The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

"Plaintiff's Complaint Is Focused on Discrimination Related to Positionality Across Multiple Marginalized and Vulnerable Communities"

Not enough to get pseudonymity for plaintiff's employment discrimination claim, at least in S.D. Tex.

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The plaintiff in Schoene v. Rice Univ. filed the complaint (alleging sexual orientation discrimination, disability discrimination, breach of contract, and constructive discharge) under his own name, but then moved to retroactively pseudonymize it five days later. The problem is that longstanding Fifth Circuit precedent is quite clear that employment discrimination plaintiffs generally must sue under their own names, notwithstanding the argument that this can cause them professional harm. And while plaintiff claims that he's facing not just "professional harm" and "stigmatization," but also unspecified "privacy, safety, and serious health consequences as case implicated medical diagnosis, as well as personal issues of both sexuality and disability," that too is generally not enough for pseudonymity.

Plus retroactive pseudonymity is generally even harder to get. And even when courts are potentially open to pseudonymity claims, for instance when there's real evidence of risk of physical or mental harm, or unusually strong privacy claims, they generally require some pretty specific, concrete evidence: General claims of "discrimination related to positionality across multiple marginalized and vulnerable communities" usually don't cut it.

The court unsurprisingly denied the motion to proceed under a pseudonym, though without a detailed opinion. Note that plaintiff, a humanities professor, is pro se; but his faculty web site says he studied law at a leading Canadian university, he was the editor-in-chief of his law school's journal, his teaching and scholarly interests include some law-related subjects (such as "Queer Ecojustice" and "Law and Literature").

Sanctuary Cities

Federal Court Rejects Trump Lawsuit Challenging Illinois Sanctuary Policies

The court ruled the state and local policies are protected by the Tenth Amendment.

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On July 25, federal district court Judge Lindsay C. Jenkins issued a ruling rejected the Trump Administration's lawsuit challenging Illinois "sanctuary" policies restricting state and local government assistance to federal immigration enforcement policies. Judge Jenkins held that the policies in questions generally do not conflict with federal immigration law, because "any collaboration under the ]Immigration and Nationality Act] is permissive, not mandatory." Federal law allows state cooperation, but does not require it. In addition, mandatory cooperation is barred by the Supreme Court Tenth Amendment "anti-commandeering" precedent, which bars the federal government from requiring state and local governments to help enforce federal law:

Even if the Sanctuary Policies "obstruct[] federal immigration enforcement, the United States'[s] position that such obstruction is unlawful runs directly afoul of the Tenth Amendment and the anticommandeering rule." California II, 921 F.3d at 888. "Extending conflict or obstacle preemption to [the Sanctuary Policies] would, in effect, 'dictate what a state legislature may and may not do.'" Id. at 890 (citation modified) (quoting Murphy, 584 U.S. at 474). It would transform a statutory provision giving States "the right of refusal" into a provision requiring state action. Id. As explained, "the Federal Government may not compel the States to implement, by legislation or executive action, federal regulatory programs." Printz, 521 U.S. at 925.

Ironically, the anti-commandeering rule was first elaborated in Supreme Court decisions written by conservative Supreme Court justices on issues involving environmental and gun control mandates. At the time, these rulings were cheered by conservatives and decried by many on the left. But, during Trump's first term, and now again in his second, the main focus of anti-commandeering litigation shifted to immigration policy, resulting in a shift in its political valence. In 2018, the Supreme Court furthered strengthened the anti-commandeering doctrine in Murphy v. NCAA, a ruling written by conservative Justice Samuel Alito. That ruling had the predictable- and predicted by me - effect of bolstering sanctuary cities. Judge Jenkins' recent ruling relies heavily on Murphy.

As Judge Jenkins notes, her decision is consistent with numerous similar rulings against Trump's first-term efforts to coerce sanctuary cities. For more detail, see my Texas Law Review article assessing litigation arising from Trump's first-term actions in that field. In that article and elsewhere, I also explained why immigration sanctuaries (and conservative gun sanctuaries) are beneficial, and why judicially enforced limits on commandeering  provide valuable protection for federalism and the separation of powers.

As also described in my Texas Law Review article, the first Trump Administration also lost a long list of cases in which it tried to withhold federal grants from sanctuary jurisdictions by attaching immigration-related conditions not authorized by Congress. That losing streak has continued in Trump's second term.

Judge Jenkins' ruling will likely be appealed. But unless the Supreme Court makes major changes in its federalism jurisprudence (which I hope and expect it will not do), the administration is likely to continue to lose these types of cases.

Professor Greg Sisk on the Trump Administration's Failure to Transfer Federal Grant Litigation to the Court of Claims

Professor Sisk suggests that in jurisdictional disputes in litigation against the Trump Administration, an earlier answer would be better.

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Federal grant recipients and beneficiaries have filed multiple suits in federal district court challenging the Trump Administration's grant cancellations. Insofar as these suits seek the disbursement or payment of promised funds, it would seem jurisdiction lies in the Court of Federal Claims. Yet the Trump Administration has not (as yet) sought to transfer any of these cases.  Why not?

Professor Greg Sisk is one of the nation's foremost authorities on civil litigation with the federal government. Indeed, he wrote the hornbook on the subject. He is also the Associate Dean for Research and Pio Cardinal Laghi Distinguished Chair in Law at the University of St. Thomas School of Law.

Below is a guest post by Professor Sisk exploring this question.

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Given my study of civil litigation with the federal government, the current bevy of lawsuits challenging various Trump Administration initiatives falls right into my scholarly wheelhouse. From mass firings (reductions in force) of federal employees to immigration battles and beyond to spending disputes, nearly every day brings me something new to watch with interest. At the still early stage for most of these lawsuits, the focus has been on procedural and jurisdictional questions, which are grist for my litigation-with-the-federal-government mill.

Take, for example, the proliferation of lawsuits in federal district courts around the country provoked by the Trump Administration's cancellation of thousands of federal government grants amounting to billions of dollars. In addition to other defenses, the Department of Justice regularly asserts that (1) grants are simply contracts and (2) contract disputes involving the federal government fall within the exclusive jurisdiction of the special Court of Federal Claims under the Tucker Act, 28 U.S.C. § 1491.

The Supreme Court has weighed in on this jurisdictional choice, at least preliminarily on the so-called shadow docket and at least with respect a lawsuit where the plaintiffs are disappointed grant recipients. Granting the government a stay of a district court injunction to resume payments on certain grants, the Supreme Court ruled in Department of Education v. California that the government was likely to prevail on its subject matter jurisdiction argument. The Supreme Court majority viewed the grant claims in that case as grounded in contract and thus within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Court of Federal Claims.

Why then has the Department of Justice repeatedly failed to act in the multitude of grant dispute lawsuits filed in multiple district courts by simply moving to transfer to the Court of Federal Claims?

Few have written more scholarly works on the Tucker Act and the Court of Federal Claims than have I (e.g., here and here). And yet I confess that I am perplexed by the government's failure to initiate a special statutory process tailored to resolve this very kind of jurisdictional puzzle.

In 1988, Congress adopted a particular procedural mechanism to achieve a prompt resolution of this category of jurisdictional questions. Under 28 U.S.C. 1292(d)(4), if the federal government moves in district court to transfer a case to the Court of Federal Claims under the Tucker Act, that motion stays further proceedings in the district court until 60 days after the judge rules on the transfer motion (admittedly with a key exception I'll note below). Further, if the district court denies the motion to transfer, the government then may file an immediate interlocutory appeal on the jurisdictional question — and that appeal bypasses the regional circuit and goes directly to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit.

Now there is an exception in this jurisdictional statute that allows the district court during that stay period to grant preliminary relief when expedition is necessary. That of course means that the government couldn't avoid the possible issuance of temporary injunctive relief in these grant cancellation cases. But it would prevent the district court from proceeding to the merits, presumably halting discovery, and again would provide for an immediate appeal for expeditious resolution of the jurisdictional question in the Federal Circuit.

The United States has used this interlocutory appeal provision repeatedly over the past three decades, turning to the Federal Circuit with its nationwide jurisdiction to solidify the authority of the Court of Federal Claims over claims that are in essence attempts to obtain money from the federal government. This jurisdictional issue is hardly new — it is the longstanding question of whether a case involves a "disguised" Tucker Act claim that has been wrongly brought in district court. The Federal Circuit has issued several key jurisdictional precedents in these interlocutory appeals.

As shameless self-promotion, I am especially familiar with this appellate jurisdiction statute because I wrote Subsection 1292(d)(4) when I served in the Department of Justice. I convinced my DOJ superiors to promote my draft to the House Judiciary Committee where it was eventually adopted in judicial reform legislation in 1988. As I say in a footnote in my hornbook on this statutory subsection, my colleagues for a time honored/teased me by referring to these interlocutory appeals as "Sisk Appeals."

Anyway, so why is the government repeatedly failing to take the step of moving in the district court to transfer to the Court of Federal Claims, which then triggers a stay from moving to the merits and allows an interlocutory appeal to the Federal Circuit if the motion is denied?

Three possible reasons occur to me, but none are satisfying.

First, perhaps the Department of Justice has been so emptied of experienced civil litigators that the few remaining lawyers are too overwhelmed to initiate this procedural step or insufficiently versed in statutory procedures to be aware of it. Reports are that the Federal Programs Branch in DOJ's Civil Division, which ordinarily would handle this class of lawsuits, has lost about 70 percent of its lawyers.

Second, perhaps the Trump DOJ is wary of the Federal Circuit for some reason and wishes to avoid an interlocutory appeal going there, thus being willing to wait for the case to move through to the regional circuit to decide the jurisdictional question. But at the end of the day, this strategy would work only to delay and not to change the path of the litigation. If the government is right in its objection to jurisdiction in the district courts, then the longstanding remedy (even if neither party asks) is to transfer the case to the Court of Federal Claims under 28 U.S.C. § 1631. And since all appeals from the Court of Federal Claims go to the Federal Circuit, then that appellate destiny cannot be avoided.

Third, perhaps the DOJ is less confident in its jurisdictional position than it pretends to be and so is willing to simply drag things out. This last strikes me as the least plausible explanation, since the government has not hesitated to go to the Supreme Court and seek a stay based, in part, on this jurisdictional argument.

Whatever the reason for the government's failure to invoke the jurisdictional resolution statute, I cannot think of what would measure up as a good reason.

As Justice Scalia once wrote, in a dissent endorsing the jurisdictional control of the Court of Federal Claims over past-due money claims, "[n]othing is more wasteful than litigation about where to litigate, particularly when the options are all courts within the same legal system that will apply the same law." For that reason, swifter resolution of such jurisdictional disputes is always preferable.

The federal courts rightly expect the highest in ethical behavior from federal government lawyers. The Department of Justice should be facilitating prompt resolution of the jurisdictional dispute. Section 1292(d)(4) is waiting to make that happen.

Separation of Powers

The Statute Allowing Judges to Appoint Interim U.S. Attorneys is Constitutional

Steve Calabresi's argument that judges cannot make such interim appointments is ultimately unpersuasive, as the Appointments Clause specifically allows Congress to vest such power in the Judiciary.

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Leading constitutional law scholar and VC co-blogger Steve Calabresi has posted an  interesting analysis of the Attorney General's authority to appoint interim U.S. Attorneys—and of federal judges' authority to step in and make an appointment after the expiration of an interim term. Calabresi argues that the part of the federal statute authorizing judicial appointments (28 U.S.C. § 546(d)) is unconstitutional. I often find Calabresi's analysis of constitutional issues powerful. On this particular issue, however, I disagree. Even proceeding on the originalist and textualist premises Calabresi relies on, his argument is unpersuasive.

Calabresi's argument essentially requires ignoring the text of the Constitution's Appointments Clause, the history and tradition of judicial appointments of interim U.S. Attorneys, and important Supreme Court precedents. Against this backdrop of text, history, and tradition, § 546(d) is constitutional.

In today's post, I focus on this constitutional issue. I hope to follow-up tomorrow with another post on how the statute operates in practice. Calabresi is seemingly correct that, by making repeated interim appointments, a determined Executive can block the ability of judges to make appointments. Thus, even if the statute's judicial appointment authority is constitutional, it may ultimately end up rarely being used.

As the springboard for analyzing the constitutionality of the judicial appointment provision, Calabresi analyzes the recent controversy over Alina Habba's (recently expired)120-day term as Interim U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey. Ms. Habba had been acting as the Interim U.S. Attorney while her nomination to become the U.S. Attorney was pending before the Senate. As Ms. Habba's interim term was drawing to a close, the district judges for the District of Jersey entered a terse order declining to extend it. Instead, citing their authority under § 546(d), the judges appointed Ms. Habba's First Assistant (Desiree Leigh Grace) to the interim position. The Trump Administration responded by the President withdrawing Ms. Habba's nomination. And then Attorney General Bondi appointed her to be First Assistant in that U.S. Attorney's Office and also Acting U.S. Attorney for the District for the next 210 days pursuant to the Federal Vacancies Reform Act of 1998, 5 U.S.C. §§ 3345 et seq. Writing on X, Attorney General Bondi explained that "[t]his Department of Justice does not tolerate rogue judges—especially when they threaten the President's core Article II powers." The Attorney General also removed the First Assistant (Ms. Grace) from the interim U.S. Attorney position.

The question of judicial appointments is an important issue, not only  in the U.S. Attorney context but also in other areas. To focus the discussion, like Calabresi, I will discuss the Attorney General's appointment authority under § 546 rather than the Federal Vacancies Reform Act, which is apparently a "fallback" position of the Trump Administration. On § 546, Calabresi defends the Attorney General's position by arguing that the part of the statute that the New Jersey judges relied upon to make their appointment is unconstitutional. Here's the text in question:

If an appointment expires under subsection (c)(2) [i.e., under an interim appointment by the Attorney General], the district court for such district may appoint a United States attorney to serve until the vacancy is filled.

28 U.S.C. § 546(d).

Calabresi concedes that versions of this provision "have been in the U.S Code since the Civil War," but notes "they have rarely been invoked" by judges. Nonetheless, the concession of long-standing historical foundation for judicial appointments should give an originalist pause. Calabresi's main argument is that the judicial appointment provision is now unconstitutional under two recent Supreme Court decisions: Seila Law (2020) and Trump v. Wilcox (2025). Under these decisions, contends Calabresi, the power to prosecute is a core "executive Power" under Article II, Section 1. And, accordingly, under these recent decisions, only the Attorney General (acting on behalf of the President) can appoint Interim U.S. Attorneys. In my view, Calabresi conclusion overreads these recent decisions and incorrectly downplays other, controlling Supreme Court precedents. Read More

Academic Freedom

The Value of Institutional Neutrality for Free Inquiry

My new article in the First Amendment Law Review's symposium on campus free speech

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Last fall, the First Amendment Law Review at the University of North Carolina hosted a symposium on campus free speech issues. The issue with articles from the symposium is now out. You can find my contribution here.

The article is called "The Value of Institutional Neutrality for Free Inquiry." There are multiple reasons for universities to adopt a policy of what has become known as "institutional neutrality." This article focuses on the value of such an institutional policy for protecting a climate of free inquiry for individual scholars at the institution.

The article revolves around three core concerns about how a departure from institutional neutrality norms damages free inquiry. Read More

Religion and the Law

Religious Exemption Claim by Nonprofit Providing Supervised Illegal Drug Use Can Go Forward

The Third Circuit held that such organizations may raise religious exemption claims, though it declined to decide (at this stage of the litigation) whether the claim would prevail on the facts of this case.

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From U.S. v. Safehouse, decided Thursday by Third Circuit Judge David Porter, joined by Judges Thomas Hardiman and Michael Fisher:

Safehouse, a Pennsylvania nonprofit corporation, was established in 2018 to address the abuse of opioids in Philadelphia. It seeks to provide overdose prevention services, including supervised illegal drug use. According to Safehouse, what it calls "medically supervised consumption" is salutary because opioid overdoses can be mitigated if trained staff are nearby….

[A]s a provider of supervised illegal drug use, Safehouse would violate 21 U.S.C. § 856(a)(2). Safehouse argues that its Board members' shared religious belief in the value of human life motivates it to provide "evidence-based public-health interventions" and that government intervention with those services substantially burdens its religious exercise.

The District Court rejected Safehouse's argument. It reasoned that non-religious entities are not protected by the Religious Freedom Restoration Act ("RFRA") and the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. As we explain below, that was reversible error….

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Second Amendment Roundup: Whatever Happened to Koons?

Third Circuit still hasn’t decided New Jersey’s years-old “sensitive places” appeal.

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The ink wasn't even dry after the Supreme Court decided Bruen in 2022 when New Jersey and a handful of other disgruntled states rushed to counterattack by criminalizing the carrying of firearms by persons with permits in numerous public places.  "The legislative record reveals the Legislature paid little to no mind to Bruen and the law-abiding New Jerseyans' right to bear arms in public for self-defense. Again, the law's primary sponsor declared that 'Because of Bruen, more New Jerseyans will die as result of gun violence.'"

Chief Judge Renée Marie Bumb in the consolidated cases of Koons & Siegel v. Platkin, decided on May 16, 2023 wrote an incredibly thorough 230-page opinion, applied Bruen's text and history approach, and found that much of the New Jersey law likely violated the Second Amendment.  She issued a preliminary injunction against enforcement of those provisions.

The most egregious portions of the law made it a felony to enter private property open to the public unless a "gun owners welcome" sign was posted, or to carry a loaded handgun in a motor vehicle.  Other banned places ran the gamut from bars and beaches to public gatherings and state parks.

Judge Bumb analyzed countless historical laws cited by the state and found that they were not appropriate historical analogues that would justify the current prohibitions.  I'm proud to say that she repeatedly cited two of my books, The Right to Bear Arms: A Constitutional Right of the People or a Privilege of the Ruling Class? and The Founders' Second Amendment.

New Jersey filed an emergency motion for stay pending appeal, which the Third Circuit granted in part and denied in part on June 20, 2023.  The injunction against the laundry list of specific "sensitive places" was stayed, while the injunction regarding private property open to the public and carry in vehicles was left in place.  The clerk's office was "instructed to issue an expedited briefing schedule forthwith."

The Third Circuit then held oral argument promptly on October 25, 2023.  For the two consolidated cases, the argument lasted two hours and forty minutes before Judge Cheryl Ann Krause, Judge David Porter, and Judge Cindy Chung.  And that's where the trail ends.  Almost two years have passed without a decision.

To be sure, the state submitted countless pages of historical laws into the record.  But they are all either not analogues, because they do not concern the peaceable carrying of arms, or were enacted toward the end of the nineteenth century, too late to be relevant to the original public understanding of the Second Amendment.  The judges and their clerks need not expend too much time reviewing them.

Justice Clarence Thomas has several times ended a dissent from denial of cert with words like the following, in this instance from Snope v. Brown: "I doubt we would sit idly by if lower courts were to so subvert our precedents involving any other constitutional right. Until we are vigilant in enforcing it, the right to bear arms will remain 'a second-class right.'"  The same logic applies when lower courts unduly extend deciding constitutional claims.

Hopefully the Third Circuit will decide Koons in the near future.

Tariffs

Trump's Trade Deals Won't End the Harm Caused by His Tariffs

In each case, tariffs remain much higher than they were before the deals.

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Trump has reached a trade deal with the European Union, which follows previous deals with the UK, Japan, Vietnam, and the Philippines. Some might view these deals as vindication of Trump's "Liberation Day" tariffs, and other tariff hikes. But the truth is that these deals leave us worse off than before. In each case, tariff rates under the deals are vastly higher than they were before Trump started his trade war. For example, the new tariff on most EU goods will be 15%, compared to an average rate of 1.47% before Trump's second term (the EU imposed an average %1.35 rate on US imports). It's a similar story with Japan (15% vs. 2%), Britain (10% vs. 3.3%), and the others. Moreover, under the Administration's interpretation of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), Trump would retain unfettered discretion to raise tariffs further any time he wants for any reason. That means the deals have no real legal force, and aren't genuinely binding.

As a result, Americans will face much higher prices than before on many goods, and there will be other severe economic damage, as well. All told Trump's IEEPA tariffs are expected to impose some $1.9 trillion in tax increases on Americans over the next decade, costing the average household some $1000 per year, while also raising prices and greatly diminishing economic growth. In addition, giving one man total control over tariffs undermines the rule of law and the stable expectations on which the international economy depends. There is also the damage the tariffs do to relations with US allies, thereby weakening the Western alliance relative to rivals like China and Russia.

The relatively modest reductions in tariffs against US exports these deals include (e.g. Britain reduced its tariffs from an average of 3.8% to 1.8%) don't even begin to offset the enormous harm - even if we (wrongly) discount all harm done to foreign trading partners, and only consider effects on the US.

Obviously, the trade deals also don't change the fact that Trump's IEEPA tariffs are illegal for a wide range of reasons. The Liberty Justice Center and I secured a ruling against the "Liberation Day" tariffs in the US Court of International Trade, and our case (together with one filed by 12 state governments) is now on appeal in the Federal Circuit. We hope to continue to prevail, now aided by big-name legal scholars and appellate litigators Michael McConnell and Neal Katyal. We also have the support of amicus briefs from a wide range of group across the political spectrum.

Chief Justice Roberts as Chancellor of the Smithsonian Institute

The New York Times offers some insights into the Parliamentarian in Chief.

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Chief Justice Roberts also serves as the Chancellor of the Smithsonian Institute. Historically, at least, this position did not involve much controversy. But times have changed. President Trump sought to remove the Director of the National Portrait Gallery. In June, the Smithsonian board discussed the matter. And the New York Times spoke with at least three people who were present at the meeting:

On June 9, the leadership of the Smithsonian gathered for a quarterly, but hardly routine, meeting behind closed doors.

President Trump had already called out the Smithsonian for being part of a "concerted and widespread effort to rewrite our nation's history" and announced he was firing the head of its National Portrait Gallery.

Now the Smithsonian's board planned to discuss a response — a resolution carefully calibrated to avoid a confrontation with the president. The resolution would reinforce that only the Smithsonian had the power to fire its museum leader, but would also order a full review of Smithsonian content for bias.

After the resolution had been introduced, Representative Carlos Gimenez of Florida, a Republican board member, interrupted, proposing instead that the board fire the gallery director, as Mr. Trump had sought. His effort was quickly shut down by the Smithsonian's chancellor — the chief justice of the Supreme Court, John G. Roberts Jr.

"We already have a motion on the floor," Chief Justice Roberts said, according to three people with knowledge of the proceedings.

The original resolution succeeded. The meeting quickly moved on.

If the moment was unusually tense for a gathering of a museum board, the intervention by the chief justice, a committed parliamentarian, was not. As chancellor, he is known to preside over meetings with a strict focus on rules and procedures, assiduously avoiding partisan debates — a demeanor that aligns with his reputation as an institutionalist and incrementalist jurist.

The rest of the article presents an informative background of the Chief Justices's role at the Smithsonian.

This vignette is largely consistent with things I've heard over the years about the Chief Justice. At the Judicial Conference, all discussions are limited to items on the "discuss list." And if an item is not on the discuss list, it cannot be debated. And Roberts has large control over what is on the discuss list. Remarkably, the Judicial Conference's ill-fated reassignment policy wasn't on the discuss list. I imagine he treats deliberations at the Smithsonian in a similar fashion.

Does Roberts bring this domineering approach to the Supreme Court's conference? Justice Steven discussed Roberts's role as a presiding officer in his memoir, Five Chiefs. Here is an excerpt:

With regard to all of his special responsibilities, John Roberts is an excellent chief justice. Perhaps he is not quite as efficient as his predecessor when presiding in open court or in the Court's conferences, but his occasional and minor deviations from strict enforcement are well justified. His own extensive experience as an advocate may have made him slightly more generous in allowing a few comments after the red light is turned on, but in my judgment those allowances have always been appropriate.

In our private conferences he was always a well-prepared, fair, and effective leader. For instance, when I added cases to the list of cert petitions to be discussed—that is, when I asked that the conference discuss petitions for certiorari that the chief had not thought worth our attention—it was apparent that he always took a second look at them. By the time the conference arrived, he was prepared to explain his vote to deny, or to acknowledge that there were valid reasons for considering a grant. He also welcomed more discussion of the merits of the argued cases than his predecessor—including expansions of the reasoning behind his own votes—but he maintained the appropriate impartiality in giving each of us an opportunity to speak. In sum, he is a better presiding officer than both of his immediate predecessors.

I think this story must be coupled with the recent leak to the Federalist about the Judicial Conference. People are apparently no longer afraid of talking about Roberts to the press. The grip of the iron fist loosens.

Appointments Clause

Appointment of Interim U.S. Attorneys

The attorney general can appoint interim U.S. Attorneys to successive 120-day terms of office unless the nominee is someone to whom the Senate has refused to give advice and consent by a vote either in committee or on the floor.

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Alina Habba's 120-day term as President Trump's appointed Interim U.S. Attorney for the State of New Jersey recently expired without the Senate ever voting on her nomination. A panel of U.S. District Court Judges used a rarely invoked and unconstitutional federal statute to appoint a new and different Interim U.S. Attorney for New Jersey, Desiree Leigh Grace, who had been Ms. Habba's first assistant.

Attorney General Bondi fired the court-appointed Interim U.S. Attorney the day she was appointed, saying "This Department of Justice does not tolerate rogue judges—especially when they threaten the President's core Article II powers."

On Thursday, July 24, President Trump withdrew Alina Habba's nomination to be U.S. Attorney for New Jersey, and Attorney General Bondi then appointed her First Assistant in that U.S. Attorney's Office and also appointed her Acting U.S. Attorney for New Jersey for the next 210 days under the Vacancies Act, 5 U.S.C. § 3345 et seq.

I do not think it was necessary to do that. I think Interim U.S. Attorneys, whose 120-day appointments have expired without the Senate ever voting on their nominations, can be reappointed to an indefinite number of 120-day terms as Interim U.S. Attorneys by the Attorney General under 28 U.S.C. § 546 until and unless the Senate votes down their nominations and so long as they have been nominated for the office in question.

The 120-day term limit does not bar reappointment if done by district court judges. Given that cross-branch appointment of inferior officers is unconstitutional, as I will explain below, there is no reason why 28 U.S.C. § 546 ought to be read as precluding the reappointment of nominated U.S. Attorneys whom Senators do not have the votes to defeat but whose confirmations they are able to delay.

Read More

Originalism

My Jotwell Review of Michael Ramsey's "The Originalist Case Against the Insular Cases"

The article makes a compelling argument that has broader implications.

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My just-published Jotwell review focuses on Michael Ramsey's important new article,, "The Originalist Case Against the Insular Cases." Here is an excerpt:

In the Insular Cases of the early twentieth century, the Supreme Court ruled that much of the Constitution does not apply to America's "unincorporated" overseas territories, such as Puerto Rico and other territories acquired as a result of the Spanish-American War of 1898. Thus, the federal government could rule the people there without being constrained by a variety of constitutional rights. Only "fundamental" rights were held to constrain the federal government's powers over the inhabitants of these territories, while other constitutional constraints on federal power did not apply. In a 2022 concurring opinion, Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch urged the Court to overrule these decisions. Prominent originalist legal scholar Michael Ramsey's important new article explains why Gorsuch was right.

Ramsey compellingly demonstrates that the Insular Cases were wrongly decided, at least from an originalist standpoint. And his argument has potential implications that go beyond the status of people living in "unincorporated" territories. There have been various previous critiques of the Insular Cases. But Ramsey's is the first systematic scholarly dismantling undertaken from an originalist perspective.

The unincorporated territories currently include American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands, plus some minor islands….

In a detailed examination of the text and original meaning of the Constitution's Territories Clause and other relevant provisions, Ramsey shows that "under the Territory Clause, Congress's power over U.S. territory [outside the states] is very broad, essentially amounting to a general police power." But he argues persuasively that "the grant to Congress of general police power in territories does not suggest that Congress is thereby freed of other specific limitations on Congress's power arising from the Constitution's structural and individual rights provisions…."

Ramsey also demonstrates that this conclusion is consistent with federal policy and Supreme Court precedent of the pre-Civil War era. The tradition was continued in the initial aftermath of the Reconstruction Amendments. For example, it was generally understood that children born in federal territories were entitled to birthright citizenship.

That longstanding body of precedent was undercut by the Insular Cases as a result of the racism and imperialism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries…

The Insular Cases are not the only important nonoriginalist, atextual abrogations of constitutional rights blessed by the Supreme Court as a result of late-19th century racial bigotry. The same is true of the "plenary power" doctrine, which exempts immigration restrictions from many of the constitutional constraints that apply to all other exercises of federal power. While later decisions have called elements of this doctrine into question, enough remains that it is not completely clear whether, for example, the government can deport immigrants for speech protected by the First Amendment….

Even if completely invalidating federal immigration restrictions entirely would be too great a break with precedent, federal courts would at least do well to rule that such restrictions are subject to the same individual rights and structural constraints as all other legislative powers…

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