The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Birthright Citizenship

On the Original Legal Meaning of "Subject to the Jurisdiction Thereof"

The allegiance reading has no basis in the historical usage of this language in American law

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There has been some originalist debate of late about the proper reading of the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The fate of the Trump administration's executive order excluding new categories of individuals from birthright citizenship depends to a significant degree on whether there is any historical support for the revisionist interpretation of the constitutional text. The Supreme Court is hearing oral arguments on this issue today.

One recent suggestion in support of a restrictionist reading of the Citizenship Clause is that the requirement that individuals be both born within the United States and "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States should be understood to have an allegiance component. This "allegiance-based" reading of "subject to the jurisdiction" is said to better capture the original meaning of Fourteenth Amendment. If the allegiance-based theory is correct then the longstanding understanding of the constitutional text is wrong and the administration's executive order is somewhat more plausibly consistent with the Constitution -- and a large number of people should not properly be regarded as natural-born citizens of the United States.

In a new paper, I examine, along with a co-author (James Heilpern), whether "subject to the jurisdiction" would have had a familiar legal meaning to lawyers in the mid-nineteenth century, and if so what that original public meaning might have been. A comprehensive survey of judicial opinions, statutes, treaties, legislative debates, and legal treatises provides a clear answer to this question. These were commonly used terms with a well-known meaning in 1866 when the Fourteenth Amendment was drafted.

As a piece of legal text, "subject to the jurisdiction" was neither ambiguous nor obscure. Its meaning would have been straightforward and familiar in the community of legal interpreters charged with understanding and implementing the constitutional text, not to mention the draftsmen who incorporated this language into the Constitution.

The original public meaning of the phrase "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States simply meant land, people, and objects within the governing authority of the United States and placed under its laws and judicial proceedings. Such jurisdiction was frequently shared and concurrent such that individuals could simultaneously be subject to the governing authority of the United States and to some other governmental power. Such jurisdiction could be triggered by a variety of factors, but the most common was simple presence within the territory governed by the United States. An individual's allegiance to the United States might well trigger extraterritorial jurisdiction when such an individual was abroad and outside the territorial jurisdiction of the United States, but allegiance was never a necessary condition to making one subject to the jurisdiction of the United States.

There are, of course, complexities about how such a legal rule might apply in particular situations, and lawyers sometimes disagreed about particular applications then as they would now. It is also possible that the drafters of the Fourteenth Amendment chose to use this conventional legal language in a very unconventional way and meant something unusual and surprising by this phrase. This paper does not explore the implications of this legal rule for Trump's executive order and does not examine the evidence for an unconventional usage in this particular case. The paper does, however, demonstrate that the 39th Congress that drafted the Fourteenth Amendment routinely used this legal language in the conventional way in other contexts.

American lawyers in 1866 would have known what "subject to the jurisdiction" of the United States meant. That original public meaning of this piece of lawyerly text is consistent with the conventional understanding of that text. The original public meaning will not be helpful to the Trump administration's case.

The new paper -- "Subject to the Jurisdiction" as Legal Text -- can be found here.

Justice Alito: "Just out of curiosity, do you think we should ask Claude to decide this case?"

I suspect many lawyers use AI, but now they will be even more hesitant to admit it.

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In 2009, I launched FantasySCOTUS. At the time, the idea was novel: a league where people could predict the outcome of Supreme Court cases. I soon realized I had the makings of a nascent prediction market. We began to aggregate the votes and offer expert predictions on all of the pending cases before the Court. The best players would predict up to 85% of the cases accurately. By 2014, I partnered with colleagues to develop a machine learning algorithm that would predict Supreme Court cases. We called it {Marshall+}. At its peak circa 2016, the algorithm was nearly as accurate as our best users--approximately 70% accurate.

Admittedly, over time, interest in FantasySCOTUS has faded. I chalk it up to a few factors. First, the Supreme Court has become more predictable. With the new appointees, fewer votes are up for grabs in most cases. I think the novelty of predicting outcomes has somewhat worn off. Instead, the focus is not on affirm/reverse, but how the Court rules. Second, coding each case for our algorithm proved to be too time-consuming. The juice was no longer worth the squeeze. Third, AI has completely obliterated all of our work. It is now possible to ask an AI agent to predict a case, and that work will be far more accurate than what our algorithm might have generated with hours of preparation. I maintain FantasySCOTUS at this point mostly as a novelty. There are a dedicated group of players who still make predictions, and I am thankful for their commitment. But I doubt this league will ever return to its heyday.

In the early days, I was often asked if the Supreme Court Justices would check FantasySCOTUS. I had no way of knowing, but I would joke with reporters that Justice Kennedy might check the league to see which way to vote.

Now, it seems, things have come full circle.

On Monday, the Supreme Court heard oral argument in Jules v. Andre Balazs Properties. The question presented concerns arbitration. I won't even pretend to understand the facts. Rather, I was intrigued by a single question asked.

Adam Unikowsky represented the Petitioners. Adam has made headlines of late for his work on AI. His most ambitious project employed Claude to automate a Supreme Court oral argument. You should listen to it. It sounds really real. And, it seems, the Justices are aware of Adam's efforts.

During the seriatim round, Justice Alito asked Adam:

JUSTICE ALITO: Well, just out of curiosity, do you think we should ask Claude to decide this case?

The transcript notes there was "laughter." I heard the distinct and prolonged laughs of Justices Kagan and Barrett. There may have been others.

Adam swiftly replied:

MR. UNIKOWSKY: No. I --I adhere to the wise judgment of --of this Court.

I think the effect of this joke is that lawyers will now be afraid to even suggest they use AI. But it seems clear that many lawyers are using AI to generate questions that may be posed at oral argument--though they may not admit it. I give Adam credit for being transparent with his methods. Though, Adam may have gotten burned.

For whatever it is worth, Professor Scott Dodson asked Claude to generate a opinion in the case in the style of Justice Kagan.

Judge Leon Blocked The East Wing Ballroom Based on Offended Observer Standing

After Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, a claim for a purely "aesthetic injury" should fail.

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Two months ago, Chief Justice Roberts began the Court's opinion in Bost v. Illinois State Board of Elections this way:

Under Article III of the Constitution, plaintiffs must have a "personal stake" in a case to have standing to sue. FDA v. Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, 602 U.S. 367, 379, 144 S.Ct. 1540, 219 L.Ed.2d 121 (2024). They must, in other words, be able to answer a basic question: " 'What's it to you?' " A. Scalia, The Doctrine of Standing as an Essential Element of the Separation of Powers, 17 Suffolk U. L. Rev. 881, 882 (1983)

These sentences should be enough to reverse Judge Leon's injunction blocking the construction of the new East Wing ballroom.

I'm sure you've seen many press stories about today's opinion, but have you actually read the standing analysis? In an earlier ruling, the court relied on a purported aesthetic injury.

A member of the National Trust regularly walks near the White House, and enjoys the beauty of the architecture. But she doesn't like the new design. This distress, she claims, gives her Article III standing to challenge the construction at the White House. She has no monetary interest. Rather, she simply doesn't like how the structure appears.

Hoagland intends to continue visiting President's Park roughly once a month. Id. at 12. She asserts that construction of a ballroom of the form and scale proposed by the President would disrupt her enjoyment and use of President's Park and cause her to "suffer both professional and personal injuries, including to [her] aesthetic, cultural, and historical interests." Id. at 13-14. The President's proposed ballroom would, in Hoagland's words, "overshadow[]" the White House and "diminish [its] primacy," thereby disrupting the message that "our president lives in a house." Id. at 13. Based on her claims of aesthetic injury, Hoagland could sue in her own right. It is well-settled that the "desire to use or observe" something, "even for purely [a]esthetic purposes, is undeniably a cognizable interest for purpose of standing." Lujan, 504 U.S. at 562-63.

The plaintiff is distressed by what she might have to see. To use Justice Gorsuch's phrasing, Hogland is an "offended observer." Here is how Gorsuch described the doctrine in American Legion:

"If individuals and groups could invoke the authority of a federal court to forbid what they dislike for no more reason than they dislike it, . . . [c]ourts would start to look more like legislatures, responding to social pressures rather than remedying concrete harms . . . ."

I am very familiar with the aesthetic injury claim. It was raised in the Mifepristone litigation. Judge Ho expressly invoked it in his concurrence.

In addition to the injuries analyzed by the majority, Plaintiffs have demonstrated another basis for Article III standing: the aesthetic injury they experience in the course of their work. See, e.g., Sierra Club v. Morton, 405 U.S. 727, 734-35, 92 S.Ct. 1361, 31 L.Ed.2d 636 (1972) (recognizing aesthetic harm as "injury to a cognizable interest"); Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 562-63, 112 S.Ct. 2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992) ("[T]he desire to use or observe an animal species, even for purely esthetic purposes, is undeniably a cognizable interest for purpose of standing."); id. at 566, 112 S.Ct. 2130 ("[T]he person who observes or works with a particular animal threatened by a federal decision is facing perceptible harm."). It's well established that, if a plaintiff has "concrete plans" to visit an animal's habitat and view that animal, that plaintiff suffers aesthetic injury when an agency has approved a project that threatens the animal. See Lujan, 504 U.S. at 564, 112 S.Ct. 2130. . . .

Unborn babies are a source of profound joy for those who view them. Expectant parents eagerly share ultrasound photos with loved ones. Friends and family cheer at the sight of an unborn child. Doctors delight in working with their unborn patients—and experience an aesthetic injury when they are aborted.

Plaintiffs' declarations illustrate that they experience aesthetic injury from the destruction of unborn life.

In short, if naturalists can claim an aesthetic injury to see plants and animals, then pro-life doctors could claim a similar injury with regard to newborn babies.

On appeal, the Supreme Court could have considered AHM's "aesthetic" standing argument raised in Judge Ho's concurrence. But Justice Kavanaugh did not. The ground for standing was not even mentioned. Indeed, I think the Court chipped away at "offended observer" standing in Footnote 3:

The doctors also suggest that they are distressed by others' use of mifepristone and by emergency abortions. It is not clear that this alleged injury is distinct from the alleged conscience injury. But even if it is, this Court has long made clear that distress at or disagreement with the activities of others is not a basis under Article III for a plaintiff to bring a federal lawsuit challenging the legality of a government regulation allowing those activities. See, e.g., Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans United for Separation of Church and State, Inc., 454 U. S. 464, 473, 485–486 (1982); United States v. Richardson, 418 U. S. 166, 175 (1974); Sierra Club v. Morton, 405 U. S. 727, 739 (1972).

What is the relationship between Mifepristone and the Ballroom? Are we to believe that an astute art critic can claim an "aesthetic" injury for staring at slabs of marble but a doctor cannot claim an "aesthetic" injury for seeing the miracle of life? This would be yet another asymmetry in standing. Offended liberals can always get to federal court but conservatives cannot.

I do not see how a claim for "aesthetic injury" is consistent with the Court's recent standing cases--especially when the claim is based on subjective architectural sensibilities. To borrow from The Fountainhead, we can call this doctrine "Ellsworth Toohey" standing.

Foreign Law in American Courts

"There Is Evidence That This Particular Proceeding Before the Beijing Court Was Dominated by the" Chinese Communist Party,

holds a federal court in declining to enforce the Beijing judgment, and in therefore concluding that Stanford holds title to documents donated to the Hoover Institution by a Chinese Mao-era dissident.

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A short excerpt from from today's long opinion by Judge John Tigar (N.D. Cal.) in Stanford Univ. v. Yuzhen; I am an employee of Hoover and Stanford, but I haven't been involved in the lawsuit, and wasn't prompted by anyone to write bout it:

Plaintiff Board of Trustees of Leland Stanford Junior University seeks to quiet title in certain materials denominated the Li Materials, which consist of original materials written by Chinese political figure Li Rui [and by people connected to him] …. Stanford and Li's daughter, Li Nanyang, contend that: (1) during his lifetime, Li Rui gave the Li Materials to Li Nanyang and instructed her to make a permanent gift of the Li Materials to Stanford, to be preserved by and made freely available for scholarly research and public review at the Hoover Institution Library & Archives at Stanford University ("Hoover"); and (2) in accordance with Li Rui's instructions, the original Li Materials were donated to and delivered to Hoover by Li Nanyang prior to Li Rui's death.

Defendant and Counterclaimant Zhang Yuzhen, who was Li Rui's second wife, contends that Li Rui did not transfer ownership of his original manuscripts to Li Nanyang, and that Li Nanyang did not have the legal right to donate any of Li Rui's original materials to Hoover prior to Li Rui's death. Zhang Yuzhen further contends that pursuant to the Chinese court's judgment in a proceeding called the Zhang Action, she is the sole owner of the original manuscripts contained in the Li Materials, and that this Court should recognize and enforce the Chinese judgment and order Stanford to return to Zhang Yuzhen the original manuscripts that were improperly transferred to Stanford by Li Nanyang….

Li Rui held various government positions in the People's Republic of China during the 1950s. He became Chairman Mao's personal secretary in 1958, placing him at the center of political activity in China.

Li Rui was a person of strong opinions who spoke out against the CCP during his lifetime and who "ha[d] a lot of guts." In 1959, Li Rui attended a leadership meeting of the CCP called the Lushan Conference. At the conference, Li made comments critical of Mao Zedong and the CCP. Because of these criticisms, Li Rui was exiled and transferred between jail and work camps for approximately 20 years….

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"Rising Wave of Antisemitism" Doesn't Justify Letting Jewish Plaintiff Sue Pseudonymolusly

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From Doe v. Life Time, Inc., decided today (correctly, I think) by Judge Dora Irizarry (E.D.N.Y.):

The Complaint alleges that Plaintiff attended Life Time Fitness from 2018 to 2024, and in 2023 his local gym hired Defendant Ahmed to "man the front desk in the evenings." Ahmed is alleged to be a member of the Muslim faith who "flaunts his religion." The Complaint alleges that, as an employee, Ahmed discriminated against Jewish members, such as Plaintiff [in violation of federal and state antidiscrimination law], by prohibiting Plaintiff from entering the gym after 8:00 PM on weekends, while allowing members of the Muslim faith to enter.

Plaintiff recounts a specific encounter on October 26, 2024, in which Plaintiff arrived with a guest wearing a yarmulke (a small round head covering worn by male practitioners of the Orthodox Jewish faith) and requested late entry. Ahmed is alleged to have denied entry and then admitted to selectively enforcing policies when pressed by Plaintiff. The situation escalated and Plaintiff's membership to the gym was suspended. Plaintiff alleges that his membership was reinstated the next day; however, on December 14, 2024, three Life Time employees, including Ahmed, assaulted him in the gym locker room.

Plaintiff attests that he raised Ahmed's discriminatory actions to his gym's general manager, but nothing was ever done. After lodging a number of complaints, Plaintiff alleges that the general manager banned him from the gym. Plaintiff further alleges he never was given a reason from Life Time as to why he was banned….

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crime victims

A Fifth Circuit Bait-and-Switch to Ignore Crime Victims' Rights

In 2023 the Fifth Circuit denied the victims' families challenge to the illegally negotiated Boeing DPA as being "premature"--but today the Circuit denied the families' challenge as coming too late.

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Today the Fifth Circuit denied my Crime Victims' Rights Act (CVRA) challenges to the Justice Department's 2021 deferred prosecution agreement (DPA) and 2025 non-prosecution agreement (NPA) with Boeing. VC readers will recall this case, as I have blogged about it many times over the years, including here, here, and here. In today's ruling, the Circuit said that the families' victims rights challenges to these agreements came too late to allow any remedy. But earlier, in 2023, the Circuit had said that the families' challenges were "premature." The fact that the families now will seemingly never receive any remedy is a cruel judicial bait-and-switch, revealing how much work remains to be done to create truly enforcable crime victims' rights in the criminal justice system.

Here's the case in a nutshell: In and around 2016 to 2019, Boeing lied to the FAA about the safety of its new 737 MAX aircraft. When two MAX aircraft crashed in late 2018 and then again in early 2019, the Justice Department investigated. And, in 2021, the Department charged Boeing with criminal conspiracy to defraud the FAA through its lies. But the Department immediately entered into a DPA in the Northern District of Texas to resolve the criminal case.

In subsequent litigation, the families proved that the 346 passengers and crew on board the two doomed 737 MAX flights were "crime victims" under the CVRA—they had been directly and proximately harmed by Boeing lies. If Boeing had revealed the safety issues surrounding the MAX to the FAA, the result would have been training of pilots that would have prevented the two crashes. This makes Boeing's conspiracy crime the "deadliest corporate crime in U.S. history," as Judge Reed O'Connor in the Northern District of Texas later described it.

In their litigation, the victims' families challenged the sweetheart DPA, which allowed Boeing to avoid a criminal conviction in exchange for payment of penalties and compensation to the families, along with Boeing's promises to improve safety in its manufacturing processes. The families explained--and proved--that the Justice Department  had concealed the DPA from the victims' families, violating the CVRA which required the Justice Department to confer with the prosecutors. In October 2022, Judge O'Connor concluded that the Justice Department had violated the families' CVRA rights connected to the DPA by failing to confer. But later, in January 2023, Judge O'Connor ruled, quite reluctantly, that he was powerless to provide the victims' families with any remedy.

In February 2023, I filed a petition with the Fifth Circuit asking it to overturn Judge O'Connor's ruling that he could not award any remedy for the CVRA violation. After oral argument, in December 2023, the Fifth Circuit ruled that any relief was "premature" because it was confident that the district court would uphold the families' CVRA "rights at every stage of the court's criminal proceedings." In re Ryan, 88 F.4th 614, 627 (5th Cir. 2023). Accordingly, the Fifth Circuit denied the petition to allow proceedings to continue in the district court.

Less than a month later, the DPA's three-year term was set to expire on January 7, 2024. But two days before that expiration, on January 5, 2024, a mid-cabin door plug on Alaska Airlines Flight 1282 suddenly detached from a Boeing 737 MAX, exposing Boeing's failure to follow its DPA safety obligations. In light of these and numerous other dangerous failures by Boeing, in May 2024, the Justice Department determined that Boeing had breached its obligations under various DPA provisions. Further negotiations between the Justice Department and Boeing produced a proposed guilty plea arrangement between Boeing and the Justice Department—and objections to the plea from the victims' families. And in December 2024, the district court rejected the proposed guilty plea. The district held that, for various reasons, the agreement was not in the public interest.

In the most recent proceedings, the Justice Department moved to dismiss its earlier-filed charge against Boeing in favor of resolution through a non-prosecution agreement (NPA).  The Department and Boeing entered into a binding NPA, and then afterwards the Department moved to dismiss the pending charged under Rule 48(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure.

I filed objections for the families to the dismissal motion, arguing that it was (finally) time to award a remedy for the Department's CVRA violations all the way back in 2021, when it entered into the DPA and concealled what it was doing from the victims' families. And I also argued that the Department had failed to properly confer about its new NPA.

Following oral argument, in November 2025, Judge O'Connor granted the Justice Department's dismissal motion. In his order, Judge O'Connor essentially agreed with many of the factual objections that I have made for the families who lost loved ones because of Boeing's crime. Indeed, he even stated that the NPA was not consistent with the public interest. But, reluctantly, Judge O'Connor granted the Department's motion to dismiss the charge, concluding that he lacked a legal basis for blocking the  Department's ill-conceived non-prosecution plan.

In December, I filed two CVRA petitions for review with the Fifth Circuit. The first petition challenged Judge O'Connor's failure to award any remedy for the violation of the families' CVRA rights when the DPA was negotiated and consumated. The second petition challenged Judge O'Connor's decision to approve dismissal of the charge against Boeing based on the new NPA.

Today, the Fifth Circuit rejected both of my petitions in a ten-page per curiam order. Read More

Free Speech

Justice Jackson's Dissent, on Why Viewpoint-Based Restrictions on Professional-Client Speech May Be Permissible

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A short excerpt from Justice Jackson's long solo dissent today in Chiles v. Salazar, where she argued that the Colorado ban on conversion therapy for minors was constitutional:

The conclusion that a State can regulate the provision of medical care even if, in so doing, it incidentally restricts the speech of some providers, fully comports with the First Amendment's animating principles. These principles include the well-settled notion that context matters when evaluating First Amendment challenges to state regulation. The context that frames today's debate is the kind of speech that is at issue here—what I am calling (as shorthand) "professional medical speech." …

[A.] [P]rofessional medical speech occurs when a medical professional speaks to a client (1) in the context of the professional-patient relationship; (2) on matters within the provider's professional expertise as defined by the medical community; (3) for the purpose of providing medical care.

First, professional medical speech is speech uttered within the bounds of the professional-patient relationship. That relationship imposes certain duties and restrictions on the medical professional. For example, medical providers are bound by the twin duties of beneficence (the obligation to act for the benefit of the patient) and nonmaleficence (the obligation not to harm the patient).

Second, professional medical speech is speech within the healthcare provider's area of expertise as a member of the medical community. Within the professional-patient relationship, the professional has knowledge that the patient does not have, including knowledge of which medical treatments are appropriate and how to administer them. The patient comes to the provider to access that expertise, which is informed by—and constrained by—what the medical community knows.

Finally, and most importantly, professional medical speech is made for the purpose of providing the patient with medical care. This speech is a tool employed to treat patients. In this sense, professional medical speech facilitates the professional's goal of providing the patient with the treatment, procedure, or healthcare that is within her expertise and that forms the basis of the professional-patient relationship.

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Was CASA Really Worth It?

The executive branch sacrificed its power to the Supreme Court, yet gained virtually nothing.

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On the eve of the birthright citizenship case, it is useful to think back to last year. The Trump Administration could have rushed the merits to the Supreme Court, but instead only sought certiorari in the nationwide injunction issue. And to win that case, the executive branch sacrificed its own power. The Solicitor General said it would bind itself to the decisions of the Supreme Court. No decision, not Marbury, not Cooper v. Aaron, ever stipulated that point. Now a coordinate branch of government surrendered. And to what end? Was CASA such an important case that justified that unilateral disarmament?

I think the answer is no. In the year since CASA, there have been a never-ending spate of universal vacaturs against the executive branch. District Courts have certified classes on the fly. And the Supreme Court has shown no interest in clamping down this practice. And if, as expected, the Supreme Court strikes down the birthright citizenship order, all of this litigation will have been for naught. The executive branch is weaker because of this order. What was gained?

On the other side, the doomsday predictions from CASA simply have not come to fruition. Richard Re brings the receipts:

First, the CASA dissenters repeatedly suggested that relief would be practically unavailable, at least for many affected individuals, if universal relief were disallowed. . . . As it happened, the EO was swiftly enjoined and so has yet to go into effect. Moreover, that outcome was not only foreseeable but foreseen by at least some justices and commentators. . . .

Second, the CASA dissenters, especially Justice Kagan at oral argument, worried that the merits of the birthright citizenship EO would never reach the Supreme Court. . . . To some degree, this second worry was parasitic on the first one, for a lack of SCOTUS review might not be a problem if the relevant executive action were still expeditiously enjoined via class action. At any rate, the oral argument resulted in a promise from the SG that he would in fact seek certiorari on the merits, and that is of course what happened. . . .

In CASA, the dissenters raised concerns that were unusually immediate and specific. Perhaps they left enough wiggle room for plausible deniability. But to the extent that the dissenters made testable claims, those claims have not been borne out. The dissenters' doomsaying, in other words, can be viewed as both falsifiable and falsified. One might remember this example when considering other assertions in dissenting opinions.

CASA was so important last year. This year, it barely matters. Yet another instance where it is difficult to know in the moment what Supreme Court rulings will have any resonance in the longterm.

What Took So Long In Chiles?

The 8-1 case was argued on October 7, and decided on March 31.

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I give a lot of thought to timing on the Supreme Court. Internal deliberations are usually a black box, unless there are some leaks. All we know for sure is when a case is argued and when it is decided.

Today, the Court decided Chiles v. Salazar. This case was argued six months ago on October 7. The vote was 8-1. Justice Gorsuch wrote the majority opinion, which was about twenty-pages long. Justice Kagan wrote a short concurrence, joined by Justice Sotomayor, that was about four pages long. Justice Jackson wrote a solo dissent that spanned more than thirty pages.

Why did this case take six months? It seems pretty clear the majority opinion coalesced fairly early on. There is not much daylight between the majority and the concurrence. I have to imagine that Justice Gorsuch circulated his majority opinion fairly quickly. There are no footnotes suggesting attempts to modify or water-down the majority opinion.

What we don't know is how Justice Jackson affected the process. The majority opinion offers a few citations to Jackson's dissent, but there is no lengthy back-and-forth. I don't think there was much engagement here at all. Indeed, it is telling that Justice Kagan felt compelled to respond to Justice Jackson in a footnote.

This opinion also makes me think about Callais, which was argued on October 15. I doubt that case will be 8-1. But it may take around the same time, if not longer.

For those who care about such things, Justice Alito is the only Justice who has not yet written a majority opinion from October.

Free Speech

Justice Kagan's Arguments for "Relax[ing] Our Guard" as to Some Content-Based (But Viewpoint-Neutral) Speech Restrictions

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From Justice Kagan's concurrence, joined by Justice Sotomayor, in today's Chiles v. Salazar:

[A.] The Court today decides that the Colorado law challenged here, as applied to talk therapy, conflicts with core First Amendment principles because it regulates speech based on viewpoint. I agree. I write only to note that if Colorado had instead enacted a content-based but viewpoint-neutral law, it would raise a different and more difficult question.

As the Court states, governments must "nearly always" abstain from adopting viewpoint-based restrictions. Those laws represent a particularly "egregious form" of content-based regulation, implicating First Amendment concerns to the highest possible degree. A law drawing a line based on the "ideology" of the speaker—disadvantaging one view and advantaging another—skews the marketplace of ideas our society depends on to discover truth. And such a law suggests an impermissible motive—that the government is regulating speech because of its own "hostility" toward the targeted messages. If the First Amendment prohibits anything, it is the "official suppression of ideas." …

Consider a hypothetical law that is the mirror image of Colorado's. Instead of barring talk therapy designed to change a minor's sexual orientation or gender identity, this law bars therapy affirming those things. As Ms. Chiles readily acknowledges, the First Amendment would apply in the identical way. Once again, because the State has suppressed one side of a debate, while aiding the other, the constitutional issue is straightforward.

[B.] It would, however, be less so if the law under review was content based but viewpoint neutral. Such content-based laws, as the Court explains, trigger strict scrutiny "[a]s a general rule." But our precedents respecting those laws recognize complexity and nuance. We apply our most demanding standard when there is any "realistic possibility that official suppression of ideas is afoot"—when, that is, a (merely) content-based law may reasonably be thought to pose the dangers that viewpoint-based laws always do. But when that is not the case—when a law, though based on content, raises no real concern that the government is censoring disfavored ideas—then we have not infrequently "relax[ed] our guard." …

Medical care typically involves speech, so the regulation of medical care (which is, of course, pervasive) may involve speech restrictions. And those restrictions will generally refer to the speech's content. But laws of that kind may not pose the risk of censorship—of "official suppression of ideas"—that appropriately triggers our most rigorous review. And that means the "difference between viewpoint-based and viewpoint-neutral content discrimination" in the health-care context could prove "decisive." Fuller consideration of that question, though, can wait for another day. We need not here decide how to assess viewpoint-neutral laws regulating health providers' expression because, as the Court holds, Colorado's is not one.

Here's more from her opinion dealing with a similar question in Reed v. Town of Gilbert (2015), which she cites in her opinion in Chiles:

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Free Speech

Conversion Therapy Bans, as Applied to Talk Therapy, Regulate Speech and Not Just Conduct

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Justice Gorsuch's opinion for a nearly unanimous Court today in Chiles v. Salazar (only Justice Jackson dissented) struck down Colorado's ban on conversion therapy for minors. The Court held that the ban regulated speech and not just conduct, because it covered pure "talk therapy" and not just physical conduct such as electric shock therapy or administering drugs:

[A] law regulating the content of speech cannot avoid searching First Amendment review just because it mostly regulates non-expressive conduct. Take a classic illustration: Cohen v. California (1971). There, the State of California charged Paul Cohen with "maliciously and willfully disturb[ing] the peace." Often, of course, a person disturbs the peace through conduct alone (say, by brawling at a city council meeting). But that is not always true. And in Mr. Cohen's case, California charged him for disturbing the peace because he wore a jacket bearing the words "'Fuck the Draft'" in the corridor of a municipal courthouse. As applied to him, the Court recognized, the law implicated core First Amendment concerns because the only "'conduct'" he engaged in was the speech he displayed. And, we held, California could not constitutionally punish him because of the "content" of his message.

We repeated the point in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project (2010). That case involved a federal law banning the provision of "'material support'" to certain foreign terrorist organizations. Much as California had in Cohen, the federal government in Holder argued that the law did not trigger strict scrutiny because it addressed "conduct, not speech." We disagreed. True, we acknowledged, the law often might regulate conduct. But, we observed, in the case before us the government threatened to prosecute lawyers, doctors, and others for providing spoken training and expert advice (such as "'how to use humanitarian and international law to peacefully resolve disputes'") to certain groups. And that application of the law, we held, sought to "regulat[e] speech on the basis of its content" and thus demanded strict-scrutiny review…..

As a talk therapist, all Ms. Chiles does is speak with clients; she does not prescribe medication, use medical devices, or employ any physical methods…. Colorado seeks to regulate the content of Ms. Chiles's speech. When it comes to issues of human sexuality, some of her clients "are content with" their sexual identity and orientation and want help only "with social issues [or] family relationships." But other clients seek her counsel on how to "reduce or eliminate unwanted sexual attractions, change sexual behaviors, or grow in the experience of harmony with [their] bod[ies]." And in those cases, Colorado regulates how Ms. Chiles may respond. Under its law, she may not speak in any way that attempts to change a client's "sexual orientation or gender identity"—including a client's "behaviors or gender expressions"—or in any way that seeks to "eliminate or reduce" a client's "sexual or romantic attraction or feelings toward individuals of the same sex."

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Free Speech

No First Amendment Exception for Professional-Client Speech: States Can't Ban "Conversion Therapy" Speech for Minors

So the Supreme Court held today.

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From Justice Gorsuch's opinion for a nearly unanimous Court today in Chiles v. Salazar (only Justice Jackson dissented):

In 2019, Colorado adopted a law prohibiting licensed counselors from engaging in "conversion therapy" with minors…. Colorado's ban on conversion therapy reaches [to cover speech], forbidding "any practice or treatment … that attempts … to change an individual's sexual orientation or gender identity." The law forbids as well any "effor[t] to change behaviors or gender expressions or to eliminate or reduce sexual or romantic attraction or feelings toward individuals of the same sex."

At the same time, the law explicitly allows counselors to engage in "practices" that provide "[a]cceptance, support, and understanding for the facilitation of an individual's … identity exploration and development." Likewise, the law allows counselors to provide "[a]ssistance to a person undergoing gender transition." …

The Court held that the law was an unconstitutional viewpoint-based restriction on the counselors' speech, and in the process held that there's no general First Amendment exception for professional-client speech:

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Property Rights

New Book Chapter on "The Right to Use Private Property"

It argues that the right to use property is central to both the value of property rights generally, and the property rights protected by the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment.

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My new book chapter, "The Right to Use Private Property" is now available on SSRN. It was recently published in Rethinking the Law of Private Property, (Jan Laitos, ed., Edward Elgar, 2025). Contributors to the volume include big-name property rights scholars Richard Epstein (on possible legal challenges to resurgent rent control statutes) and Vicki Been (who contributed an important chapter on how property rights arguments can be used both for and against zoning reform).

Here is the abstract for my chapter:

The right to use is a central element of property rights. But it is an under-analyzed aspect of the right to private property protected by the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment, which requires the government to pay "just compensation" whenever it takes "private property" for public use. Modern Supreme Court jurisprudence wrongly provides only modest protection for the right to use. This chapter makes the case for a strong right to use under the Takings Clause.

Part I outlines the importance of the right to use property in the real world. For most types of property, that right is an essential element of the "bundle of sticks" possessed by the owner, often even the most important element. That point applies to both property in land, and personal property. Part II makes the originalist case for a strong right to use under the Takings Clause. William Blackstone—a major influence on early American conceptions of property law and on the leading American Founders—regarded the right to use as a central element of property rights. The same was true of leading court decisions and legal theorists around the time when the Takings Clause and the rest of the Bill of Rights became "incorporated" against state and local governments in 1868. Part II also gives a brief overview of the "police power" exception to Takings Clause liability and its relevance to the right to use. That exception would deny compensation in cases where the use restricted poses a significant threat to public health or safety. But it does not do so in other situations, including the vast majority of exclusionary zoning restrictions on housing construction.

Some of the analysis in this chapter builds on my earlier article, "The Constitutional Case Against Exclusionary Zoning" (Coauthored with Josh Braver). The idea that the right to use is central to property rights may seem very obvious. Indeed, my defense of it is one of my many projects defending intuitively obvious conclusions against academics, judges, and others who deny them. But the right to use has been widely undervalued by property scholars, and by the Supreme Court's Takings Clause precedents, both of which all too often give it short shrift.

Invasion

Seattle University "Dean's Luminaries in Law" Interview on Immigration, Invasion, the Tariff Case, and More

I was interviewed by Seattle University Law School of Law Dean Tony Varona and Prof. Andrew Siegeil.

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A few days ago, I was privileged to be a speaker in Seattle University School of Law's "Dean's Luminaries in Law" series. I was interviewed by Seattle law school Dean Tony Varona and Professor Andrew Siegel. We covered a wide range of topics, including my article "Immigration is Not Invasion," other issues related to immigration, my involvement in the tariff case, political ignorance, the major questions doctrine, and more.  Here is the video:

 

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