The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

Journalist's Publishing Information About Sealed Arrest Protected by First Amendment

Tech CEO who sued over the publication had to pay about $400K in defendants' attorney fees as a result of the trial court's throwing out the lawsuit, and the Court of Appeal just affirmed the decision.

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From yesterday's Blackman v. Substack, Inc., by California Court of Appeal Justices Tracie Brown and Danny Chou and Marin County Judge Andrew Sweet:

"'[I]f a newspaper lawfully obtains truthful information about a matter of public significance then state officials may not constitutionally punish publication of the information, absent a need to further a state interest of the highest order.'" (The Florida Star v. B.J.F. (1989).) …

Penal Code sections 851.91 and 851.92 provide for the sealing of arrest records in certain situations when the arrest did not result in a conviction, and the latter statute prohibits dissemination of sealed documents. Plaintiff Maury Blackman's 2021 arrest was sealed pursuant to these statutes, but the San Francisco Police Department (SFPD) publicly released the investigative police report for the arrest to a third party without restriction, and an anonymous source subsequently sent that report to defendant Jack Poulson. Poulson wrote about Blackman's arrest online, and Blackman sued Poulson and the entities that provided online platforms for Poulson's postings.

The Court of Appeal held that Poulson's posts were constitutionally protected:

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District Court Declares Vacatur (Likely) Unconstitutional

"Even if Congress were to enact a law clearly empowering Article III courts to vacate agency rules or regulations and automatically cause their erasure from the Code of Federal Regulations, vacatur would likely still be inconsistent with the limited nature of the judicial power and the non-delegability of core legislative power to the judiciary."

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Judge Kathryn Mizelle of the Middle District of Florida issued an opinion finding that the "set aside" remedy under the APA is (likely) unconstitutional. Here is an excerpt from the opinion:

Even if Congress were to enact a law clearly empowering Article III courts to vacate agency rules or regulations and automatically cause their erasure from the Code of Federal Regulations, vacatur would likely still be inconsistent with the limited nature of the judicial power and the non-delegability of core legislative power to the judiciary. As a result, I doubt any amount of tradition, practice, or lower-court liquidation can correct the constitutional infirmities of vacatur as currently understood. Because I am not aware of any court to have addressed the constitutional dimensions of vacatur as opposed to its statutory basis, and I have only gestured at them in the past, see K. Mizelle, To Vacate or Not to Vacate, at 19–20, I explain my doubts in full. First, I address why vacatur, if considered an equitable remedy, likely transgresses Article III's grant of judicial power because it has no Founding-era analogue and does not comport with traditional principles of equity. Second, I explain why vacatur, if considered a legal remedy, presents serious separation-of-powers problems. Third, I address why vacatur, when analogized to appellate review, still fails to cure those significant separation-of-powers issues. Finally, I conclude that, consistent with the Constitution, "set aside" in Section 706 is best read as a rule of decision when applied to agency rules.

This is an issue that does not neatly divide the Court along right-left lines. Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Kavanaugh, both alumni of the D.C. Circuit, want nothing to do with this argument. Justice Gorsuch, who never met a regulation he liked, wants to eliminate vacatur. Justice Barrett tabled the issue in CASA, but I suspect she leans with Roberts and Kavanaugh. This opinion will go up on appeal very soon.

 

Climate Change

On FOI Requests and Other Benefits of Working at a Public University

For twenty-five years I never had to think about freedom-of-information requests, but in the last year I have been the subject of two such requests.

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In 2025, after twenty-five years at Case Western Reserve University, I moved to William & Mary. Among other things, this meant moving from a private institution to public one.

One consequence of moving to a state school has been greater clarity on what speech and expression is covered on campus. The First Amendment provides a firm constitutional floor on the level of speech protection state universities must provide. That is not so at private universities, and as I discovered at CWRU, even express university policies purporting to offer such protection can be gutted by an administration that does not care about free expression.

A second consequence of moving to a state school is that my school e-mail and files are potentially subject to freedom-of-information (FOI) requests under state open records laws. And I have been the subject of two such requests since my move to Virginia.

Both of the FOI requests submitted to the university had the same focus: communications I may have had with environmental organizations and others involved in climate litigation, presumably in response to the fact that I have have been critical of efforts to derail or preempt lawsuits against fossil fuel companies filed under states law, such asin Suncor Energy v. Boulder County. In neither case, however, are the requesters likely to find anything worthwhile.

The first request asked for correspondence I may have had with the Environmental Law Institute and individuals related to ELI's Climate Judiciary Project. Presumably this request was prompted by ELI having listed me as a reviewer for the project. Several years ago I was asked if I would review some of the CJP materials, and I reviewed one draft chapter in detail and provided some general feedback on the project. I do not believe many of my recommendations were accepted and, in any event, all of this occurred before I moved to William & Mary, so none of it would be captured by an FOI request. (And, for what it's worth, my view of the controversy over the CJP is much the same as my view of the controversy some years back when environmental groups complained about "junkets for judges").

The second request, which came in more recently, is much broader, seeking correspondence with a wide range of folks involved in climate litigation, including the Sabin Center, and various environmental groups and foundations. I suppose the requesters are hoping to find evidence that I coordinated with the plaintiffs' attorneys or that I received funding for my work in this area. Again, there is really not much to find--and this would be true even if the request covered the years before I arrived at William & Mary.

If the FOI requesters had asked, I would have happily explained the origins of my work in this area, including my decision to file an amicus brief in Suncor. The intersection of federalism and environmental law has been a focus of my work for over twenty years. I have also done significant work on how right-leaning folks should think about climate change, including these articles and my Climate Liberalism book. Indeed, my work is cited in briefs on both sides in Suncor. Of course, most of this work (and the evolution of my thinking about this area) long predates my move to a government institution subject to FOI laws.

My specific work on whether state and local government climate suits are preempted began with my paper, "Displacement and Preemption of Climate Nuisance Claims."  As it happens, I did receive financial support for this paper, but not from any of the sources flagged in the FOI request. Rather, this paper was prepared for a research roundtable sponsored by the Law & Economics Center at George Mason University's Antonin Scalia Law School, at which several authors presented papers related to public nuisance litigation of various sorts. Other than that, I have not received meaningful support for my work in this space (but would gladly accept some).

As for my Suncor brief, the FOI requesters may be disappointed to learn that it was not the result of some secret machinations by the plaintiffs' lawyers or progressive foundations, and it was not funded by any such source. Given my work in this area, I had long planned to submit a brief representing my views should one of these cases reach the Supreme Court. While I have no idea whether my brief will be influential, I would like to think it could help the Court resolve this case in a way that does not disrupt the Court's existing federalism jurisprudence or needlessly constrain the state role in environmental protection.

I would have readily explained all this had the FOI requesters asked. It would have been a quick call, and cheaper than an FOI request.

Free Speech

Jewish Community Center's Lawsuit Against "Goyim Defense League" Can Go Forward

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From Gordon Jewish Community Center v. Goyim Defense League, decided Wednesday by Judge Aleta Trauger (M.D. Tenn.):

The following factual allegations are taken from the Complaint and are accepted as true at the pleading stage. The Gordon Jewish Community Center ("GJCC") is a registered Tennessee nonprofit corporation and "cultural institution that has served as a lynchpin of the Jewish community of Nashville for more than 120 years." GJCC operates a community center on its privately-owned campus in Nashville where it offers a suite of youth, fitness, and senior programming and services.

The Goyim Defense League ("GDL") is alleged to be a "hate-for-profit enterprise" that exploits antisemitism and racism—in combination with harassment, intimidation, provocation, and violence—for monetary gain. GDL is a membership-based network that limits membership to those who share its mission for "declaring war on," "exterminating," and "subjecting Jews and people of color to harassment, intimidation[,] and violence for the purpose of creating 'white nations[.]'" To advance this mission, GDL sponsors hate-based roadshows styled as "Intimidation Tours." {Jon Minadeo II also refers to these tours as "Name the Nose Tours," a derogatory reference to an antisemitic trope regarding the noses of Jewish people that was prominent during Adolf Hitler's Nazi regime.} During Intimidation Tours, GDL's members and associates descend on towns with large Jewish and Black communities to harass, intimidate, threaten, and assault them.

GDL commercializes its hatred by operating an online video and streaming platform—Goyim TV—where it publishes GDL-created and branded video footage of its members and followers' acts of harassment, intimidation, and violence. GDL exploits this content to solicit donations from its members and followers who watch footage of these encounters and for the "opportunity to get recognized by GDL leaders and other white supremacists during livestreams." GDL also operates an online store—Goyim Shop—where it sells GDL-branded products promoting the group's racist and antisemitic mission. The merchandise marketed and sold by GDL includes Hitler masks, "swastika soap," and clothing with slogans such as "Gas the Jews With Us" and "Voting Will Not Remove Them."

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Free Speech

Anti-White Speech Stemming from Seattle "Race and Social Justice Initiative" Training May Have Been Legally Actionable Workplace Harassment

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From Diemert v. City of Seattle, decided by Chief Judge Mary Murguia, joined by Judges William A. Fletcher and Lucy H. Koh:

During his employment, Diemert participated in the City's Race and Social Justice Initiative (the "RSJI"). The RSJI aims to undo institutionalized racism in the workplace by, among other things, requiring employees to attend trainings on racial justice and facilitating racially aligned affinity groups.

Diemert brought various claims, most of which the court rejected; but the court allowed a hostile environment claim to go forward based on the following allegations:

Diemert points to the following as evidence of an objectively hostile work environment: (1) in 2015, Diemert was discouraged from applying for a supervisory role, a person of color was hired for the position, and Diemert was required to perform the responsibilities of the position without receiving the commensurate title or pay; (2) in 2015, [a manager in Diemert's department] asked Diemert, "[W]hat could you possibly offer our department …, being a straight white male?"; (3) in 2016, manager Gloria Hatcher-Mays told Diemert "that it was 'impossible' to be racist toward 'white people'"; (4) in 2017, supervisor Tina Inay encouraged Diemert to step down from his lead role in the department in part to allow a person of color to take his position; (5) in 2017, a coworker called Diemert a "racist" and told him "that 'white people' are to be blamed for 'all atrocities' and that the United States was built upon a system of 'white supremacy'"; (6) in 2019, Diemert overheard RSJI trainers say that "white people are cannibals," that "racism is in white people's DNA," and that "white people are like the devil"; (7) between 2019 and 2020, supervisor Shamsu Said called Diemert a "colonist," "physically accosted" Diemert, accused Diemert of having "white privilege," and informed Diemert that he was "to blame for all injustices in the United States"; (8) in 2020, coworkers told Diemert that he "did not have a right to speak about black oppression" and accused him of using his "white privilege" to discredit their lived experiences; (9) in 2021, a new coworker stated that his "[s]elf and personal care" included "being around Black and brown folks"; and (10) also in 2021, Diemert was criticized by coworkers after Diemert defended critical race theory bans in connection with a discussion of the Tulsa Race Massacre.

And here's the bulk of the court's analysis of this claim (which strikes me as more precedentially significant than the court's analysis of the other, rejected, claims):

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Free Speech

No Sealing of Property Information in Motion Challenging Diversity Jurisdiction

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From Magistrate Judge Reid Neureiter last Wednesday in Kazazian v. Wilson Elser LLP (D. Colo.) (plaintiff appears to be the same plaintiff who was denied pseudonymity in Roe v. Colorado Judiciary Department):

Lawsuits are public. Allegations found in publicly filed lawsuits are generally immune from claims of defamation. But, in exchange for being able to launch public allegations of malpractice or breach of duty against Defendants without threat of a defamation claim in response, Plaintiff necessarily must accept that there will likely be public counter-allegations in return that may reveal her personal information. She will have to accept this as part of the cost of bringing a lawsuit.

And an excerpt from the broader analysis:

{Plaintiff has filed a lawsuit against her disciplinary proceeding attorneys, claiming legal malpractice and breaches of fiduciary duty. She also has leveled charges, essentially of professional negligence, against the neuropsychologist retained to provide an expert report.}

Plaintiff alleges that diversity jurisdiction exists because she has been domiciled in Wyoming since 2024. Defendants' first motion to dismiss questioned whether Plaintiff is actually domiciled in Wyoming. If Plaintiff is domiciled in Colorado instead of Wyoming, it would defeat any asserted federal diversity jurisdiction. Defendants' original motion to dismiss referenced and attached the results of significant investigative work, including motor vehicle records, showing that:

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SCOTUS Stays Third-Party Removal Injunction 40 Minutes After Reply Filed

It seems the Justices worked out a plan before the briefing concluded.

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On September 24, the Solicitor General sought an emergency stay, as well as an administrative stay, of the Boston District Court's order blocking third-country removals. Justice Jackson promptly issued a schedule with the briefs due on September 28, but did not grant an administrative stay. The Solicitor General, perhaps anticipating this denial, preemptively asked that the denied application should be referred to the full Court. At the time, I speculated that by virtue of Jackson's denial of the administrative stay, the case was effectively referred to the full court.

Another theory a colleague suggested is that the Justices had already discussed the case, and the four-day briefing schedule was something of a compromise. That is, Jackson could have given a week or longer, but that delay would have triggered an administrative stay. To avoid that outcome, Jackson agreed to a shorter briefing schedule. I suppose that's possible, but if Jackson was unwilling to vote for a stay, and knew there were five votes for a stay, what exactly would that compromise buy?

In any event, the Court did not wait for Justice Jackson to formally refer the case to the Court. On September 29 around 2:40 ET, the government filed its reply brief. About 40 minutes later, the Court issued a very detailed order granting a stay, treating the application as a cert petition, granting that petition, and setting the case for argument in December. The Court also requested briefing on at least three specific questions presented:

The application for stay presented to Justice Jackson and by her referred to the Court is granted. The February 25, 2026 order and judgment of the United States District Court for the District of Massachusetts, case No. 1:25-cv-10676, are stayed. The application is also treated as a petition for a writ of certiorari, and the petition is granted. The parties are directed to brief and argue the following questions: (1) Whether the district court had jurisdiction over Respondents' claims. (2) Whether the district court had authority to enter classwide declaratory relief and APA vacatur under 8 U. S. C. §1252(f)(1). (3) Whether the Government's Guidance on third-country removals is unlawful under 8 U. S. C. §1231(b), the Due Process Clause, or FARRA/CAT and its implementing regulations. (4) Such other questions that the Government determines are appropriate for the proper disposition of the case. The Clerk is directed to establish a briefing schedule that will allow the case to be argued in the December 2026 argument session. The stay shall terminate upon the sending down of the judgment of this Court. Justice Sotomayor, Justice Kagan, and Justice Jackson would deny the application for stay.

The Justices did not need all of the briefing to grant this stay. The die was cast as soon as the application was filed.

Moreover, it is fairly rare for the Court poses specific questions presented after treating an application for a stay as a cert petition. The Court took this path in Trump v. Slaughter (25A264), Department of Education v. Brown (22A489), and United States v. Texas (22A17). The fourth proposed question is something I could not find in any other case: "Such other questions that the Government determines are appropriate for the proper disposition of the case." The Court may be looking for other ways to dump this case.

The interim docket continues to evolve.

Second Amendment Roundup: Bruen's Footnote 9 Not a Carve-Out from Text and History

Judge R. Nelson’s dissent from 9th Circuit’s Yukutake decision thoroughly analyzes footnote 9.

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Having found the carrying of a handgun in public to be encompassed textually in the right to "bear arms," the Supreme Court in Bruen added that the historical record compiled by New York failed to demonstrate a tradition of broadly prohibiting the public carry of commonly used firearms for self-defense or of requiring citizens to demonstrate a special need for self-defense.  It then inserted footnote 9 to that statement, explaining that "nothing in our analysis should be interpreted to suggest the unconstitutionality of the 43 States' 'shall-issue' licensing regimes, under which "a general desire for self-defense is sufficient to obtain a [permit]."  However, the Court warned that "because any permitting scheme can be put toward abusive ends, we do not rule out constitutional challenges to shall-issue regimes where, for example, lengthy wait times in processing license applications or exorbitant fees deny ordinary citizens their right to public carry."

In order to uphold restrictions not based on text or historical tradition, some lower courts have latched onto, and purported to find an expansive meaning in, footnote 9.  The latest example is the Ninth Circuit's September 22 en banc decision in Yukutake v. Lopez, which upheld Hawaii's requirements that handgun purchasers obtain a handgun-acquisition permit that is void unless the purchase is completed in 30 days, and the handgun is presented for physical inspection within five days at the police station.  The majority's reliance on Bruen footnote 9 prompted a lengthy disquisition on the subject by Judge Ryan Nelson, jointed by Judges Daniel Bress, Lawrence VanDyke, Bridget Bade, and Danielle Forrest.

The following are some of the leading comments on footnote 9 in Judge Nelson's dissent.  There are actually more references to footnote 9 interspersed throughout his opinion.

But the majority incorrectly holds that footnote 9 of New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass'n v. Bruen, 597 U.S. 1…, creates a "carve-out" or "safe harbor" from Second Amendment scrutiny, and is thus analytically distinct from Bruen's framework. Maj. Op. ––––, ––––. Footnote 9 does not say that all objective regulations placed within a "shall-issue" licensing regime are "presumptively constitutional." Id. at ––––. It only addresses "public carry" regulations not at issue here. Bruen, 597 U.S. at 38 n.9…. And it does not shift to the citizen the burden to prove that a law governing protected conduct has been "put toward abusive ends." Maj. Op. –––– (cleaned up). That interpretation violates Bruen's clear command that it is the government's burden to show that restrictions on the right to keep and bear arms are "consistent with the Nation's historical tradition." 597 U.S. at 24….

Instead, footnote 9 described non-abusive regulations to ensure that only "law-abiding, responsible citizens" were carrying handguns outside the home, preserved challenges when a permitting system denies citizens their right to carry, and concerned only longstanding licensing regimes. Id. at 38 n.9… (citation omitted).

Hawaii's challenged provisions are something else. Hawaii requires purchasers of handguns to obtain a handgun-acquisition permit that is void unless the permittee completes the purchase within 30 days, and it requires persons acquiring certain firearms to bring them to a police station for physical inspection within five days of acquisition. Haw. Rev. Stat. §§ 134-2(e), 134-3(c). Neither regulation has anything to do with determining whether applicants are "'law-abiding, responsible citizens'" eligible for licenses to "exercis[e] their Second Amendment right to public carry." Bruen, 597 U.S. at 38 n.9 … (quoting District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570, 635 … (2008)). Indeed, the challenged laws operate after the applicant has completed a background check, firearms training course, and myriad other requirements—i.e., after he has proven himself a "law-abiding, responsible citizen"—and has been issued a permit to purchase (not carry) a handgun. And neither regulation was "longstanding" in 2022 when Bruen issued.

Footnote 9 did not create a gaping Second Amendment exemption for states to exploit with new creative restrictions that would otherwise fail Bruen's test. The majority—like most lower courts—fails to grasp (or even acknowledge) these differences. Never has a single footnote in a Supreme Court opinion been so misread by so many lower courts to deny so many Americans their constitutional rights. The statements in footnote 9 are not the genesis of a different constitutional framework; they show merely how the framework the Court has established might be applied in particular circumstances.

This case is all the worse since the challenged laws appear to be part of Hawaii's consistent and not-so-subtle attempts to end run around the Second Amendment, which suggests that these laws are abusive under footnote 9…. Hawaii has only grown more intransigent in its "blatant defiance" of the Supreme Court's clear commands on the Second Amendment. Wilson v. Hawaii, ––– U.S. ––––, 145 S. Ct. 18, 21 … (2024) (Statement of Thomas, J., respecting the denial of certiorari) (citation omitted); cf. Granillo v. State, 158 Hawai'i 385, 593 P.3d 1, 28 (2026) (accusing the U.S. Supreme Court of "[m]aking the country more dangerous with a Second Amendment unmoored from text or history and unrecognizable to the framers who wrote it"); id. (Bruen was "deadly jurisprudence," and Wolford "show[ed] disdain for Hawai'i's constitutional traditions."). But Hawaii's "[m]erely local attitudes can neither shrink nor inflate the meaning of fundamental Bill of Rights guarantees that apply to the States through the Fourteenth Amendment." Wolford, 146 S. Ct. at 2050.

A correct application of Bruen to Hawaii's regulations makes this case straightforward. First, the Second Amendment's plain text covers the acquisition of arms. A person ordinarily cannot "keep" an arm without first acquiring it, and the law has long recognized that authorization of an act includes authorization of necessary predicate acts. Luis v. United States, 578 U.S. 5, 26 … (2016) (Thomas, J., concurring in the judgment). Hawaii's statewide restrictions govern the process by which ordinary citizens take possession of handguns; possession is the core conduct protected by the "right of the people to keep … Arms." U.S. Const. amend. II (emphasis added). Second, Hawaii has not identified "a well-established and representative historical analogue" for either its short permit-use period or its acquisition-linked inspection mandate. Bruen, 597 U.S. at 30…. Because Hawaii has not carried the burden Bruen places on the government, we should have affirmed the district court's judgment. I respectfully dissent.

The majority improperly side-steps the governing rule. "When the Second Amendment's plain text covers an individual's conduct, the Constitution presumptively protects that conduct." Id. at ––––. The government must then "justify its regulation by demonstrating that it is consistent with the Nation's historical tradition of firearm regulation." Id. The order matters. So does the allocation of burdens. The Second Amendment's text determines whether the presumption of protection attaches; history and tradition determine whether the government has rebutted it. Id. at ––––, ––––, ––––. Courts may not insert a freestanding means-end inquiry before or between those questions. Id. at ––––. It strains credulity to interpret footnote 9 as creating a separate "carve-out" or "safe harbor" from Bruen's overarching approach. Maj. Op. ––––, ––––.

Bruen guides our analysis. And we err when we cast aside Bruen's holdings for a few clarifying statements in one of its thirty-two footnotes. Footnote 9 does not address—let alone control—this case.

Situated in the Supreme Court's step two discussion, footnote 9 provides in full: [Deleted here.]

At the outset, footnote 9 addresses public-carry licensing, not every objective regulation touching firearms. The circuit courts that have read it as the latter have overread and misapplied the Supreme Court's guidance…. In other words, the inferior courts are missing Bruen's forest for a footnote's trees.

The term "shall-issue" traditionally referred only to concealed-carry permitting schemes….

Likewise, "shall-issue" was used in Bruen to distinguish objective public-carry licensing regimes from New York's discretionary carry regime….

Lower courts have misunderstood footnote 9 and expanded the term "shall-issue" to encompass all objective regulations on the purchase, possession, carry, or transfer of firearms…. But the footnote expressly and repeatedly refers to "public carry," "bearing arms," and licensing officials' discretion over concealed-carry permit applications. Bruen, 597 U.S. at 38 n.9…. Those features are not present in the laws Plaintiffs challenge.

This case concerns acquisition of handguns for simple possession, including possession in the home, "where the need for defense of self, family, and property is most acute." Heller, 554 U.S. at 628–29…. Plaintiffs do not challenge any aspect of Hawaii's highly restrictive public-carry laws or permitting scheme. See Wolford, 146 S. Ct. at 2046 & n.9 (Hawaii has "a tight web of laws that severely restricts the carrying of firearms for self-defense."). Nor do Plaintiffs challenge Hawaii's myriad requirements (i.e., fingerprinting, mental-health disclosures, training courses, fees, and background checks) simply to purchase a firearm in the first place.

Plaintiffs' claims target two additional rules: what happens if an already qualified permittee does not complete a handgun purchase within 30 days, and what must occur after certain firearms have been acquired. Haw. Rev. Stat. §§ 134-2(e), 134-3(c). Those rules are not carry-license criteria. They have nothing to do with "guiding licensing officials" in the issuance of public-carry permits via "narrow, objective, and definite standards." Bruen, 597 U.S. at 38 n.9 … (cleaned up). Therefore, Hawaii's regulations—which apply after an applicant has obtained a permit merely to possess a handgun in the home—are wholly outside the ambit of footnote 9.

The distinction is not formalism. Public carry and home possession have different historical traditions. See id. at 45–70 …. For example, surety laws and laws banning carrying weapons while intoxicated may illuminate regulation of public carry, but they would not automatically justify a restriction on possessing a handgun in the home…. Redefining "shall-issue" as a universal catch-all for all objective firearms licensing provisions—rather than a specific type of public-carry-permit issuance regime—collapses those distinctions. Footnote 9's discussion of "shall-issue" public-carry regimes does not speak to this case.

Free Speech

Eleventh Circuit Upholds Restriction on Referring to "Settlement" of Trump v. IRS,

though concluding that the restriction is narrow.

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From Trump v. IRS, decided today by Eleventh Circuit Judges Adalberto Jordan, Robin Rosenbaum, and Kevin Newsom:

On January 29, 2026, President Donald J. Trump (in his personal capacity), Donald J. Trump, Jr., Eric Trump, and the Trump Organization, LLC, filed a complaint against the Internal Revenue Service and the United States Department of the Treasury, alleging that a former IRS employee illegally gained access to and disclosed their tax returns. The plaintiffs brought claims for violations of 26 U.S.C. § 6103 and 26 U.S.C. § 7431(a)(1) and of 5 U.S.C. § 552a(e)(10), and sought, among other relief, damages of "at least $10,000,000,000.00." …

[Not long after the filing of the complaint], the plaintiffs—through attorneys Alejandro Brito and Daniel Epstein—filed a notice of voluntary dismissal with prejudice pursuant to Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 41(a)(1)(A)(i). In light of the self-executing nature of that dismissal, the court closed the case on the same day….

Subsequently, 35 former federal judges (the "former judges") filed a motion for relief from judgment and asked the district court to set aside the notice and order of dismissal and reopen the case. In their motion, the former judges informed the court of a settlement between the parties that had been announced by the Department of Justice. Under the terms of the settlement, the plaintiffs secured a $1.776 billion settlement fund from the Treasury, to be paid to non-parties to the litigation, and a release by the government of "any and all claims" it may or could have against the plaintiffs, as well as President Trump's family and businesses, through May 18, 2026, the date of the alleged settlement. The former judges asserted that the settlement was "a product of collusion and [wa]s itself a fraud on the [c]ourt."

In its order directing the plaintiffs to respond, the district court notified the plaintiffs of its authority to investigate misconduct as a collateral issue under Rule 11 and noted that it might impose sanctions for filing a lawsuit for an improper purpose, e.g., "for the sole purpose of forcing a settlement." In response, the plaintiffs contested the court's power to issue monetary sanctions and argued that there was no Rule 11 violation or fraud on the court because the litigation was not collusive. They did not, however, submit any affidavits, declarations, or other evidence seeking to rebut the adversity, collusion, and improper purpose concerns. Nor did they request an evidentiary hearing….

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The Supreme Court's two decades of constitutional change

"People tend to think the times they are living in are the most unprecedented and unpredictable, but that is rarely the case."

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Randy Barnett and I have started a new series on SCOTUSBlog which charts the evolution of constitutional over the past two decades. These changes largely coincide with the five editions of our constitutional casebook.

Here is the introduction:

Lawyers tend to internalize the constitutional law that existed when they attended law school. Consider a lawyer who took the course in the spring of 2005, a few months before the Rehnquist court adjourned for the last time. That lawyer learned that the Constitution protected a right to abortion, that a university could consider an applicant's race to assemble a diverse class, that courts identified an establishment of religion by applying what is known as the Lemon test, and that Congress could protect the members of an independent agency like the Federal Trade Commission from removal by the president. None of these four propositions accurately state the law today. That lawyer probably also learned nothing about the Second Amendment, which the court had not interpreted since United States v. Miller in 1939. Yet since District of Columbia v. Heller in 2008, the court has decided six major Second Amendment cases.

We have followed these changes from an unusual vantage point. Our casebook, "Constitutional Law: Cases in Context," has gone through five editions: the first in 2008, the second in 2013, the third in 2017 (when Blackman joined), the fourth in 2021, and the fifth, which will be published this December. Casebook editors work within a fixed page budget. For every case we add, we must shorten or remove another, so each edition records a judgment about which cases a student must now read. In this new series, we will discuss what has changed over the past two decades on the court. This first installment explains how much of the course has stayed the same. In the installments that follow, we take up each area of constitutional law in turn.

The conclusion is especially important:

Each generation of law students sees changes in how the Supreme Court interprets the Constitution, shaped by the conflicts of the day. Often these shifts happen slowly and even imperceptibly. Other changes happen radically in a short span. The justices control the shift. In both types of cases, the justices may not appreciate the consequences of one decision until the next case comes along.

People tend to think the times they are living in are the most unprecedented and unpredictable, but that is rarely the case. As described above, the Supreme Court decided cases during the nation's formation, conflicts over slavery, the Civil War, Reconstruction, the Progressive Era, World War I, the Great Depression, and World War II. When teaching constitutional law, it is important to keep the big picture in mind and avoid getting bogged down in the minutiae of the day.

If I may, some recent commentary about SCOTUSBlog is misguided. The same site publishes Erwin Chemerinsky and Steve Calabresi. I view that balance as progress. And journalism is not free. Virtually every site I visit now has some sort of paywall. I ultimately decided to not charge for my content, but I could only do so because I am a tenured law professor with a steady salary. SCOTUSBlog has not paid me for my contributions, but I am still happy to have my work shared on that valuable platform.

Socialism

Were the Nazis Socialist? Only in Part

The Nazis were similar to socialists supporting economic statism, but different in other key aspects of their ideology.

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National Socialist German Student League poster. (NA)

 

Periodically, debate rages over the question of whether the Nazis were socialists. As a general rule, conservatives (and some libertarians) make this accusation, while left-wingers indignantly deny it. This question has returned to prominence in recent months, and it remains worth addressing. The right answer is that the Nazis were similar to socialists in backing sweeping government control over the economy, yet different from them in rejecting racial and ethnic equality. But the difference is greater in theory than in practice.When socialists come to power, they often engage in persecution of minority groups, even though this is inimical to their ideology. There are systematic reasons for this pattern, which go beyond the idiosyncracies of individual leaders.

All of this has significant implications for current political debates, at a time when "democratic socialism" is a growing movement and much of the right has embraced statist nationalist economics.

It is difficult to deny that the Nazis (and other similar right-wing nationalist movements) embraced sweeping economic statism, including socialist-style central planning. The movement wasn't called the National Socialist Party for nothing. I summarized some of the evidence in a 2007 post, relying on then-recent academic research (later research has not changed these conclusions):

The idea that Nazism was an extreme form of "capitalism" and Hitler primarily a tool serving the interests of "big business" is a longstanding myth that even now retains a measure of popularity in some quarters. This, despite the fact that the full name of the Nazi Party was the National Socialist German Workers' Party, and that Nazi political strategy was explicitly based on combining the appeal of socialism with that of nationalism (thus the choice of name). Once in power, the Nazis even went so far as to institute a Four Year Plan for running the German economy, modeled in large part on the Soviet Union's Five Year Plans….

Two recent books further explain the socialist elements of Nazi economic policy, and will hopefully put the final nails in the coffin of the myth that the Nazis were "capitalists" or free marketeers. In The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy, historian Adam Tooze describes the statist nature of Nazi economic policy in great detail, and concludes that the Nazis imposed greater government control over the economy than any other noncommunist regime in modern history. (pp. 658-60). Tooze notes that, even before the outbreak of World War II, government military spending accounted for some 20% of the GDP, while much of the rest of the economy came under government control as a result of the Four Year Plan and other similar measures.

In Hitler's Beneficiaries: : Plunder, Racial War, and the Nazi Welfare State, Gotz Aly argues on the basis of extensive evidence, that German support for Nazi rule was maintained by the creation of a massive welfare state funded in large part by plunder captured in Hitler's foreign conquests, but also partly by means of "soak the rich" taxation within Germany itself.

Some nonetheless persist in viewing the Nazi economic system as "capitalist" because 1) some big businessmen (such as the Krupps) supported the Nazi regime, and 2) most of the means of production remained under private rather than state ownership. It is certainly true that much industrial capital remained formally under private ownership under the Nazis. However, under the Four Year Plan and other similar policies, it was primarily the government that determined what goods would be produced, what prices would be charged, and (in many cases) who would be the consumers. "Capitalist" private firms in Nazi Germany played a role far more similar to that of socialist managers of enterprises in the Soviet Union than that of actual capitalists in a market system. The Krupps and others certainly profited greatly under the Nazis, but so too did high-ranking Communist Party enterprise managers in the Soviet Union. Neither, however, detracted from the state's ultimate control over economic production…..

These two new books are useful complements to Avraham Barkai's 1990 work Nazi Economics, which explored the ideological origins of Nazi economic policy and showed how Nazi economic theorists explicitly advocated statism, while rejecting free markets. Like some modern opponents of globalization and free trade, the Nazis viewed economics as a zero-sum game between nations, where increasing wealth for one country could, in the long run, only be achieved by impoverishing or conquering others.

More recently, economist Bryan Caplan has surveyed the data on Nazi economic policy, indicating extensive and rapidly growing government control of the economy.

But government control of the economy was not the only element of Nazi ideology. Another key facet was racial and ethnic hierarchy. The Nazis believed the state should serve the interest of "Aryan" Germans. Other groups were at best second-class citizens, and at worst slated for slavery (as in the case of Slavic peoples), or outright extermination (as in the case of the Jews).

By contrast, socialist ideology is egalitarian. The slogan "Workers of the World Unite" urges proletarians of all ethnic and national backgrounds to come together. Marx famously regarded nationalism as a form of "false consciousness." Not all socialists reject nationalism so completely. But, as a general rule, they support racial and ethnic equality and condemn discrimination. In part for this reason, historically oppressed racial and ethnic minorities have often played a role in nascent socialist movements.

The anti-Semitic trope that communism was a Jewish conspiracy is false. Most Russian Jews were not communists, and most communists were not Jews. But it is true that Jews (and a number of other ethnic minorities) were disproportionately represented among pre-1917 Russian communists. That was in part because the communists promised ethnic equality and an end to the Russian Empire's egregious anti-Semitic discrimination. Jews were similarly overrepresented in other movements promoting ethnic equality at that time, including the Constitutional Democratic Party, which sought to make Russia a liberal democracy.

Left-wingers who argue that the Nazis were not socialist like to emphasize this egalitarian dimension of socialist ideology. They have a point. But, sadly, socialist governments often fail to live up to these principles.

The Soviet Union - the world's first socialist state - is a notable example. Despite promising equality, the Soviet government ultimately engaged in massive persecution of minority groups. Stalin deported and partially exterminated various groups, such as the Crimean Tartars. Ukrainian language and culture was subjected to widespread persecution, and the state-created famine of the 1930s was in part an effort to crush Ukrainians (though millions of Russians and others also died). For many decades, the Soviet Union also promoted extensive state-sponsored anti-Semitism and discrimination against Jews, despite the fact that Jews had been overrepresented among the "Old Bolsheviks" (early leaders of the communist movement).

Such ethnic persecution and discrimination is far from unique to the Soviet Union. It was and is common in other socialist states. The Chinese communists have engaged in horrific persecution of Uyghurs and Tibetans, among others. Pol Pot's Cambodia targeted Vietnamese and other minorities for extermination. Ethiopian communists persecuted and murdered members of the Eritrean and Tigrayan minorities. And such examples can easily be multiplied.

The ubiquity of ethnic persecution - often rising to the level of deportation and mass murder - under socialist regimes, suggests a systematic pattern. Why does it happen? A key factor is that socialism requires immense coercion and concentration of power in order to function. If you intend to subject the economy to systematic central planning, ethnic and cultural minorities are a potential danger. Their distinctive practices and traditions might deviate from the plan in various ways. Ethnic groups that seek (or might seek) autonomy or secession are a particular threat to the plan, and therefore especially likely to be subjected to repression. Thus, the Soviet government's animus against Ukrainians (the largest potentially secessionist minority in the USSR), and China's against the Tibetans and Uyghurs.

In addition, socialist hatred and fear of capitalists often leads to prejudice against minority groups - such as the Jews in Europe and Chinese in southeast Asia - who are disproportionately represented in business and financial enterprises. This is how we get the distinctive far-left version of anti-Semitism, evident in Karl Marx's writings, among others.

A Soviet joke holds that a Soviet citizen who speaks only one language (usually an ethnic Russian who knows only Russian) is a good communist. By contrast, one who speaks two languages (usually a member of a non-Russian minority group, who  speaks both Russian and that group's language) is a dangerous "nationalist." And one who speaks five, is a malevolent "Zionist" (likely, a Jew). The joke well captures socialist regimes' fear and suspicion of minority groups, despite their ideological commitment to egalitarianism.

In some cases, the idiosyncratic prejudices of individual leaders also play a role. Stalin, for example, had a variety of prejudices against various groups, including Jews. But these idiosyncracies are significant in large part because of systematic tendencies of socialism. Stalin's personal views had a big impact because the socialist system required an immense concentration of power, and massive coercion. People who questioned Stalin's prejudices (many of which were genuinely at odds with traditional Marxist ideology) could expect to lose their jobs, end up in prison or a Gulag, or even be executed.

In sum, there are important commonalities between Nazis and socialists. But also an important difference, when it comes to racial and ethnic equality. But, in a tragic irony, the point on which Nazis and socialists are similar - government control of the economy - often ends up undermining the ethnic egalitarianism which is one of the few admirable aspects of socialism.

All of this is of more than just theoretical significance at a time when many right-wingers in the US and Europe are embracing statist nationalist economic policy. Racial and ethnic bigotry and persecution is a ubiquitous feature of nationalist movements, even if most don't go as far as the Nazis did. The move towards statist nationalism is the main reason for the current resurgence of anti-Semitism and other bigotry on the political right in the US.  And nationalist central planning of the economy has  other massive flaws, many of them similar to the socialist version.

On the left, "democratic socialism" has had a resurgence in popularity. Left-liberals would do well to remember that this movement's economic policies have many of the same dangers as those of right-wing nationalists. In addition, socialists' promotion of economic central planning often ends up undermining their laudable ethnic and racial egalitarianism.

Free Speech

Lawyers Shouldn't Spit in Protesters' Faces (and Police Generally Shouldn't Kick in Doors Without Warrants)

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In In the Matter of Disciplinary Proceedings Against Rapkin, decided Sept. 17 by the Wisconsin Supreme Court, Stephanie Rapkin was subjected to discipline by the Wisconsin OLR (Office of Lawyer Regulations) for charging a client "thousands of dollars without a valid written fee agreement in place," "fail[ing] to diligently carry out her duties," and related misconduct, as well as this unrelated offense:

The OLR's complaint next alleged that on June 6, 2020, Attorney Rapkin "spat in the face of an African-American teenager who was taking part in a protest in Shorewood, Wisconsin" [apparently a Black Lives Matter protest -EV]. This incident led to Attorney Rapkin being convicted, following a jury trial, of misdemeanor disorderly conduct….

Rapkin didn't appear to contest the charges, saying that she had retired. The court concluded that a one-year suspension was the proper disciplinary measure:

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Problems with the New US Civil Rights Commission Report on Campus Antisemitism, Part II

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In my previous post, I argued that contrary to a new US Civil Rights Commission Report, plaintiffs alleging an illegal hostile campus environment don't need to show that the hostile environment was created by individuals or groups with discriminatory animus toward the protected class plaintiff belongs to.

Thus, Jewish students subject to a hostile environment don't need to prove that the antizionist students who created the hostile environment were motivated by anti-Jewish antimus.

This raises on obvious objection: what's to stop complainants from using hostile environment law to force universities to suppress political speech that offends them so much that they can reasonably argue that it creates a hostile environment for them? Can Hispanic students, for example, argue that speech hostile to immigration and multiculturalism creates a hostile environment, even if the speakers were not motivated by, and did not express, anti-Latino animus?

As the Report acknowledges, caselaw on whether purely political speech, not targeted at particular individuals, can create a hostile environment is far from clear.

But the Report quotes me and others as arguing, in my words, that in general "the First Amendment bars university students from basing hostile-environment claims on the ideological content of political speech they might also encounter on a street corner off-campus."

So in my view, regardless of whether antizionist activist students are motivated by antisemitic animus, their actions can create a legally hostile environment for Jewish students. But also regardless of whether there is antisemitic animus, political speech by the activists that does not amount to individualized harassment, threats, or intimidation cannot be the basis of a hostile environment claim.

However, as I have also argued, in appropriate cases such speech can provide contextual evidence as to why actions like vandalism, disruptions, and threats, not protected by the First Amendment are reasonably perceived by Jewish students as threatening and creating a hostile environment.

Free Speech

Painting Graffiti on African Burial Ground National Monument Isn't Protected Speech or Religious Practice

Self-coronate yourself elsewhere.

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The case is U.S. v. Palacio, decided last week by Judge Vernon Broderick (S.D.N.Y.); for what appears to be a video put up by Palacio, see this Instagram reel. First, the facts, as alleged by the government:

On September 20, 2024, Defendant Roberto Palacio … was charged with destruction of government property, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1361. …

The African Burial Ground National Monument … sits on a portion of what was the nation's earliest and largest African American cemetery, which was established in or around 1673. Because African Americans were prohibited from being buried in churchyards within New York City at the time, the cemetery was located outside of the then-boundaries of the city. Approximately 15,000 to 20,000 men, women, and children were buried in the cemetery. In the early 1990s, during the excavation of what would become the Ted Weiss Federal Building, 419 human remains were uncovered at the location of a portion of the cemetery. In or around 2003, these remains were reinterred on the preserved portion of the cemetery on Duane Street near Foley Square. The Monument features a granite prism that is surrounded by a circle of the diaspora, which contains 22 Adinkra symbols, each representing different African peoples and cultures. Next to these symbols, there are seven burial mounds, which contain the 419 bodies previously discovered at the cemetery.

Defendant, who is 38 years-old, has been an artist for most of his adult life and is inspired by artists like Jean-Michel Basquiat. The graffiti included words, phrases, and symbols such as "Palacio," "REINCARNATION," Olympic rings, and "The Second Art Showing: Coming TIFF TIFF," which indicated how the audience could further engage with his art show. Moreover, it also included a large crown painted in the center of the circle of the diaspora and pink paint on the Adinkra symbols. Later that same day, Palacio made a public Instagram post (the "Post") that showed the digital rendering of a pink light beam emanating from the Monument. The Post announced the opening of an "art show" running from August 12 "until they take it down" and urged people to "go check it out." The Post also described details of graffiti, including the large blue crown and the pink paint on the Adinkra symbols. Palacio added: "This was done, illegally. I Will be turning myself in, shortly."…

Palacio admitted that on August 13, 2024, he committed an "expression of art" by vandalizing the Monument. Additionally, Palacio admitted that while he had originally planned to turn himself in soon after he committed the vandalism, he later decided to wait until September 10, 2024, because there were several art exhibits happening on that day. The cost to restore the Monument totaled "thousands of dollars." …

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Problems with the New US Civil Rights Commission Report on Campus Antisemitism, Part I

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Yesterday, the US Civil Rights Commission, composed of four Republican and four Democratic appointees, with a Democratic Chair and Vice-Chair, issued a unanimous report on antisemitism on university campuses.

I find much of the legal analysis wanting, to say the least. I will have at least a few posts explaining why, starting with this one.

The Commission's Report argues that Title VI hostile environment law only reaches hostile environment discrimination when the underlying actors accused of creating the hostile environment did so with intent to discriminate against the group claiming discrimination. (The Commission alternatively describes this as antisemitic "intent," "motivation" or "animus.")

In other words, Jewish students can't bring a hostile environment claim against Harvard University unless the Harvard students who allegedly created the hostile environment did so with antisemitic intent, regardless of how the defendant, Harvard itself, reacted.

On pages 64-69, he Report cites various legal arguments, and precedents including the First Circuit's horrible opinion in Stand With Us v. MIT, for its position, but this argument has to be wrong.

Consider the following hypothetical. Harvard deploys an AI system to send out email  announcements to students, which come from an address "HarvardAI@Harvard.edu." Students are required to read these announcements, which provide notices about exam dates, new or revised academic policies, required student orientations and trainings, and other necessary information.

Unfortunately, the AI system goes rogue, and in addition to sending out mundane announcements, it also figures out which students belong to the Black Students Association, and starts sending them, along with the standard emails, regular emails with mundane titles like "New Dorm Security Rules" but containing text that contains vile, personalized racist invective.

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