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My Jotwell Review of Michael Ramsey's "The Originalist Case Against the Insular Cases"
The article makes a compelling argument that has broader implications.
My just-published Jotwell review focuses on Michael Ramsey's important new article,, "The Originalist Case Against the Insular Cases." Here is an excerpt:
In the Insular Cases of the early twentieth century, the Supreme Court ruled that much of the Constitution does not apply to America's "unincorporated" overseas territories, such as Puerto Rico and other territories acquired as a result of the Spanish-American War of 1898. Thus, the federal government could rule the people there without being constrained by a variety of constitutional rights. Only "fundamental" rights were held to constrain the federal government's powers over the inhabitants of these territories, while other constitutional constraints on federal power did not apply. In a 2022 concurring opinion, Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch urged the Court to overrule these decisions. Prominent originalist legal scholar Michael Ramsey's important new article explains why Gorsuch was right.
Ramsey compellingly demonstrates that the Insular Cases were wrongly decided, at least from an originalist standpoint. And his argument has potential implications that go beyond the status of people living in "unincorporated" territories. There have been various previous critiques of the Insular Cases. But Ramsey's is the first systematic scholarly dismantling undertaken from an originalist perspective.
The unincorporated territories currently include American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands, plus some minor islands….
In a detailed examination of the text and original meaning of the Constitution's Territories Clause and other relevant provisions, Ramsey shows that "under the Territory Clause, Congress's power over U.S. territory [outside the states] is very broad, essentially amounting to a general police power." But he argues persuasively that "the grant to Congress of general police power in territories does not suggest that Congress is thereby freed of other specific limitations on Congress's power arising from the Constitution's structural and individual rights provisions…."
Ramsey also demonstrates that this conclusion is consistent with federal policy and Supreme Court precedent of the pre-Civil War era. The tradition was continued in the initial aftermath of the Reconstruction Amendments. For example, it was generally understood that children born in federal territories were entitled to birthright citizenship.
That longstanding body of precedent was undercut by the Insular Cases as a result of the racism and imperialism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries…
The Insular Cases are not the only important nonoriginalist, atextual abrogations of constitutional rights blessed by the Supreme Court as a result of late-19th century racial bigotry. The same is true of the "plenary power" doctrine, which exempts immigration restrictions from many of the constitutional constraints that apply to all other exercises of federal power. While later decisions have called elements of this doctrine into question, enough remains that it is not completely clear whether, for example, the government can deport immigrants for speech protected by the First Amendment….
Even if completely invalidating federal immigration restrictions entirely would be too great a break with precedent, federal courts would at least do well to rule that such restrictions are subject to the same individual rights and structural constraints as all other legislative powers…
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Sorry, but the inhabitants of US territories prior to expansion were called “Indians” and they had essentially no rights.
The idea that full constitutional rights applied to anyone other than white men living within the states or DC just doesn’t have much historical grounding.
I think Professor Somin is simply trying to whitewash the history to conform to his sense of morality.
It might have been better to have recognized organized groups outside the 48 states as Indian tribes. For example, I personally find it absurd that the US government, by the simple act of not recognizing eg. Native Hawaiians as legitimate political entities, can then get all moral on them and accuse them of racism whenever they attempt to engage in any self-help.
But we didn’t, and we didn’t have to.
The fact of the matter is that the relationship of the United States with native inhabitants of overseas territories we acquired is not all that different from its relationship with Indians, simply minus the recognition of aboriginal sovereignty and associated rights.
As the Indian example makes clear, we NEVER intended to give the native inhabitants of territory we acquired full rights.
I’m not saying this is ideally moral. But it’s neutral historical fact. I think the history Professor Somin attempts to present is a bogus and self-serving picture.
As to the plenary power doctrine, the original constitution doesn’t merely give the federaal government plenary power over immigration. It gives it plenary power over importation. That’s kidnapping people and bringing them here against their will as merchandise. The 13th Amendment prohibited slavery within this country only. The 14th applied to the states. None of the civil war amendments or and subsequent amendment in any way restricts the plenary power.
Having engaged with the indigenous population question on the recent birthright citizenship post, I'd suggest here that the constitutional difference between colonial North America and later oversees territories is that we started out the presumption that native tribes had some kind of sovereignty and were recognized as such by the federal government, because they were distinct cultural Bronze (or even Stone) Age peoples not easily subjugated for assimilation.
For whatever reason, we never carried that approach forward to later acquisitions. Maybe because they were too modern and numerous, and counterintuitively able to colonially subjugated and governed, while not easy to be settled by Americans of European descent in large numbers as previous Manifest Destiny. Except some island peoples probably were more like indigenous North Americans.
Your overarching point has merit.
The acquisition and governance of land overseas as the result of wars or other international disputes centuries after the founding of the country is quintessential not a question simplistically resolved by a resort to one, or even two, scholars’ preferred and oftentimes myopic approach to constitutional interpretation. The pre-constitutional Northwest Ordinance by its very nature embodies the concept of an “incorporated” territory. But why resort to actually relevant facts and history when it gets in the way of one’s political agenda?
The original constitution says that Congress cannot ban the importation of slaves before 1808. And that's all it says on the topic. It's sort of weird to read a denial of some power over the topic as a grant of plenary power over that topic.
Ah yes, it did deny that power to Congress, much to the chagrin of democrats who supported the expansion of their “peculiar institution.” In retrospect, we would have been far better off as a country today by amending the constitution to ban the democrat party after their little democrat secession.
I don't know. Saying "I won't do X until deadline Y" certainly seems to me to imply that you have the power to do X after deadline Y. I don't think your reasoning works here.
I’m not saying this is ideally moral. But it’s neutral historical fact.
Reader Y — When you say, "neutral historical fact," which conception of history do you purport to espouse? Two are possible.
Is it history as a presumed sum of all human experience. That amounts to everything imaginable, jumbled together without concern for categorical inquiry or authored account.
Or is it history in the sense of a written record authored categorically by a historian? That implicates response to a properly formulated series of historical queries about a particular past, drawing inferences from those.
Reason I ask is because the former cannot be a basis for originalist analysis. It is not about the past. It is about the present. It is about what people presently argue or insist, while they discuss a past they have not examined, except by reference to presently-existing sources or imaginings, taken uncritically, however inaccurate or mutually contradictory those may be. Lawyerly notions of originalism typically leave it at that.
The second kind of history might in theory provide originalist insight, if any such on-target query existed, or were even possible. Given the vast differences inherent in American Indian cultures, spanning the entire relevant geography, and the entire centuries-long interval during which Indian treaties and agreements were formulated, by literally thousands of variously intentioned, variously sovereign, and variously empowered negotiators, I doubt any such categorically authored history exists.
It is true that the American National Archives contains a stack of Indian treaties. It is not too tall for a researcher to read, and would provide a starting point for a broader project which would undoubtedly enlarge to a geographic and temporal scope beyond the capacity of any single historian to command.
Unless you intend to ignore or discount Indian experience as a continuously active factor in your research, you will also have to consult heavily various other archival resources, particularly in Britain, France, and Spain. Note that figures such as George Washington, who heavily influenced Indian affairs in North America, left records in all of the U.S., British, and French national archives. Those various nations differed markedly in their intentions with regard to Indians, and those differences turned out to inflect related issues for centuries.
But have you even read those U.S. treaties? They are almost all available online. To read them would introduce you to a historical agenda involving places, persons, times, and issues necessary to at least start the originalist project you inadvertently posit. Budget a full academic historical career to make a beginning.
Perhaps several other scholars could step in after you, to complete the work. One I know of has already done wonders, actually preceding you. Colin G. Calloway not too long ago published, The Indian World of George Washington a book astonishing to read, for folks my age, who were taught that the substantive questions it addresses were permanently beyond answer, for want of records. Calloway found unsuspected records where others never looked.
That is the kind of activity the term "originalism," implies, except in its more usual lawyerly sense, where it means, "making stuff up."
I wonder if the problem isn't so much the limitation to 'fundamental' rights, as that the Insular cases inherited from Slaughterhouse a radically impoverished notion of what those fundamental rights WERE.
I don't disagree the Insular cases are constitutionally problematic--I sort of like Brett's observation as an explanation why, haven't developed my own theory or read enough about how they should be overturned.
I mainly came by to comment that of course, once again, Somin uses a reasonable topic to again advocate for something completely unreasonable: his weird ideological obsession that Congress does not have plenary power of immigration. Such beliefs make him an unreliable source to discuss the defects of the Insular cases, because he disregards the essentialness of citizenship.
Wouldn’t this mean that, before the 14th amendment, people in territories would have all the rights of the constitution and people in states would not (the bill of rights didn’t apply to states)?
That … can’t be right. I just cannot wrap my head around that being right.
And if you consider the 14th amendment it reads “ the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states”, with added language overruling Dred Scott and making blacks citizens. But it does specify citizens.
Granted there is aspirational language about the constitution applying to all peoples, natural rights and so forth. “All men are created equal”, the emancipation proclamation was structured to, well, grant freedom to territory the union reclaimed. But interesting that’s not the language that made it in the constitution!
Irrespective of the history of all of this, it seems to me this is an area not really well explored at the time of the founding, and the insular cases was a compromise respecting the reality of, you can’t realistically conquer someone then give them the full rights of the constitution.
It’s similar to the case where the equal protection clause also applies to DC. If you read that case, the legal reasoning is nonsense! There’s no hidden equal protection clause in the 5th amendment! But I’m not sure the framers considered the notion of a federally administered territory, and realistically in some cases rights apply in others they don’t.
"Wouldn’t this mean that, before the 14th amendment, people in territories would have all the rights of the constitution and people in states would not (the bill of rights didn’t apply to states)?"
The states had, and have, their own constitutions, with their own bills of rights. "The" Bill of Rights is part of the federal constitution, for the federal government.
So people in the states were protected from the federal government by "the" bill of rights, and their own state governments by their bills of rights, and the situation was much the same for the territories.
The 14th amendment only had to extend "the" Bill of rights to the states because some of the states didn't, to the extent they had their own, actually follow them.
We've grown uncomfortable with the idea that the same rights are not available to all, which I think is why the protection of the several states bills of rights are not a popular fallback here, and do not like to think about the legal landscape before incorporation began it's long slow march. Yes, absolutely the only rights people had in territories were federally based. As I understand the history, much of those original rights grants were statutory based (Congress enacting the contemporary rule of law principles), and no one seemed overly concerned.
Of course, all that is irrelevant to the question of federal territories, over which no state's bill of rights has any authority.
Perhaps instead of saying we've grown uncomfortable, I really should have said we've forgotten that in much of the 19th century, rights were protected primarily by a citizen's state bill of rights. Like I said previously, Congress enacted for the territories via statute most of the accepted rights of the era. Thinking that a reasonable stopgap until statehood as achieved, at which point the new state's constitution would take over.
It's a modern bias to view the lack of this federal constitutional protections as problematic. But it did not bother anyone at the time because it was always understood to be transitory. Acquiring new territories where it was similarly accepted that a statehood path was unlikely forced new thinking. Just trying to explain why this issue was not seriously considered or challenged for the contiguous North American territories.
There’s no hidden equal protection clause in the 5th amendment!
The Declaration of Independence recognized a basic principle of equality. Equal protection was repeatedly cited as a general principle of free government (at least as applied to free white men). It was cited in state court decisions.
It is far from absurd to argue that there was a general equal protection principle inherent in the principle of due process.
people in territories would have all the rights of the constitution and people in states would not (the bill of rights didn’t apply to states)?
Could an antebellum territorial legislature favor Catholics over Protestants? What rights found in the Bill of Rights were not protected in the federal territories in pre-1868?
"Irrespective of the history of all of this, it seems to me this is an area not really well explored at the time of the founding, and the insular cases was a compromise respecting the reality of, you can’t realistically conquer someone then give them the full rights of the constitution."
I agree with this and for all of the talk about the racism of the Insular Cases I think it was additionally a recognition that the conquered peoples did not share our English common law heritage.
Perhaps they didn't want grand juries and jury trials in civil cases with unanimous 12 person juries. Things work better if you let them keep their way of doing things to the maximum extent.
So, rather than racism being the explanation, you think racism was the explanation?
Puerto Rico had been under a Spanish civil-law system for 400 years, in which juries were not used in civil trials. The United States permitted them to keep using the legal system to which they were accustomed. Does that really strike you as a "racist" thing to do? As opposed to demanding they immediately adopt our alien Anglo-Saxon legal traditions?
When all you have is a hammer...
The blind ideologue Ilya Somin will hijack or corrupt any argument or viewpoint to support his totally fabricated "universal right to immigration" and push it as superior to the popular sovereignty of a people's democratically elected national government.
Every single thing that Somin says or writes is completely and totally controlled by his efforts to push his fabricated "universal right to immigration."
What kind of loon keeps making up a phrase that nobody has said and posting it over and over again rather than saying anything substantive?
How do you think phrases get popularized?
"What kind of loon keeps making up a phrase like 'The Three Body Problem' that nobody has ever said before?"
Sincerely,
David "The Genius" Nieporent
Why do you think that an unfair descriptor of Somin's beliefs here? It's not like he think the states can regulate this. The root of his belief that Congress does not have this authority is because of his libertarian open borders ideology--he does not want to find Congress has this authority.
Amazingly enough, "originalists" always seem to find that the "originalist" answer to any legal question conforms perfectly to their preferred policy.
In Downes v. Bidwell (1901), the plaintiff claimed that the different duties in Puerto Rico violated the Constitution's requirement that all duties "shall be uniform throughout the United States." Justice Brown, writing for the Court, held that this did not apply to territories, over which Congress had "plenary" power, excepting some minimum, "fundamental" rights possessed by the inhabitants of those territories. Justice Harlan, in dissent, seemed to take great umbrage to the notion that inhabitants of territories could be denied rights possessed by inhabitants of states.
There was an antecedent for Harlan's opinion that Congress could not restrain rights in the territories that it could not restrain in the states - Chief Justice Taney's opinion some 44 years earlier in Dred Scot v. Sandford (1857). Congress could not restrict slavery (or "slaveholders' property rights", as he might have put it) in the states, so why should it be able to do so in the territories?
To find the originalist view of governance of territories seems as simple as looking to how Congress treated territories in the Early Republic. As Justice Brown wrote:
Downes v. Bidwell, 182 U.S. 244, 279 (1901) (citation omitted).
We defeated Spain in the Spanish-American War and obtained overseas territories. This was not the first time that we had obtained land from Spain or Spanish-speaking territory.
We obtained Florida from Spain. Not a common law country.
We then received a chunk of territory after winning the Mexican War. The "conquered peoples did not share our English common law heritage." The Insular Cases approach was not used.
We also obtained a large chunk of land from France via the Louisiana Purchase. Also, not a common-law country.
The Quebec Act was passed by England after the French and Indian War with a nod to the French legal practices and religious beliefs. Many colonists were appalled. We are not merely talking about Europeans with our ways.
Why could we bring in French, Spanish, and Mexican territory and not take the Insular Cases route? I'm not the only person who asked that. The dissenters in the Insular Cases, including John Marshall Harlan (who people selectively celebrate), did too.
The people in the overseas territories were formerly Spanish subjects. What made them different from people in Florida, California, and so on? We know. It was made clear at the time. It was race. People in Latin America were treated as "white" even by many slave owners. Filipinos were "colored."
Dred Scott, somewhat ironically, strongly supported the rights of people in territories. But the Southern justices meant white people (Mexicans counted).
Sorry, but the inhabitants of US territories prior to expansion were called “Indians” and they had essentially no rights."
I don't know what "expansion" means here.
The U.S. had territory from the beginning. There were always some white people in the territories. Taney was wrong about blacks having no rights, but even in that respect, the Reconstruction Amendments changed that situation.
Indians were largely treated as foreigners. They would have rights by treaty. The Northwest Ordinance had this provision:
The utmost good faith shall always be observed towards the Indians; their lands and property shall never be taken from them without their consent; and, in their property, rights, and liberty, they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars authorized by Congress
Anyway, it is reasonable -- the Northwest Ordinance itself suggests this -- to provide a limited time at the beginning of territorial control where the people are not treated the same in all respects as the citizens of longstanding. The Territorial Clause provides room for some special treatment of territories.
Still, Spanish residents of newly obtained American territory repeatedly adapted quickly to U.S. ways. Why there had to be a two-tiered system decades later -- the Insular Cases continued into the 1920s -- is unclear.
I'm not an originalist and don't claim there is a crystal clear answer. The justices in the original Insular Cases, after all, split multiple ways. Anyway, let's look at the whole history.
If you set out to critique originalism, try to notice a difference between taking history whole, and insisting that a whole history must remain available to relevant historical query. The first approach is hopeless, the second is a useful rule against cherry picking.
There is another provision in the Northwest Ordinance which is important: French and Canadian inhabitants in the western portions could preserve "their laws and customs now in force among them, relative to the descent and conveyance, of property." This would become more pronounced when Louisiana became a territory, but the Founders didn't have a problem with legislating pragmatic compromises in U.S. territories, even if they imposed long-term costs. For example, the territorial governor thought that he was required to exempt French from the fencing and enclosure law. Today American Samoa restricts land ownership by non-Samoans, which is an example of differentiation of property rights that might not survive equal protection challenge.
This is discussed in Burset, Christian, The Founders' Common-Law Empire (January 01, 2024). 35 Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities 419 (2024)
Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=5340631 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.5340631
The Insular Cases continue to this day. While those in Puerto Rico and D.C. are citizens from birth, America possesses territories in which the inhabitants are American nationals but not citizens. Until their independence, that was the status of Filipinos. It remains the status of those born in Guam or American Samoa, for example.
"The Insular Cases" covers a lot of ground.
Their teeth have been significantly worn down.
The statement about Guam is incorrect.
https://fam.state.gov/fam/08fam/08fam030203.html
If the Insular Cases had been decided the opposite way, how would it ever be possible to give territories independence? First of all, all the inhabitants of the territories would be citizens of the US even after independence. Second, we shouldn't be able to give them independence anyway because this means sovereignty, which in turn implies that the US Constitution no longer apples there (they certainly can't appeal unconstitutional laws to the US Supreme Court after they become independent). And the Constitution doesn't let us say that some place is a Constitution free zone.
Given the decision in Grant v. Lee, Appomattox Courthouse, it might not be possible for Congress to give a territory of U.S. citizens independence. I suppose someone could craft an argument that the failure of a territory to achieve the status of a state equal to all other states in our Union might provide a basis for the territory seeking and gaining independence from Congress, but it would definitely be a harder separation than what happened with the Phillipines, for example.
The Phillipines, however, would likely still be part of the U.S. had it been given the same status as Puerto Rico, and definitely had its several moments of popular support for statehood been successful.
The Civil War solidified the proposition that a state could not unilaterally secede from the union. I don't think it follows that a state (or states) with the consent of Congress could not withdraw.
There is a gigantic difference between Florida, the Louisiana Territory, and the Mexican cession compared to Guam, the Philippines, and the Samoan Islands. The first three with contiguous with the continental United States at the time of their acquisition and sparsely populated, less than one person per square mile. The last three were thousands of miles overseas and heavily populated by foreign populations.
The underlying principles of the Insular Cases are heavily cultural not legal. The court drew a line between contiguous areas of American culture and American overseas possessions of foreign cultures. Lawyers can't see the forest for the trees.
I love how racists will just invent imaginary facts to rationalize their racism. American Samoa and Guam were not, of course, "heavily populated" by anyone when they were acquired; there were less than 6,000 and 10,000 people respectively in those places at the time. The Mexican Cession and Louisiana Purchase were both far more populated by foreign populations at the time of their acquisition. As was Hawaii when it was acquired, and it was also non-contiguous and thousands of miles away.
>I love how racists will just invent imaginary facts to rationalize their racism.
You people have been spewing this garbage for a generation. Do you ever get tired of it? Do you think it still works?
So that's how you've decided to engage on this topic? Calling everyone who disagrees with you a racist?
I can't say what it means in complete historical context, but I absolutely believe the feasibility of future settlement/migration from existing states absolutely influenced how territories were organized. Non-continental territories would certainly not be as easily populated by Americans as the rest of North America was. It was therefore not surprising that Congress might be unconcerned about even large existing non-Anglo populations.
I guess if you want to call that racist, there's nothing I can do to stop you. I think that distinct from the legal reasoning in the Insular cases, used to justify constitutional distinctions mostly unconsidered when territories were organized according to practical concerns.
Because everyone understood that the settlement of North America would lead to the admission of (many) more states, I don't think anyone was terribly concerned about the citizenship status of those territorial settlers. They would all (except the Indians obviously) become citizens of a state, and therefore the United States soon enough---the antebellum legal definition for citizenship.
However, because oversees territories were unlikely to be admitted as states (maybe because of racism, but whatever), it forced a more deliberate policy of how to classify those people legally. What gets ignored about the Manifest Destiny western migration was that the political culture and consensus was planted along with it. That was not going to happen with the overseas territories. Blithely calling that racist, when at the same time Europe was convulsing in the 19th century because of cultural/ethnic conflict in polyglot empires, is unfair to American elected officials of the same era.
And frankly, it shows a certain historical ignorance, as perhaps the overarching political dispute leading up to the Civil War was about the admission of new states as slave or free, tipping the balance of power in the Senate. It's not irrational that political leaders would not want to revisit that by introducing a new imbalance, this time cultural, but also population. Progressives today actively complain how it's unfair that small population western states are over-represented in the Senate. I suspect that late 19th century politicians would have felt the same way about overseas territories likely to remain small--granted, excepting the Philippines.
(Settlers moving west understood their right to vote was not guaranteed in new territories, but they also knew the political culture expected statehood eventually, and that the territory would like be given a legislature by Congress when the population reached a certain threshold.)
In fairness, Justice Gorsuch has described the Insular Cases as racist. I see them as a reasonable solution for a country that is engaging in conquest to balance the needs because giving those conquered many fundamental rights but also not to impose our foreign to them ideas that they are not accustomed to having.
I think it is anti-racist and forward thinking for the times.
The reason we didn't need them for the North American territories was because (except for the Mexican territories) we had mostly empty land (except for Indians) and we had our own people with our own customs and legal history filling up those lands to eventually become territories and states. The transition to "our" law was really no transition at all because they had been practicing it anyways.
For the people of Puerto Rico, Guam, American Samoa, and the Philippines, it would have been indisputably cruel to demand that they transition entirely to the Anglo-American common law when their systems suited them well for centuries prior. Why cause a problem you don't need to cause?
This analysis seems to assume the conclusion, ie that America’s colonies are legally indistinguishable from the territories in North America that existed in the 1860s.
I'm not going to wade into the legalities here, but if the purpose of government is to secure certain rights, then how can it deny those rights to those under its jurisdiction?
A few more words.
"Insular Cases" is a term that is applied in different ways.
There are the original cases around the turn of the 20th Century, which led one wag to note (I won't use the original dialect), "the court followed the election returns."
More broadly, the term applies to a set of cases that continued into the 1920s. For instance:
Balzac v. Porto Rico, 258 U.S. 298 (1922); Dorr v. United States, 195 U.S. 138 (1904); Downes v. Bidwell, 182 U.S. 244 (1901) (collectively, the Insular Cases).
https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artIV-S3-C2-3/ALDE_00013511
The United States began by protecting the privileges and immunities of inhabitants of the territories it obtained. Justice McLean noted this in his dissent in Dred Scott:
It is supposed by some that the third article in the treaty of cession of Louisiana to this country by France in 1803 may have some bearing on this question.
The article referred to provides "that the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated into the Union, and enjoy all the advantages of citizens of the United States, and in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion they profess."
...
Under the late treaty with Mexico, we have made citizens of all grades, combinations, and colors. The same was done in the admission of Louisiana and Florida.
The same principle applied when we obtained Alaska, with the "uncivilized" tribes treated differently.
https://alaskahistoricalsociety.org/about-ahs/special-projects/150treaty/150th-resource-library/primary-source-documents/text-of-treaty-with-russia/
Our handling of Native Americans (though see the Northwest Ordinance) has been shameful in various respects.
Putting that aside, the people of Puerto Rico, etc., were not akin to alleged "uncivilized" tribes. They were akin to the people brought in earlier in relevant part & should have been so treated.
===
The Insular Cases dealt with multiple matters.
For instance, Downes v. Bidwell applied the constitutional provision requiring that "all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States."
Justice Gorsuch argued the Insular Cases should be overturned in a case involving the application of federal benefits.
The issue of birthright citizenship is touchy in American Samoa, where there is local opposition to mandatory citizenship. They are not American citizens by birth. There are "nationals."
At least some of these matters reasonably warrant some flexibility. The same would apply when governing places like Guantanamo.
There is also the issue of fundamental rights. An early opinion only protected "certain fundamental personal rights." Residents of territories are "persons," and they have due process rights.
Just what is not covered today is unclear, especially when rights are protected by statute. One curiosity was that Puerto Rico allowed conviction by less than a unanimous jury.
After the United States Supreme Court changed the rules in that respect as applied to the states, the Puerto Rico Supreme Court followed their lead.
https://apnews.com/article/trials-courts-caribbean-us-supreme-court-puerto-rico-95466f25620c82df1d706acd1bdcfeba
The American Samoa situation shows that this might bring forth a few tricky issues. For instance, as applied to Native American tribes, the federal government did not include a ban on establishments of religion to respect tribal religious practices.
Also, the small size of some tribes raises problems when applying rules for trial by jury and so forth. Similar concerns, however, did not apply to Puerto Rico. Newly freed slaves became voters and even members of state and federal legislatures.
There was no really valid reason that trial by jury should not have been applied in Puerto Rico in the early 1900s.
Even if completely invalidating federal immigration restrictions entirely would be too great a break with precedent, federal courts would at least do well to rule that such restrictions are subject to the same individual rights and structural constraints as all other legislative powers.
I disagree with him on the federal power over immigration as a general matter. I think it is firmly authorized.
Realistically, there will be some differences when regulating immigration as compared to regulating simply domestic matters.
OTOH, as a general principle, yes, immigration should not be a constitutional get out of jail free card.