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Sixth Circuit Puts Net Neutrality Rule on Ice
A three-judge panel concludes the rule's challenger are likely to succeed on the merits.
Today a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit granted broadband providers' request for a stay of the Federal Communications Commission's rule that would classify broadband internet providers as common carriers under the Communications Act, often referred to as "net neutrality." According to the panel, the broadband providers were likely to succeed on the merits--in part due to the major questions doctrine--and this justified staying the rule pending review of their petitions. The panel consisted of Chief Judge Sutton and Judges Clay and Davis.
From the court's unanimous per curiam order:
Broadband internet refers to the set of platforms that permit users to access the internet at speeds faster than dial-up services. . . . Over three-quarters of Americans have access to high-speed broadband service. . . . In addition to renting or constructing the physical network connecting computers, broadband internet providers offer other services that enable subscribers to access content from "edge providers"--namely websites, such as Google, Netflix, and Amazon, that host content on their own networks. . . . These services include DNS, short for Domain Name Services, a "phonebook" that matches web addresses (e.g., http://www.ca6.uscourts.gov) with their IP (internet protocol) addresses. And they include "caching" services that speed up data access by storing copies of edge provider content closer to the user's home system. . . .
The Communications Act of 1934 covers broadband providers, and it gives the Federal Communications Commission authority to promulgate rules and regulations under the Act. The extent of that regulatory authority turns on whether the providers count as common carriers under the Act. If a business counts as a common carrier, it must comply with Title II of the Act, which includes rate-review regulations and non-discrimination obligations. . . . For other businesses, the Commission may impose only the ancillary regulations authorized under Title I, which generally preserve the ability of companies to respond to market conditions. . . .
The development of the internet presented the Commission with a classification challenge. When Congress first enacted this law in 1934, it defined common carriers to include anyone involved in "wire communications." . . . Think telephone companies and the monopolies that went with them. But by the 1970s, telephone companies and others had begun competing to offer data processing services through telephone wires. . . . Common carrier rules designed for telephone-wire monopolies, the Commission realized, could inhibit the development of "data information services." . . . The Commission responded by distinguishing the "basic transmission service" that transferred data between two points from the "enhanced service" that allowed subscribers to interact with data stored elsewhere.
Responding to these developments, Congress enacted the Telecommunications Act of 1996. It established a new category of "telecommunications service," which offers "the transmission, between or among points specified by the user, of information of the user's choosing, without change in the form or content of the information as sent and received." . . . The Commission must treat telecommunications service providers as common carriers. . . . The 1996 Act also created a new category of "information service," which applies to a company that offers "a capability for generating, acquiring, storing, transforming, processing, retrieving, utilizing, or making available information via telecommunications." The Commission may not treat information service providers as common carriers. . . .
After passage of the 1996 Act, the Commission for many years took the view that broadband internet access services were information services, not telecommunication services. That left them free of Title II's common carrier requirements. . . .
Reviewing a decision from the Ninth Circuit, the Supreme Court upheld this classification under Chevron. [See Brand X]. . . Specifically, the Supreme Court found that the classification of broadband internet access offered through cable modems as an information service was a permissible interpretation of the Communications Act. . . .
In 2010, the Commission continued to treat broadband internet services as something covered by Title I but opted to alter its rules based on a debate over the risk that broadband providers could favor some edge providers' content over others. . . . The Commission tried to use its Title I authority to impose "open internet" rules on broadband providers that banned them from blocking or unreasonably discriminating between lawful content. . . . A federal court invalidated this rule on the ground that the Commission could impose such requirements only under Title II.
The next chapter unfolded in 2015. That year, the Commission promulgated a rule that categorized broadband providers as common carriers and required net neutrality under Title II. . . .
In 2018, the Commission returned to its prior view. It issued a new rule that broadband providers fall under Title I and do not qualify as common carriers. . . . The D.C. Circuit again upheld the classification and again did so under Chevron. . . .
On May 22, 2024, the Commission switched positions again. Under its current rule, the Commission has classified broadband providers as common carriers under Title II. . . . The rule requires broadband providers to disclose "accurate information regarding the network management practices" and forbids them from engaging in blocking, throttling, paid prioritization, and "unreasonable interference" with users and edge providers. . . . The rule at this point forbears other Title II regulations, including rate regulation and tariffing. . . .
The petitioners are likely to succeed on the merits because the final rule implicates a major question, and the Commission has failed to satisfy the high bar for imposing such regulations. Although the petitioners have raised other arguments in support of their position that the FCC exceeded its authority in promulgating the rule at issue, such as whether broadband can be classified as a telecommunications service under the Communications Act and the stare decisis effect of the Brand X decision, we decline to reach those arguments at this preliminary stage.
An agency may issue regulations only to the extent that Congress permits it. . . . When Congress delegates its legislative authority to an agency, it presumably resolves "major questions" of policy itself while authorizing the agency to decide only those "interstitial matters" that arise in day-to-day practice. . . .When Congress upsets that presumption and delegates its power to alter the fundamental details of a regulatory scheme to an agency, it must speak clearly, without "hid[ing] elephants in mouseholes." The more an agency asks of a statute, in short, the more it must show in the statute to support its rule.
Net neutrality is likely a major question requiring clear congressional authorization. As the Commission's rule itself explains, broadband services "are absolutely essential to modern day life, facilitating employment, education, healthcare, commerce, community-building, communication, and free expression," to say nothing of broadband's importance to national security and public safety.
Congress and state legislatures have engaged in decades of debates over whether and how to require net neutrality. Because the rule decides a question of "vast economic and political significance," it is a major question. . . . The Communications Act likely does not plainly authorize the Commission to resolve this signal question. Nowhere does Congress clearly grant the Commission the discretion to classify broadband providers as common carriers. To the contrary, Congress specifically empowered the Commission to define certain categories of communications services--and never did so with respect to broadband providers specifically or the internet more generally. . . . Absent a clear mandate to treat broadband as a common carrier, we cannot assume
that Congress granted the Commission this sweeping power, and Petitioners have accordingly shown that they are likely to succeed on the merits. . . .
Chief Judge Sutton also wrote a separate concurrence, emphasizing that even without the major questions doctrine, the FCC would likely lose. As Sutton notes, "The best reading of the statute, and the one in place for all but three of the last twenty-eight years, shows that Congress likely did not view broadband providers as common carriers under Title II of the Telecommunications Act."
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Seems like at this point, everyone could get behind classifying broadband as a common carrier. Isn't that part of the basis of the right-wing's whole censorship grievance?
The irony is that the GOP staunchly opposes net neutrality for broadband providers, while it seems to have gone all in on it for individual social media platforms. This doctrinally makes zero sense. You could support it for neither (as I do). You can support it for both. You can support it only at the infrastructure level but not the information level (as the FCC proposes). But to do the reverse is ludicrous. (It may just be that they're not smart enough to understand that net neutrality and common carrier are the same concept.)
I feel like reverse psychology may be the best strategy against Republicans at this point. They just don't care about anything, save owning-the-libs. Can we just be like...
Oh, oh, whatever you do, don't classify broadband as a common carrier, because all those super elite progressive broadband moguls messing with the Internet's tubes are the reason that Truth Social seems slow and glitchy compared to Meta, and we want them to be able to keep it up!
The irony is that the GOP staunchly opposes net neutrality for broadband providers, while it seems to have gone all in on it for individual social media platforms.
The irony is that the Democrats staunchly oppose net neutrality for individual social media platforms, while they seem to have gone all in on it for broadband providers.
Wheeee! It writes itself!
Read the rest of DMNs comment.
The argument is pretty simple: Net neutrality isn't needed for ISPs, because ISPs are demonstrably NOT a natural monopoly. If deviations from net neutrality cause problems for users, they can switch ISPs. Of course, to some extent this is actually due to early regulations requiring that the lower levels of the internet be interoperable, but those regulations are obviously working.
By contrast, the platforms HAVE proven to be natural monopolies, thanks to network effects, so this is where you would normally direct regulatory attention to deal with the negative consequences of monopoly power.
I mean, it would be fine for DMN to argue the contrary, but he didn't advance any argument at all. He just asserted that the opposite position from his was "ludicrous". That's just name calling, not argument.
No, the platforms have not even remotely proven to be monopolies, let alone natural ones.
Uhhh Krayt... you might be an retarded.
Nah. He is most likely just awkward, disaffected, bitter, and to some degree autistic.
Maybe some nonsense-based, backwater education in the mix. Or even some homeschooling involving substandard parents.
There is very little irony there. Meta, Google and their peers are much larger and much fewer in number than home broadband providers. At my home, I can choose from at least Verizon (10% of Google's market cap), Comcast (slightly less than Verizon), T-Mobile (slightly more) and Starlink for broadband and phone service; people in different states, or even other parts of Virginia, will typically differ as to the first two, or have more alternatives.
Man you lot are thick. There are tons of social media providers beyond Meta and Google -- way more than four. TikTok LinkedIn Pinterest Tumblr SnapChat Reddit WeChat Twitter VSCO Meetup Quora Twitch Discord Yelp BeReal Nextdoor Grindr Mastodon BlueSky Second-Life UseNet Truth-Social whatever 8chan is these days etc. And they're all available no matter where you live.
Local utility-like oligopolies are prime candidates for common-carrier status because they have market power in a context where antitrust isn't an effective mitigation against abuse.
More importantly, social media companies only control access to themselves; ISPs are gatekeepers to all other Internet platforms and services.
The chief difference here is that once local governments stopped extending ISPs local monopoly access, we got demonstrated proof that running an ISP is NOT a natural monopoly. The competition has been continual and brutal, and hasn't resulted in one company dominating. All that talk about the 'last mile' being a natural monopoly was BS.
The exact opposite has been demonstrated for social media platforms: They have proven, thanks to network effects, to be natural monopolies.
What's the difference? Interoperability. Using AT&T doesn't cut you off from people using Spectrum. Using MeWe does cut you off from FaceBook. In fact, at every point where an engineering choice has had to be made, the platforms have always chosen the option that reduced interoperability. Aggressively so. They're striving to be walled gardens in the hope of winning that monopoly status.
They will always trend towards monopoly so long as they're allowed to avoid interoperability.
This is kind of weird because there's virtually no competition in ISPs — where there used to be zillions in the dial-up era, there's just a handful now — whereas there are still tons of social media companies (and thus no "monopolies") none of which provide an essential service.
There are literally two fiber ISPs and one cable down my street, with people walking door to door asking us to switch between them. How in the world is that not competition?
Yes, there are multiple social media companies, which have divided the market among themselves by specialty. Twitter/X for short messages, FaceBook for longer stuff, Youtube for video... Each is all but completely dominant in the part of the market it has specialized in. They're sufficiently annoying about exploiting their market power that they generate a very modest market for services that are not themselves, but it IS modest.
For example, FaceBook has a bit over 3 billion users. About 270 million between the US and Canada. The second biggest alternative is MeWe at 16-20 million.
It only looks like there is real competition in social media if you ignore that specialization.
How specific does “plainly authorize” have to be? I am a fan of the major question doctrine generally but does it mean Congress has to say exactly what the regulation is before an agency can do it? How specific?
It’s just as much of a Major Question to decide that broadband isn’t a common carrier. Seems like Congress left it to the FCC to decide who’s in which category based on the category definitions (with judicial review). I don’t know how else you could read the statute. How could it be a Major Question to decide one way vs. another?
Unless! It looks like the Sixth Circuit is incorporating a concept of regulatory stare decisis into the Major Questions Doctrine, whereby you don’t look just at a regulation's relationship to the statute in the context in which it was enacted, but also to the present-day status quo. That strips the Major Questions Doctrine of any pretense of being about statutory interpretation and makes it explicitly about contemporary policy considerations.
Hopefully once Congress impeaches and convicts Thomas and Alito, President Harris will appoint a couple justices who will figure out that the Major Questions Doctrine falls victim to the Egregiously Wrong Doctrine.
Are you stealing Kirkland's shtick?
It depends on how sarcastic you think he's being.
I do not want Congress to impeach or convict Thomas and/or Alito.
But you do have a habit of stridently acting like even less plausible political outcomes are faits accomplis.
The culture war has been settled, dumbass.
The clingers lost. Modern America has won.
Chevron is dead and this is an excellent example of why that was the right call. When executive branch agencies under one administration claim that the law allows them to do X but then the law allows them to do exactly not X under the next administration, the law is clearly too vague and the agency's allegation of delegation is invalid.
If you think net neutrality is the right policy (it isn't but that's an argument for another day), do the hard work of getting Congress to agree with you and pass that law. Stop trying to legislate from the executive branch.
Chevron is dead and this is an excellent example of why that was the right call. When executive branch agencies under one administration claim that the law allows them to do X but then the law allows them to do exactly not X under the next administration, the law is clearly too vague and the agency’s allegation of delegation is invalid.
Killing Chevron didn't fix anything.
The court's job is to figure out if the law gives the agency the authority to act, not decide how it should act.
If the law is vague then the law is vague, I don't see why the judge is more qualified to sort it out than the agency.
I think you're missing my poing. It's Congress's job to decide how the agency should act. If Congress has been insufficiently clear, the right answer is to send the problem back to them, not for either the court or the agency to make up their own answer.
I hope everyone else remembers the chaos that ensued in internet service before net neutrality was reinstated.
Reinstated?
I think the major questions doctrine doesn’t apply here.
The authorizing statute tasked the FCC with classifying new technologies according to standards Congress provided. So classifying new technologies fits within its ordinary statutory duties. This isn’t an elephant-in-a-mousehole situation where having statutory authority requires a stretch or unexpected reading of the authorizing statute. This case should be handled by ordinary statutory interpretation.
Moreover, classifying technologies is an area requiring specialized expertise. So while Chevron deference no longer applies, and I agree the agency’s flip-flopping undermines reliance on its position, nonetheless there is no basis to treat non-common-carrier status as some sort of preferred default. If decided by the courts, the issue needs to be decided on its merits according to the standards Congress set. So it seems to me that applying the major questions doctrine, and then saying that if it’s a major question, the outcome must be that it’s not a common carrier, are both completely inappropriate ways to proceed.
It seems to me there’s a good argument that broadband operates similarly to telephone communication. The argument strikes me as sufficiently plausible that I would not have disturbed the FCC’s decision here.
In overruling Chevron Justice Roberts wrote "we do not call into question prior cases that relied on the Chevron framework." In the case of net neutrality the most recent flip-flop to be upheld in court has the privilege of stare decisis.
I thought the Major Questions Doctrine was intended to be an exception to Chevron deference. I wonder what role it serves absent Chevron. I guess it could be a form of the non-delegation doctrine?
That being said, if the majority just thinks net neutrality was wrong as a matter of statutory interpretation, that would be the best and narrowest grounds of resolving the case regardless.