But the agreement could complicate Derek Chauvin's murder trial, and it leaves unresolved the question of whether qualified immunity would have blocked the lawsuit.
Like the felony murder charge, it carries a presumptive sentence more than eight years longer than the manslaughter charge.
The justices did not address one of James King's key arguments, which the 6th Circuit will now consider.
They need not wait for the Supreme Court or Congress to restrict or abolish qualified immunity.
An independent panel concludes there was no legal justification for stopping, frisking, arresting, or assaulting McClain.
A bill approved by the state House would let people sue government officials for violating rights protected by the state constitution.
The appeals court concluded that the officers' use of force was reasonable in the circumstances.
The former attorney general reportedly nixed a plea deal that involved a sentence of more than 10 years but would have precluded a federal prosecution.
A state law eliminated qualified immunity as a defense for abusive officers.
The families of Dennis Tuttle and Rhogena Nicholas say the city's policies and practices invited Fourth Amendment violations.
After breaking into Tuttle's home with no legal justification, police killed his dog and his wife.
So far a dozen narcotics officers have been charged as a result of the investigation triggered by the disastrous operation.
A Connecticut law that made it easier to sue abusive cops is not expected to have a noticeable effect on municipal insurance costs.
Louisville's police chief wants to fire an officer who shot Taylor and a detective who "lied" in the search warrant affidavit.
Government bullies empowered by civil forfeiture laws often back down, but only when their victims can afford a fight.
According to the government, a law aimed at helping victims like King prevents him from holding his assailants accountable.
Constitutional amendment overwhelmingly passes.
The federal government wants the Supreme Court to rule that the victim has no recourse.
The state legislature is considering reforms in response to the use of dogs against cooperative suspects.
Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron said "the grand jury agreed" that indicting the two officers who shot Taylor was inappropriate.
In several cases, the Supreme Court nominee voted to allow civil rights lawsuits against officers accused of misconduct.
The detective who obtained the search warrant cited the deliveries to falsely implicate Taylor in drug trafficking.
Despite the city's stubborn resistance, a judge will finally consider the family's request to depose police supervisors.
Drug warriors gratuitously created the chaotic situation that state prosecutors say justified the use of deadly force.
The 7th Circuit judge’s track record suggests she would frequently be a friend of civil liberties.
The hail of bullets that killed her can be justified only in a country that uses violence to enforce politicians' pharmacological prejudices.
The case is an encouraging sign that the SCOTUS contender is not the sort of judge who bends over backward to shield cops from liability for outrageous misconduct.
While the 7th Circuit judge is often skeptical of the government's position, some of her conclusions will give pause to civil libertarians.
The agreement also includes several reforms aimed at preventing reckless drug raids based on dubious evidence.
The 5th Circuit judge is a mixed bag from a libertarian perspective.
A federal appeals court concludes that the agency's mass collection of phone records was illegal and probably unconstitutional.
The lawsuit argues that the DEA is violating the Fourth Amendment by seizing money from travelers without evidence of criminal activity.
The overlap suggests a pattern of shoddy investigation and reckless paramilitary tactics in Louisville.
Trying to distract attention from the deadly corruption in his own department, Art Acevedo demands "action at the national level."
Like other innocent owners, Manni Munir finds that fighting a civil forfeiture can cost more than the property is worth.
The charges, which grew out of a lethal 2019 raid based on a fraudulent search warrant affidavit, suggest that cops routinely built their cases on lies.
The president’s heavy-handed response to protests against police brutality belies his promise of "law and order."
The decision vividly illustrates how the doctrine shields police from accountability for using excessive force.
The judicially invented license for police abuse undermines the rule of law and the separation of powers.
Contrary to what Police Chief Art Acevedo seems to think, his department has a systemic problem.
The answer speaks volumes about the extent to which that doctrine protects police officers from liability for outrageous conduct.
She would still be alive if politicians did not insist on using violence to enforce their pharmacological prejudices.
These reforms would protect all Americans while reducing racial disparities in policing.
The coronavirus is not in your phone. Why should it be used to justify border searches?
The felony murder charge against Garrett Rolfe hinges on whether he reasonably believed Brooks posed a threat.
One need not believe every cop is a bigot to recognize that the problem goes beyond a few "bad apples."
That uniform rule is different from the policies favored by Donald Trump and House Democrats.
Responding to a medical alert they knew was erroneous, White Plains officers killed the man they supposedly were trying to help.
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