The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

Libel, College Students, and Garnished Wages: Even Entry-Level Workers Aren't "Judgment-Proof"

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I wrote last November about a libel verdict in Cody v. Dirir, a lawsuit between two college students. To quickly excerpt the facts, from the court's opinion:

On October 12, 2022 [likely should say 2019 -EV], the plaintiff and the defendant were students at the University of Connecticut in Storrs, Connecticut (University). They did not know each other until October 12, 2022 [likely should say 2019 -EV], when the defendant attended a party at a home of a fraternity that the plaintiff was a member of and where he resided. During the party, the defendant believed that she was called a nigger (N-word) by another member of the fraternity, Frank V., a black male. When the defendant told the plaintiff, a white male, that Frank called her the N-word, the plaintiff tried to convince her that Frank would never say that and if he did, he did not intend it in a negative way as he used the N-word with an "a" at the end of the word and not with an "er" at the end of the word. Frank used the N-word in the defendant's presence, and she believed the word was directed to her.

The defendant was upset by this exchange at the party, and after the defendant left the party, she reported this encounter to her cousin, … Ellie …. With the defendant's assistance of providing a picture of the plaintiff and Frank, Ellie posted on her Twitter page the picture of Frank and the plaintiff with the following statement: "These two called my little cousin a nigga and continued to belittle her infront of their white friends at a UConn frat party. If anyone knows their names, please let me know. And tell them keep that energy." The statement with the picture (also referred to as "post" or "tweet") was seen initially by approximately 700 to 1000 people who are the cousin's Twitter followers. Those followers then forwarded the post/tweet to their Twitter followers, resulting in approximately 5000 or more people viewing the post.

The statement, plaintiff argued, was false, badly damaged his reputation, and distressed him. (For more details, see the longer excerpt here.) And the judge ultimately agreed, concluding (to oversimplify) that the statement was false and highly distressing. Because of this, the judge awarded $10K in compensatory damages to plaintiff, and left open the possibility of punitive damages. In May 2024, the judge indeed awarded $26K in punitive damages, reflecting 3/4 of the plaintiff's attorney fees (since plaintiff had prevailed on the most significant part of his claims but not all his claims).

Defendant thus owed $36K, and plaintiff moved to garnish defendant's wages, which is to say to have the judgment paid off (slowly) out of defendant's paycheck. Here's what happened, according to Judge Matthew Wax-Krell's order issued last week:

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Criminal Justice

It's Time to Confront Failures of Justice (Part III)

Counting the many costs of failures of justice.

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This is the third in a five-part series where we're guest blogging about our new book Confronting Failures of Justice: Getting Away With Murder and Rape, available here. The last two posts introduced the problem of failures of justice (instances of unpunished or inadequately punished crime) and discussed how the problem is not solving itself. Now it's time to talk about costs. Why should we care about failures of justice? One cost is moral—we, along with most people, believe that there is a moral obligation to punish serious crime. This argument could also be made in social contract terms—the government has a duty to its people to punish those who victimize them.

But in addition to these moral costs, failing to punish serious crime produces enormous real-world harms. These include trauma to victims and co-victims, as well as increased crime through loss of incapacitation, reductions in deterrence, and, perhaps most importantly, the consequences of a decline in the law's moral credibility with the community. Consider an excerpt from our book discussing the harms caused to victims and their families.

Many serious, violent crimes leave victims alive but scar them with emotional trauma, especially when justice is not served. Surviving a rape or attempted murder is merely the beginning of suffering for most victims. A victim may well find some measure of solace and healing in the thought that their attacker has been caught and punished, but most victims of serious crime never experience that comfort…. It is impossible to quantify the suffering victims experience when their victimizers escape justice, but the cost is real and significant.… Studies have found that rape victims are more likely to experience post-traumatic stress disorder if they have "negative experiences with the criminal justice system" compared with those who have positive experiences with the system or even those who had no interaction with the system. The knowledge that one's attacker still walks free can be infuriating and crippling to many victims.…

Rape is not the only crime with enormous personal costs. When a murderer or other serious violent offender gets away without deserved punishment, the victims' families and friends are emotionally scarred. The relatives and friends of someone lost to homicide are often referred to as "co-victims," a term that acknowledges that victimization extends far beyond the person killed. Anyone who has had a friend or a family member murdered will have to deal with lifelong grief, but a failure of justice adds anger, upset, and fear to that pain through the constant knowledge that the killer is free.

In the United States, it is estimated that roughly 9% to 15% of adults are co-victims of homicide and that roughly 8% to 18% of youths are co-victims of homicide. Since justice fails in more than half of such cases, around 5% or more of the population suffer from the knowledge that the killer of their loved one got away with murder. Worse, the co-victimization rates are staggeringly higher for other crimes, such as rape or aggravated assault, where the punishment rates are extremely low, even trivial.

But failing to punish serious crime does more than traumatize victims and their families. It also breeds more crime through several mechanisms.

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Stephen Vladeck Replies to Judge Reed O'Connor on Forum Selection and Judge-Shopping

A different take.

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A few days ago, my co-blogger Josh Blackman posted some very interesting remarks about forum selection and judge-shopping from Judge Reed O'Connor (NDTX).  I was interested to know, though, what the counterargument might look like.  In the spirit of furthering that debate, I am pleased to pass on this reply to Judge O'Connor from Professor Stephen Vladeck.  The remainder of the post is Professor Vladeck's reply.

* * * * * * * * * *

My sincere thanks to Professor Orin Kerr for inviting me to respond to Judge O'Connor's speech in this guest post. If nothing else, the more that we're publicly discussing and debating the virtues and vices of judge-shopping, the better. To that end, I'm also grateful to Judge O'Connor—not just for publicly addressing the critiques, but for allowing his remarks to be shared more broadly.

In trying to make the case for why judge-shopping should bother all of us, it might be useful to start with a context in which the cases are (and, thus, the entire debate is) less ideologically charged—patent litigation. Starting in 2019, Judge Alan Albright—a former patent litigator confirmed to the federal bench in 2018—began undertaking a series of efforts to attract patent litigators from all over the country to bring their patent cases to Waco, Texas. As Professors Jonas Anderson and Paul Gugliuzza documented, Albright adopted a series of procedural and case-management rules that gave special treatment to patent cases. And given his own experience prior to taking the bench, he could also guarantee that litigants would have a judge with an unusual amount of subject-matter expertise to preside over their claims. How could he guarantee that? Because, at that time, 100% of new civil cases filed in the Waco Division of the Western District of Texas were assigned to him. And it worked. By 2020, 23% of new patent cases in the country were being filed in the 23rd largest city in Texas.

Albright's efforts provoked a sharp and high-level bipartisan response. Those efforts culminated in November 2021, when Senators Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) and Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) wrote to Chief Justice Roberts that this behavior "creates an appearance of impropriety which damages the federal judiciary's reputation for the fair and equal administration of the law." Roberts echoed the point six weeks later—writing in his 2021 Year-End Report that "the Judicial Conference has long supported the random assignment of cases and fostered the role of district judges as generalists capable of handling the full range of legal issues," even as "the Conference is also mindful that Congress has intentionally shaped the lower courts into districts and divisions codified by law so that litigants are served by federal judges tied to their communities." In his words, "Reconciling these values is important to public confidence in the courts." (The March 2024 Judicial Conference policy statement provoking Judge O'Connor's speech was the culmination of the process that Senators Leahy and Tillis had asked for.)

The Western District got the message. In July 2022, the Western District changed its case assignment rules to provide for the random assignment of all patent cases filed in Waco—so that litigants would have less than a 10% chance of drawing Judge Albright. Not surprisingly, the number of new patent suits filed in Waco has dropped precipitously.

I mention all of this to illustrate two points: First, when the subject-matter of the judge-shopping wasn't ideologically charged, folks didn't seem to have trouble separating out the Waco docket's terrible optics for public confidence in the federal courts, on the one hand, from the perfectly ethical behavior of the lawyers who filed their cases in Waco and the judge who made it known that he was receptive to them, on the other. Both things can be—and in that case, were—true.

Second, so far as I know, no one ever accused the long list of "commentators, so-called watchdogs, and even elected officials" who criticized what was happening in Waco of being engaged in "efforts to undermine public support for the judiciary," or of "increasingly teach[ing] students to presume malicious intention on the part of judges with whom they disagree." To the contrary, the concern was that the judge-shopping that Judge Albright was inviting was itself responsible for "undermin[ing] public support for the judiciary," even if it came from the best of motives and a good-faith belief that everyone would be better off with a patent law expert handling more patent cases with patent-friendly procedural rules.

The quotes in the last paragraph, in case it wasn't clear, are from Judge O'Connor's speech—in which he was quite critical of those, like me, who have been more generally critical of judge-shopping. And insofar as the quoted language is directed at people like me, I find the sentiments rather unfortunate—for at least three reasons.

First, they seem rather oblivious to the pervasiveness of the judge-shopping that's occurring in Texas courts these days. To take one example, just yesterday, Texas filed at least its 47th different lawsuit in Texas district courts challenging Biden administration policies. Of those 47, zero have been filed where the Texas government is actually located (i.e., Austin). 24, including yesterday's, have been filed in single-judge divisions; another six were filed in divisions where Texas had a 95% chance of drawing a specific judge. And when asked why it keeps filing in these geographically obscure (and unrelated) parts of the state, Texas has publicly conceded that it has nothing to do with that particular forum's connection to the litigation, but rather is entirely because it wants those judges to hear those cases. If it was problematic for patent litigants to be able to steer almost 25% of nationwide patent litigation to a single judge in Waco, it seems comparably problematic (if not worse) for Texas to be able to steer a significant percentage of nationwide litigation challenging new federal policies to hand-picked judges in other single-judge divisions in Texas. (I've written elsewhere about why, in my view, this kind of judge-shopping is different in both degree and kind from forum-shopping; some degree of the latter is inevitable in a system with permissive venue and jurisdictional rules.)

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A Reminder Of What Will Happen When The Filibuster Is Gone

Harris says the quiet part out loud.

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Today Vice President Harris announced that she would support eliminating the filibuster to codify Roe v. Wade:

"I think we should eliminate the filibuster for Roe [v. Wade], and get us back to the point where 51 votes would be what we need to actually put back in law the protections for reproductive freedom."

Senate Majority Leader Schumer likewise said eliminating the filibuster is "something our caucus will discuss in the next session of Congress." Translation: Democrats will nuke the filibuster if they win the White House and have majorities in both houses.

I agree with the Wall Street Journal that once the filibuster is eliminated for abortion, it will be eliminated for all other legislation.

She's couching this procedural coup as related only to imposing a national abortion law on all 50 states. But anyone paying attention knows that's a ruse. Once the 60-vote filibuster rule ends for one piece of non-budget legislation, it will end for everything.

Chuck Schumer, the Senate Majority Leader, recently said he wants to break the filibuster for a national abortion law and pass a bill that would impose California-style voting rules on all 50 states. Good-bye voter identification, and hello nationwide ballot harvesting.

It won't stop there. Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse says he wants to break the filibuster to restructure the Supreme Court. Sen. Bernie Sanders has recently given up on his former institutional objections and now favors 51 votes to pass his proposals.

Every interest group in the Democratic coalition will demand that its priorities pass with 51 votes too. Think statehood for the District of Columbia. And think Big Labor's PRO Act that would ban right-to-work laws nationwide, among other ideas that would normally require bipartisan majorities to pass the Senate.

This wishlist is not fanciful. Jeff Toobin offered a similar roadmap in 2020.

Once D.C. has statehood, it will become far more difficult for Republicans to obtain a majority in the Senate, and nearly impossible to confirm Republican-nominated judges. And once the lower courts and Supreme Court are packed, there will be no judicial check on whatever a simple majority of Democrats can muster. Within a span of a two years, our country would become nearly unrecognizable. If you think this sort of rapid change is impossible, look at what just happened in Mexico.

This blog is hosted by a non-profit, so I will resist making any sort of political endorsement. Instead, I would urge people who are generally right-of-center to think very carefully about which candidate actually poses the bigger threat to that which they care the most about. I know of several never-Trumpers who today became reluctant-Trumpers. You are not alone.

Free Speech

N.Y. Law Mandating That Delivery Services Share More Customer Data with Restaurants Violates First Amendment

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From today's opinion by Judge Analisa Torres (S.D.N.Y.) in Doordash, Inc. v. City of New York:

When a diner orders food from a restaurant using the online platform of a third-party food delivery service …, the restaurant generally receives only the individual's first name, the first initial of her surname, and the order's contents—the minimum information required to fulfill the order. In August 2021, in an effort to support local restaurants that use Delivery Services, … the City of New York … enacted … [t]he Customer Data Law[, which] requires that Delivery Services provide restaurants with a diner's full name, email address, phone number, delivery address, and order contents.

The court concludes that the Customer Data Law compels commercial speech by Delivery Services, and must therefore be judged under the First Amendment intermediate scrutiny applicable to commercial speech regulations (at least ones not aimed at misleading statements):

The government can freely regulate commercial speech that concerns unlawful activity or is misleading. But where, as here, the information does not fall into those two categories, courts apply a balancing test to determine whether a commercial- speech regulation passes intermediate scrutiny. Courts inquire into (1) "whether the asserted governmental interest is substantial," (2) "whether the regulation directly advances the governmental interest asserted," and (3) "whether [the regulation] is not more extensive than is necessary to serve that interest." …

To evaluate whether an interest is substantial, the Court must "evaluate the City's asserted goal in enacting the regulation." "When the [g]overnment defends a regulation on speech as a means to redress past harms or prevent anticipated harms, it must do more than simply posit the existence of the disease sought to be cured." Intermediate scrutiny requires that the state "demonstrate that the harms it recites are real."

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Artificial Intelligence

The Digitalist Papers (on AI and Democracy in America) Now Out from Stanford

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Check out the essays here, or buy a Kindle ($1.99) or paperback or hardcover copy on Amazon. The book was put together by Erik Brynjolfsson, Alex "Sandy" Pentland, Nate Persily, and Condoleezza Rice, and by the Stanford Digital Economy Lab, the Stanford Cyber Policy Center, the Project Liberty Institute, the Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence (HAI), and the Hoover Institution (Stanford).

The chapter authors include Eric Schmidt (formerly at Google), Reid Hoffman (LinkedIn), and many others, including—to give some names most likely to be familiar to our lawyer readers—Profs. Larry Lessig (Harvard Law), Nate Persily (Stanford Law), and me. Here's a full list, with links:

Erik Brynjolfsson, Alex Pentland, Nathaniel Persily, Condoleezza Rice, and Angela Aristidou, Introduction: Artificial Intelligence and Democracy in America
Lawrence Lessig, Protected Democracy
Divya Siddarth, Saffron Huang, and Audrey Tang, A Vision of Democratic AI
Lily Tsai and Sandy Pentland, Rediscovering the Pleasures of Pluralism: The Potential of Digitally Mediated Civic Participation
Sarah Friar and Laura Bisesto, The Potential for AI to Restore Local Community Connectedness, the Bedrock of a Healthy Democracy
Jennifer Pahlka, AI Meets the Cascade of Rigidity
Eric Schmidt, Democracy 2.0
John Cochrane, AI, Society and Democracy: Just Relax
Nathaniel Persily, Misunderstanding AI's Democracy Problem
Eugene Volokh, Generative AI and Political Power
Mona Hamdy, Johnnie Moore, and E. Glen Weyl, Techno-Ideologies of the Twenty-First Century
Reid Hoffman and Greg Beato, Informational GPS
James Manyika, Getting AI Right: A 2050 Thought Experiment

Free Speech

State Constitution Tool

A great free resource for lawyers, judges, academics, and students doing cross-state constitutional law research.

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Check it out, at https://stateconstitutiontool.org (from American Juris Link); the site lets you easily find state constitutional provisions related to a particular topic, and then compare them.

Thus, for instance, say you're writing about a state constitutional right to bear arms, free speech, open government, privacy, etc. You can select that option, and then either select "all states" or some set of states in which you're interested. That will then show you those provisions in all state constitutions, and let you compare them further, or search their text for particular keywords.

Each state, of course, has its own constitution, and many provide more rights than the federal Constitution does (or provide the same rights but with different, and potentially more capacious, language). They also have very different sorts of non-rights provisions, for instance statutory single-subject rules, prohibitions on certain kinds of special laws, and more.

The Tool is focused on text; users will still need to do their own caselaw research about how various textual provisions have been interpreted. But the text is the first place to start (among other things because it can help show which other state provisions are similarly written, and can thus help guide the user's followup research). And though it was just released very recently, it has already been cited in an Alabama Supreme Court concurrence:

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Politics

Grey's Anatomy Goes Bad

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Last Wednesday's decision by Chief Judge Thomas Kleeh (N.D. W. Va.) in Balise v. Jackson, stems from a "consensual romantic relationship" between plaintiff, a surgical resident at West Virginia University, and defendant, a registered nurse:

Plaintiff claims that he ended his relationship with Defendant in March 2022, and began a new relationship shortly thereafter. According to Plaintiff, Defendant contacted Ruby Memorial Hospital [where she worked and where Plaintiff had privileges -EV] in August 2022 and made false reports to administrators … that (1) Plaintiff is an alcoholic; (2) a previous medical condition during Plaintiff's residency was caused by alcohol abuse; (3) Plaintiff was treated for alcohol withdrawal with Benzodiazepines; (4) hospital residents, Dr. Ballou and Dr. Ringer, removed alcohol from Plaintiff's apartment more than once; (5) Plaintiff made patient care decisions based on Defendant's work assignments; and (6) Plaintiff encouraged Defendant to get tested for a sexually transmitted disease after their relationship ended. Defendant allegedly made these false statements, two weeks after Plaintiff got engaged, to injure Plaintiff's employment and profession….

Due to the allegedly false and defamatory statements, Ruby Memorial Hospital terminated Plaintiff's privileges and West Virginia University terminated Plaintiff's employment. Plaintiff further claims that Defendant's conduct hurt Plaintiff's professional relationship with West Virginia University and future employers.

Balise sued Jackson for defamation and tortious interference with business relations, and the court allowed the claim to go forward:

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Free Speech

Mother's Derogating Father to Children Leads Appeals Court to Order That Father Get Custody,

Reversing a trial court decision that awarded custody to mother.

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From In re Marriage of Shada, decided Wednesday by the Iowa Court of Appeals, in an opinion by Judge Gina Badding, joined by Judges Samuel Langholz and Michael Mullins:e

David … challenges the district court's decision to place their three minor children in Nicole's physical care. He argues that Nicole "is not supportive of the children's emotional needs, she is profane in her communications with the children and does not support the children's relationship with [him]." The court discussed those issues but found they were outweighed by Nicole's role as the children's primary caretaker. We disagree on our de novo review of the record and modify the decree to place the children in David's physical care….

Because David does not contest the district court's decision to deny joint physical care, the only issue before us is which parent should serve as the children's primary caretaker. Our focus in resolving this issue is the best interests of the children…. Generally, courts … the suitability of parents, whether the children will suffer from lack of contact with and attention from both parents, quality of parental communication, the previous pattern of caregiving, and each parent's support of the other.

With those factors in mind, David argues that he is the more suitable parent because Nicole's "attitude toward her daughters … is quite negative," she generally dismisses the children's feelings and mental health, she places the children in the middle of parenting issues, and she does not support the children's relationship with David….

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Free Speech

Fired College Security Chief's Libel Claim (Over Allegations That He Mistreated Black Alumnus) Can Go Forward

The court concluded that the Director of Safety and Security at a small private college didn't qualify as a "public official or public figure" for purposes of the state's anti-SLAPP statute.

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From McMurtrie v. Sarfo, decided Sept. 12 by the Tennessee Court of Appeals (Judge John W. McClarty, joined by Judges Thomas R. Frierson, II and Kristi M. Davis:

Plaintiff-Appellee John McMurtrie ("Plaintiff") was formerly employed as the Director of Safety and Security for Maryville College, a private liberal arts college. The parties agree that the college is not a part of any government or governmental agency. Plaintiff's job was to oversee campus security and supervise the college's five security guards who worked in rotating shifts. Plaintiff is a former Pennsylvania state trooper and former FBI agent, but he had retired from those jobs before accepting the position at Maryville College in 2018. Neither Plaintiff nor the other security guards who worked under him were sworn law enforcement officers. They were not deputized officers of any city or county. They did not carry weapons and had no authority to seize or arrest anyone. They would call the Maryville Police Department for issues needing law enforcement. The college's streets are generally open to the public.

On July 9, 2021, Defendant-Appellant Ransford Sarfo, a 2010 graduate of Maryville College who lives out-of-state, was visiting campus in a rented Toyota Prius. As Plaintiff approached a sharp turn in front of Carnegie Hall on Circle Drive, he observed the Prius stopped in the middle of the roadway with its four-way emergency flashers activated. It was steadily raining and dark due to storm clouds overhead, and Plaintiff believed the car posed a hazard due to its position in the roadway and the low visibility. Plaintiff then observed an arm emerge from the driver's side window as if to wave him to go around, at which point Plaintiff pulled his vehicle around and stopped beside Sarfo's Prius, on the driver's side. Sarfo glanced at Plaintiff. Plaintiff lowered his passenger side front window to speak with Sarfo, who did not engage with him. Plaintiff then tapped his horn. Sarfo then lowered his own driver's side window. Still seated in his vehicle, Plaintiff asked Sarfo "why are you parked in my driveway?" Plaintiff maintains that he meant this as a joke.

Sarfo replied that he had stopped for a photograph because he used to live in Carnegie Hall and that, as an alum, he had a right to be there. Sarfo also advised Plaintiff that he was having trouble shifting the rented Prius out of park. Plaintiff told Sarfo that he still needed to move his car out of the middle of the road and could continue taking photographs from one of the several open parking spaces in front of Carnegie Hall. Sarfo asked Plaintiff to identify himself, so Plaintiff told him his name and title of Director of Safety and Security. Sarfo, uncomfortable and offended, advised Plaintiff that this would not be the end of the matter. Plaintiff then drove away. He observed Sarfo drive away, too. The entire interaction between the two men lasted approximately one minute. There is no evidence in the record to suggest that Plaintiff knew Sarfo was a person of color when he first approached him about the improperly parked car.

The next day, Sarfo wrote an email about his interaction with Plaintiff to Maryville College's President, Bryan Coker, and six other college officials. The subject line was "MC Alumni harassed on campus." The email stated, in part:

I was deeply troubled that [Plaintiff] did not ask why my hazard lights were on, but assumed that I did not belong on the campus. In my years at the College, I never heard a staff member refer to any part of the campus as their property to justify their reasoning for another person to leave. It is very disheartening that I came back to a place I call home and was told by a staff member that I was on their property and asked to leave. I AM HURT! I will be reaching out to every alumni committee that I know to share my experience yesterday. Dr. Gerald Gibson would be deeply troubled to hear that we have staff members who do not understand the true meaning of community. I felt bullied, unwelcomed, and mistreated on the very college campus that I lived for 4 years. This is not the Maryville College that I knew in 2010.

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Criminal Justice

It's Time to Confront Failures of Justice (Part II)

Serious crime and failures of justice aren't going away.

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This is the second in a five-part series where we're guest blogging about our new book Confronting Failures of Justice: Getting Away With Murder and Rape, available here. In the last post we introduced the largely overlooked problem of failures of justice—instances where guilty offenders escape punishment entirely or receive a clearly inadequate punishment. But perhaps focusing on instances of unpunished crime is unnecessary because the problem is solving itself? One common response to worries over crime and lack of punishment is that it reflects perennial fearmongering about an ever-diminishing crime problem. Aren't we enjoying historically low rates of crime? Are failures of justice really a pressing problem for policymakers if serious crime is continually shrinking? We consider this argument about crime rates in our book's first chapter.

[T]he truth is that America is not enjoying historically low rates of crime, and serious crimes such as murder, rape, and aggravated assault are on the rise again, especially in urban jurisdictions, after falling from their peak in the early 90s. If the graph showing crime rate trends is framed to start in the 1970s, 80s, or 90s, this may suggest that America is enjoying historically low crime rates.

But, in reality, those three decades represented America's abnormal highs in crime. If one looks at the broader historical record, it becomes clear that when compared to before the devastating crime wave starting in the late 1960s, our current crime rates are higher today. For example, comparing the FBI's crime data reported by the Library of Congress from 1960 with 2019 (the last year the Library of Congress chose to report these inconvenient statistics) shows that total offenses per 100,000 increased from 1,887 to 2,489, a 32% increase. Violent crime increased even more dramatically, as shown in the table below. Modern violent crime rates are well above double the 1960 benchmark, mainly due to the explosion in aggravated assault:

Year Total Offenses
per 100,000
Violent Murder Forcible Rape Robbery Aggravated Assault
1960 1,887.2 160.9 5.1 9.6 60.1 86.1
2019 2,489.3 379.4 5.4 42.6 81.6 250.2

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Sixth Circuit

Was the Federal Government's Defense of Race-Based Debt Relief for Farmers and Ranchers "Substantially Justified"?

An interesting question divides a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit.

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Today, in Holman v. Vilsack, a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit split over whether the federal government was "substantially justified" in defending race-based debt relief for "socially disadvantaged" farmers and ranchers und the American Rescue Plan Act. The question matters because prevailing plaintiffs are not entitled to attorneys fees where the federal government's position was "substantially justified."

Judge Stranch wrote the majority opinion, joined by Judge Davis. She summarized the case as follows:

This appeal concerns a litigant's petition for fees under the Equal Access to Justice Act (EAJA). Plaintiff Robert Holman successfully obtained a preliminary injunction freezing a debt-relief program that used racial categories to remedy prior discrimination against farmers and ranchers. Following additional proceedings, but before final judgment, Congress repealed the challenged program. Holman now seeks fees associated with the litigation. The district court denied that request because, in its view, Holman was not a "prevailing party" under the EAJA. We neither adopt nor definitively reject that conclusion. Instead, we find that the Government's position during the litigation was "substantially justified" within the EAJA's meaning.

As Judge Stranch explains, prevailing parties under the EAJA are not entitled to fees if "the position of the United States was substantially justified." While rejecting the federal government's argument that courts should presume the standard is satisfied where (as here) the government, the court concluded that the government was sufficiently justified in defending the program's race-based classifications, even though such programs are subject to strict scrutiny.

the Government provided evidence of intentional USDA discrimination against socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers generally, and buttressed that evidence with specific examples of intentional discrimination against nearly every group included in the socially disadvantaged category. That is categorically distinct from the evidentiary presentation in Vitolo, which did "not identify specific incidents of past discrimination" and relied entirely on "general social disparities." Id. at 361-62. Nor is this a case in which the Government provided "absolutely no evidence of past discrimination" against most of the categories included in a race-conscious program. J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. at 506 (emphasis removed). The notion that the Government was clearly required, at the preliminary injunction stage, to provide specific examples of intentional discrimination against every category included in a race-conscious program is also difficult to square with the Supreme Court's instruction that narrow tailoring does not demand perfection. See Fisher, 570 U.S. at 312; Grutter, 539 U.S. at 339; accord J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. at 510 (holding that "evidence of a pattern of individual discriminatory acts can, if supported by appropriate statistical proof, lend support to a . . . government's determination that broader remedial relief is justified."). It was Holman's duty to make a clear showing of likely success on the merits, Skrmetti, 83 F.4th at 471—but here, "a reasonable person could think" that the Government's evidence supporting Section 1005's constitutionality sufficiently undermined Holman's required showing. Pierce, 487 U.S. at 566 n.2. As a result, the Government's position on this aspect of the litigation was substantially justified.

Judge Larsen dissented, rejecting the government's claim its position was "substantially justified" and ultimately concluding the plaintiffs were prevailing parties under the EAJA. Her dissent begins:

A "prevailing party" in a civil case against the United States is entitled to fees and costs unless the government's position was "substantially justified" or "special circumstances make an award unjust." So, to get fees and costs, Holman must show that he is a prevailing party. Even if he does, though, the government may avoid paying if it shows that its position was substantially justified or that special circumstances make an award unjust. The majority, rightly recognizing that the prevailing-party issue is difficult, instead concludes that the government's position was substantially justified. I cannot agree. I first explain that disagreement and then tackle the more difficult question of whether Holman is a prevailing party. I then address the special-circumstances question. I conclude that Holman is a prevailing party because the preliminary injunction in this case turned primarily on the likelihood of success on the merits and afforded enduring and material relief; the government's position was not substantially justified because it was flatly at odds with controlling caselaw; and no special circumstances make an award unjust. Holman is therefore entitled to fees and costs, so I respectfully dissent.

On the specific question of whether the government's arguments were substantially justified, Judge Larsen writes:

The government, of course, does not have a compelling interest in remedying past discrimination that never happened. And when a government program seeks to remedy past discrimination against a number of different groups, it bears the burden to demonstrate "past intentional discrimination against the many groups to whom it grants preferences." Id. (faulting the "schedule of racial preferences detailed in the government's regulation—preferences for Pakistanis but not Afghans; Japanese but not Iraqis; Hispanics but not Middle Easterners—[a]s not supported by any record evidence at all"). The majority concludes that the government provided evidence of USDA discrimination against "many specific groups" defined as "socially disadvantaged." Maj. Op. at 9 (emphasis added). But what about the others? The government referred to no evidence of past intentional discrimination by USDA against Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander farmers and ranchers. And the government relied only on broad assertions and statistical disparities to show discrimination against American Indian, Asian, and Native Alaskan farmers and ranchers. We might assume that such discrimination happened, but that is not enough. See Vitolo, 999 F.3d at 362 ("[W]hen it comes to general social disparities, there are simply too many variables to support inferences of intentional discrimination."). The government cannot claim a compelling interest in remedying discrimination without first showing that the discrimination happened. Croson, 488 U.S. at 505. That is reason enough to conclude that its position was not substantially justified.

That is not to say, in this preliminary posture, that the government made no compelling-interest showing. I agree with the majority that the government cited evidence of past intentional discrimination against Black farmers and ranchers. But if the government is going to use racially exclusionary measures as a remedy, the government's policy must be narrowly tailored to that particular interest. And "a policy is not narrowly tailored if it is either overbroad or underinclusive in its use of racial classifications." Vitolo, 999 F.3d at 362. Here, the program extends debt relief to farmers and ranchers in groups never shown to have been discriminated against. Giving Native Hawaiian farmers and ranchers debt relief cannot remedy past discrimination against Black farmers and ranchers. The glaring "mismatch" between means and ends is far too much for strict scrutiny to bear. Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows of Harvard Coll., 143 S. Ct. 2141, 2168 (2023). There is no "reasonable basis in law and fact" to find this policy narrowly tailored. Pierce, 487 U.S. at 566 n.2.

The majority contends that the Government was not "clearly required, at the preliminary injunction stage, to provide specific examples of intentional discrimination against every category included in [its] race-conscious program." Maj. Op. at 11. The Supreme Court says otherwise. To justify a "resort to race-based government action," the government had to show that it was "remediating specific, identified instances of past discrimination that violated the Constitution or a statute." Students for Fair Admission, Inc., 143 S. Ct. at 2162 (emphasis added). And the preliminary posture of the litigation does not absolve the government of its burden. See Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao do Vegetal, 546 U.S. 418, 429–30 (2006). Absent at least some specific evidence of intentional discrimination against each racial group, the government cannot show a compelling remedial interest in benefitting that group. It has not shown there is anything to remedy. See Croson, 488 U.S. at 505–06. The government's position—that § 1005 should not be preliminarily enjoined—was not substantially justified because the government presented arguments "flatly at odds with the controlling case law." Griffith, 987 F.3d at 564 (quoting Taucher v. Brown-Hruska, 396 F.3d 1168, 1174 (D.C. Cir. 2005)) (cleaned up).

She concludes:

My best read of our cases is that Holman is entitled to fees and costs because he is a prevailing party, the government's position was not substantially justified, and no special circumstances make an award unjust. I therefore respectfully dissent.

Eminent Domain

My Chapter on "Land Use Regulation" For the Forthcoming Routledge Handbook on Classical Liberalism

It provides an overview of several major issues in land-use policy.

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A draft of my chapter on "Land Use Regulation" for the forthcoming Routledge Handbook on Classical Liberalism (edited by Richard Epstein, Liya Palagashvili, and Mario Rizzo) is now available on SSRN. Here is the abstract:

Land use regulation is a major function of every government in the world. It raises many issues for classical liberalism. This chapter provides an overview of three of the most important areas of land-use policy: the use of eminent domain to forcibly take property for government-approved projects, regulations that restrict property owners' use of their land, and the relationship between property rights in land and migration restrictions.

Part I covers the use of eminent domain to take private property, and arguments for its limitation to genuinely "public" projects, as opposed to coerced transfers between private owners. Advocates of the latter argue they are needed to overcome "holdout" problems. But unconstrained use of eminent domain is a serious threat to property rights and hampers economic development.

Part II considers regulatory restrictions on land use that do not involve physical occupation of property. There is a longstanding debate about the value of such restrictions and whether the government should pay owners compensation. The most significant regulatory restrictions of this type in many nations are zoning rules restricting housing construction.

Finally, Part III provides a critical overview of property-rights rationales for restricting mobility, particularly in the form of international migration. Such theories justify severely constraining the liberty and property rights of both migrants and natives.

In addition to contributing to this volume on classical liberalism, I am also a contributor to Routledge Handbook of Libertarianism, edited by Jason Brennan, Bas van der Vossen, and David Schmidtz, and the Cambridge Handbook of Classical Liberal Thought, edited by M. Todd Henderson. Yet, I'm far from clear on what differentiates libertarianism and classical liberalism, or even if there really is a meaningful difference between the two. I explored that question in more detail in a previous post.

Supreme Court

Kannon Shanmugam on the Legitimacy of the Supreme Court

A prominent appellate practitioner responds to recent attacks on the justices and the Court.

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Political attacks on the Supreme Court and individual justices are increasingly commonplace. Those who disagree with the court's rulings are not content with criticizing the Court's holdings, rationales, and reasoning. They increasingly target the Court itself, and question the integrity of the justices.

The Supreme Court bar, by and large, has been relatively quiet in the face of these criticisms. Last week, however, noted appellate practitioner Kannon Shanmugam delivered remarks at Duke Law School in defense of the Supreme Court's legitimacy. His remarks are notable, and have attracted attention (as in this WSJ editorial). [The whole speech is available here.]

Here is a taste:

I have been reluctant to give formal speeches about the law in general or the Supreme Court in particular. You see, I have always thought of myself as a practicing lawyer, not a pundit, and a country lawyer at that—the kid who improbably went from a trailer park in Kansas to a corner office on K Street. As a lawyer, my job is to play in the game; I leave the task of color commentary to others.

But today, I am breaking that habit to address the recent criticisms of the Supreme Court's legitimacy. I am doing so for a simple reason: because I revere the Supreme Court. I had the fortune of a lifetime to clerk at the Court for one of the greatest Justices of this generation or any other, Antonin Scalia. Since then, I have devoted my professional life to the Court, having spent the last 20 years arguing cases there. My wife and I even got engaged on the Court's front steps. And I firmly believe that, for all the challenges it faces, our Supreme Court is the finest high court in the world—a model for other countries to follow.

Perhaps for that reason, I have found the recent attacks on the Court to be dispiriting. At the risk of giving away the punch line to my remarks, I believe that the criticisms of the Court's legitimacy are unfounded. But more than that, I believe that attacks on the Court's legitimacy are dangerous—undermining public confidence in the Court and imperiling the rule of law. Finally, I believe that critics of the current Court would be better served engaging with the Court's work on the merits.

Now, I am aware that, in defending the Court, I will inevitably be subject to criticism myself: specifically, the criticism that I am kowtowing to the Court before which I practice. I hope that my track record refutes that criticism. I have never testified for or otherwise endorsed a Supreme Court nominee; in fact, with one exception for a longtime colleague, I have never signed a letter supporting a judicial nominee at any level. And I am at a stage of my career where I have little to gain personally from weighing in on these issues. But if I am criticized, so be it. I believe that those of us who practice regularly before the Court, and who thus have a unique familiarity with the Court and its work, should speak up when we believe the Court is being unfairly attacked.

As Shanmugam notes, attacks on the Court's legitimacy have potentially far reaching effects.

the greatest danger the attacks present is to the rule of law itself. The phrase "rule of law" has rather lost its meaning, with both sides in the political debate often using it simply as a shorthand for decisions with which they agree. But what the "rule of law" truly connotes is that we live in a society where all of us adhere to the law, including judicial decisions. Justice Breyer has frequently spoken about how remarkable it was that, when the Supreme Court effectively resolved the 2000 presidential election in Bush v. Gore, everyone immediately agreed to abide by it. And when I was first asked about whether the Supreme Court was "legitimate"—on a panel at NYU almost exactly two years ago—I expressed skepticism that there could ever come a time when elected officials or citizens would refuse to obey a Supreme Court decision.

But now, I am less confident. Over the last two years, we have seen the President criticizing the Court, in the wake of adverse decisions, in increasingly strident terms. I believe we are not so far from a President saying, in the manner of Andrew Jackson, "John Roberts has made his decision; now let him enforce it." And if you are unsure about that, ask yourself this question: if the Court ever has to resolve another presidential election, how confident are you that either side would simply acquiesce in the Court's decision?

And it's not just a question of presidential elections. One could imagine presidential defiance of Court decisions on a wide range of subjects. And it is perilous (and naive) to assume that any future defiance of a Court order would come from a progressive president resisting a conservative court.

The Court is hardly above criticism. Indeed, many of its decisions are quite deserving of criticism. Yet there is an important difference between saying the Court is wrong and claiming it is illegitimate.

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