingenuously claiming "nonpublic" and "inside" knowledge. This was hogwash and they knew it. Journalists cannot avoid accountability by hiding behind fabricated "anonymous" sources. This lawsuit seeks to bring accountability for Defendants' egregious lies….

On December 5, 2025, Defendant, MS Now, published an article, written by its employees, Defendants Carol Leonnig and Ken Dilanian, titled, "Kash Patel ordered FBI detail to give girlfriend's pal a lift home: sources" …. In the Article, Defendants wrote:

FBI Director Kash Patel has—on more than one occasion—ordered that the security detail protecting his girlfriend escort one of her allegedly inebriated friends home after a night of partying in Nashville, according to three people with knowledge of the incidents.

Patel's girlfriend, Alexis Wilkins, asked FBI agents on her security team at least two times, including once this spring, to drive her friend home, and agents objected to diverting from their assignment, said the sources, who were granted anonymity to discuss nonpublic matters. But Patel insisted they do as Wilkins requested and in one case called the leader of Wilkins' security detail and yelled at him to do so.

This is entirely false. Director Patel has never ordered any FBI agent or member of Ms. Wilkins' security detail to escort any of Ms. Wilkins' friends home—inebriated or otherwise—nor did Ms. Wilkins ask any of them to do so. Not only did these supposed demands/orders never take place, but the entire scenario is fabricated. No FBI agents have ever escorted any of Ms. Wilkins' friends home.

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"Ukraine Turns Real-Life Kills into Video Game Thrills for Drone Pilots"

"Kyiv says the Army of Drones Bonus system, in which points may be redeemed for weapons, is the first of its kind anywhere."

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That's the title and subtitle of a Washington Post article today; here are a couple of excerpts:

The attack drone spots the Russian soldier in a field in eastern Ukraine and swoops in. Only when it's nearly upon him does he see it. The onboard camera, sending video back to the remote pilot in real time, captures his panic. He throws his hands above his head and begins to run. The video cuts out.

Then a second video, shot from a surveillance drone: The soldier's body lies in the field, motionless. The drone zooms in to show his apparently lifeless face….

[T]hese videos … were submitted to the Ukrainian government as entries in a competition among frontline drone pilots, with points and prizes for high scorers—a literal first-person shooter in the increasing video gamification of war…. Units earn points for each Russian soldier they incapacitate or kill and each weapon, vehicle or piece of military equipment they destroy. Points may be redeemed in an online government marketplace for more drones, with which to target more Russian forces.

It's an interesting story, and I have no reason to doubt its factual accuracy. But it struck me as oddly lacking in historical context. I'm no military historian, but let me lay out my thinking; I'd love to hear what more knowledgeable readers have to say about it.

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