The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Religious Exemption Claim by Nonprofit Providing Supervised Illegal Drug Use Can Go Forward
The Third Circuit held that such organizations may raise religious exemption claims, though it declined to decide (at this stage of the litigation) whether the claim would prevail on the facts of this case.
From U.S. v. Safehouse, decided Thursday by Third Circuit Judge David Porter, joined by Judges Thomas Hardiman and Michael Fisher:
Safehouse, a Pennsylvania nonprofit corporation, was established in 2018 to address the abuse of opioids in Philadelphia. It seeks to provide overdose prevention services, including supervised illegal drug use. According to Safehouse, what it calls "medically supervised consumption" is salutary because opioid overdoses can be mitigated if trained staff are nearby….
[A]s a provider of supervised illegal drug use, Safehouse would violate 21 U.S.C. § 856(a)(2). Safehouse argues that its Board members' shared religious belief in the value of human life motivates it to provide "evidence-based public-health interventions" and that government intervention with those services substantially burdens its religious exercise.
The District Court rejected Safehouse's argument. It reasoned that non-religious entities are not protected by the Religious Freedom Restoration Act ("RFRA") and the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. As we explain below, that was reversible error….
In 2019, the Department of Justice began this lawsuit against Safehouse and its then-Executive Director seeking a declaration that supervised illegal drug use violates 21 U.S.C. § 856(a)(2)…. Section 856(a) makes it unlawful to "manage or control any place … and knowingly and intentionally … make available for use … the place, for the purpose of unlawfully … using a controlled substance." The District Court read "for the purpose of" as referring only to the purpose of whoever "manage[s] or control[s]" the "place" at issue. A divided Panel of this Court rejected that construction, read the language to refer to the purposes of third parties, and declined Safehouse's related invitation to "harmonize" our reading of the plain text with recent federal efforts to combat the opioid epidemic.
On remand, … [t]he District Court dismissed Safehouse's RFRA and Free Exercise counterclaims because "Safehouse is not a religious entity." That was error because RFRA's plain text and Free Exercise doctrine are clear that those statutory and constitutional protections extend to non-natural persons, including so-called non-religious entities.
In so holding, we express no view about whether threatened prosecution of Safehouse substantially burdens its exercise of religion. We likewise decline Safehouse's invitation to determine in the first instance whether it has plausibly stated RFRA and Free Exercise claims. We only address the proper object of RFRA's and the First Amendment's protections: that object includes a non-natural entity allegedly exercising religion, even if the entity itself is not religious….
The court basically followed Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. (2014) on this score:
The government in Hobby Lobby conceded that nonprofit corporations are persons under RFRA. And though the Court split 5-4 on whether for-profit corporations are "persons," it was unanimous that nonprofit corporations are. The majority went further. It suggested that even "large, publicly traded corporations" are RFRA persons, though it would be "unlikely" for "corporate giants" to assert such claims in the first place. In such cases, the applicability of RFRA would likely hinge on sincerity….
"RFRA applies to 'a person's' exercise of religion" and Safehouse is a "person" claiming to exercise religion, so it is eligible for RFRA's protections. Just as Safehouse's compassion did not shield it from the plain text of § 856(a)(2), concerns about its proposed services do not withdraw the protections of RFRA….
Safehouse is also protected by the Free Exercise Clause. As Hobby Lobby recognized, "free-exercise claims brought by nonprofit corporations" are nothing new. That provisions of the Bill of Rights apply to corporate entities is "well-established." Against that backdrop, there is no "non-religious entities" carveout from the First Amendment. After all, the purpose of extending rights to corporate persons is to protect the rights of natural persons acting through the corporate form. That purpose is no less true for religious exercise than it is for other rights….
Ilana H. Eisenstein (DLA Piper) argued on behalf of defendants, and Ronda B. Goldfein and Adrian M. Lowe (AIDS Law Project of Pennsylvania), Ben C. Fabens-Lassen (DLA Piper), Peter Goldberger, and Seth F. Kreimer (University of Pennsylvania School of Law) were also on the briefs.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
"The court basically followed..." should be outside the block quote.
EV responds faster if you send him email.
Also true.
Fixed, thanks!
"evidence-based public-health interventions"
That should weaken the organization's case when the court gets to weigh the facts. "God told me to avoid vaccines" is a religious claim. "The COVID vaccine is unsafe" is a factual claim. Only the first gets the special protection accorded religious beliefs.
Not really. They're saying 'God told me to believe science'. And in this case, science (and pretty much all other evidence, logic and history) say that prohibition does more harm than good.
Legislatures, unfortunately, are not bound to follow logic, evidence or the lessons of history.
This isn't an unheard of claim. Religion vs science is a (relatively) modern claim. For much of history, it was a common religious belief that since (those people believed) god created the world, the hand of god could be found in its naturalistic working. The Vatican still has its own observatory after all - not just a dinky thing with toy telescopes but a proper professional one doing real research.
No it is not. It is a subjective claim. The easiest way to see this is to consider the question: "How many units of safe is the COVID vaccine ?" If you and I are not coming up with the same value and cannot come up with the same value, it is not an objective, factual response.
I disagree.
Your broad paradigm of risk being a policy question that the science feeds into is correct.
However the term 'unsafe' is not an expression of personal policy, it is an assertion of fact. Sure, there's a threshold question that may vary but that alone does not make it a personal and subjective assertion - it's a factual and normative one.
The appeals panel got the basic law right, but this still seems like a loser for Safehouse. They may hold a sincere religious belief that they should provide "evidence-based public-health interventions", but that's a long way from justifying RFRA override of this federal statute. Just as a government must narrowly tailor rules before infringing on core rights, RFRA exemptions should be narrowly applied. There are a lot of legal "evidence-based public-health interventions" available, and Safehouse should have a strong justification for this one in particular if they want an RFRA exemption. I don't think they have one.
The government in Hobby Lobby conceded that nonprofit corporations are persons under RFRA. And though the Court split 5-4 on whether for-profit corporations are "persons," it was unanimous that nonprofit corporations are. The majority went further. It suggested that even "large, publicly traded corporations" are RFRA persons, though it would be "unlikely" for "corporate giants" to assert such claims in the first place. In such cases, the applicability of RFRA would likely hinge on sincerity….
While incorporation, en-body-ification, was a quick and dirty way to apply laws to companies, now companies can be fined, government gets its big payouts, and everyone goes home at night, win win. Throw in limited liability so the buck stops before it gets into personal finances of the owners, win win win.
So in that sense, they recognize some kind of religious right of the company. I don't think that's proper, logically. As with Citizens United, the people making up the corporation carry their rights with them wherever they go. They exercise the rights, coincidentally, perforce, with the machinery of their corporation.
Now government officials are often scum, looking for workarounds to violate rights, so any reason to thwart them on their tyrant-increasing mission is welcome, but this isn't the pure core reconition of rights possessed by The People, carried with them wherever they go, including participating in congressional programs like corporations, which Congress may not strip as the cost of participating.
I don't think anyone actually believes that corporation can have religious beliefs. Rather, having thrown economic liberty under the 9th and 10th bus like so many other unenumerated rights, they have to cram selective unenumerated rights somewhere, and freedom of speech (topless dancing, but not nude dancing) and freedom of religion (as here) seem to be the chosen receptacles.
> Safehouse argues that its Board members' shared religious belief in the value of human life motivates it to provide "evidence-based public-health interventions" and that government intervention with those services substantially burdens its religious exercise.
This sounds like it has no limit; all you need to do is have a strongly held belief and suddenly you get to do anything.
See Josh Blackman's recent post: https://reason.com/volokh/2025/07/21/the-three-real-questions-that-come-after-overruling-employment-division-v-smith/.
all you need to do is have a strongly held belief and suddenly you get to do anything.,
The Christian right opened that door - or at any rate, widened an existing opening. Surprise! Others, too, can walk through it.
The government does have a compelling state interest to stop you from doing some things, such as if you argue assassination of members of Congress is a religious compulsion.
Nonetheless, yes, as currently applied, RFRA is troublingly open-ended & the result tends to be arbitrary line drawing in some cases.
Yep. Don't like something (vaccine/gay man/neegro) then find some scripture and start believing! Simples
This sounds like it has no limit; all you need to do is have a strongly held belief and suddenly you get to do anything.
And?
They even genuflected to science as rationalizer, as if that were needed, "too".
These are issues with voluntary participation. They should no more have to rely on religion to justify freedom than gay people need to rely on "born that way" to justify freedom. Government has no business screwing around with either.
And yes, that these two factions are at loggerheads is not lost on me.
I am inclined to disagree with this decision for two reasons.
1. Hobby Lobby involved an ordinary legal business in which incidental conduct - insurance benefits provided its employees - ran afoul of the law. In this case, however, the core purpose of the business is illegal. I don’t think Hobby Lobby extends that far. If you want to run a business that is entirely illegal and claim a religious exemption, you have to run it as an explicitly religious organization.
I don’t think this business is anything special in this regard. I would apply the same rule in any situation where the core business involves doing something illegal. There have for example been various laws involving things like slaughtering meat, circumcision, etc. that have occassionally bumped into certain interpretations of Jewish religious law. It seems to me that if you want to do religious circumcisions or kosher meat slaughter in ways that violate the cil law, you have to do so in a religious capacity as a religious organization, not as a private business.
2. This case srtikes me as a textbook example of lack of threshold sincerity. These folks initially filed a lawsuit on purely secular grounds. After losing, they THEN realized that if they made religion claims, this might give them a viable legal strategy to doing what they wanted. Religion was never in the picture before the lawyers found it situationally convenient to introduce it.
This situation therefore strikes me as an absolutely classic case where the supposed religious “belief” was fabricated to support something the plaintiffs already wanted to on completely non-religious grounds.
It seems to me that the threshold sincerity claim is such a total non-starter, so patently frivolous, so completely fraudulent, such an overt abuse of legal protections for religious liberty, as to likely warrant sanctions. I would therefore have waited for a case where there was at least a somewhat plausible sincerity claim before deciding the legal merits.
I think you're wrong on 1 but have a stronger case on 2. Not so strong as to write this suit off already as frivolous but definitely a high hurdle they must overcome when this finally gets to a merits decision.
If your business is totally legal then you don't *need* an exemption.
Hobby Lobby, by not offering the mandated insurance was violating the law - thus needed an exemption from that law.
Same thing here, just a different *level* of illegality (in this case running afoul of anti-crackhouse laws).
The distinction I am suggesting is very similar to one made in the Americans with Disabilities Act. If you can meet the core requirements of the job but need a little help at the margins, you get accommodated. But if you can’t do the job at all, you don’t.
The distinction has been workable in enforcing the ADA for decades. So it’s a workable distinction. An essentially legal business that does something society wants done but needs a little accommodation at the margins is different in kind from a completely illegal business, one whose fundamental function is to do something that society does not want done at all. It’s not just a different level of accommodation. It’s a different kind.
I don't think #1 works. Suppose that the religious conviction was "do unto others as you would have them do unto you", and the main line of their non-profit was housing the homeless -- but a side of providing drugs (because they would like if people just gave them drugs for free). The drug distribution should not be excused because it is a secondary part of their business.
I think the better distinction is that their religious conviction is too broad: it does not specifically direct them to do something that happens to be against the law; rather, they wish to do something consistent with a broad religious conviction that violates the law. That is not a sufficient basis for an exemption from the generally applicable law.
I don't know the history of this case, but taking your history as true, I agree on #2.
The US needs to stop letting people's religious beliefs nullify the law. Hobby Lobby and others that followed are wrong. Only the most basic exceptions should be allowed, such as not prohibiting (under discrimination laws) a Cathodic Church to not hire a Methodist minister.
We are at the place where religion get special treatment under the law.
George Washington’s letter to the Newport Jewish Community promised exactly this special treatment. And Rhode Island delivered by modifying its definition of incest for the benefit of Jews. It made uncle-niece marriages legal for Jews but not for others.
It’s been part of the fabric of our country since the Founding.
https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-06-02-0135
Could you point out where in that letter Washington discusses special treatment for religion?
Politics and religion aren't just similar in that you don't talk about them at polite cocktail parties. They are the exact same phenomenon: giant memeplexes, aka clusters of ideas, evolving to gain the critical mass needed to grab the brass ring of power.
With that brass ring, they no longer have to rely on persuasion and can just force themselves on everybody. "Democracy uber alles, vox populi vox dei" do not cure this defect, just alter the rhetoric of the power mongers to adjust to a newer, deeper local minima in multidimensional hot air space.
200 years ago, they had a definative fight, where politics kicked religion out of direct legal control. This was good.
Sadly, politics didn't kick itself out, too.
Now politics takes the wrong lesson, that it has the honor of stripping religion from everyday life, that it may only permit it as a quaint lifestyle choice in very limiter domains.
"That's not what we said!", say the Founding Fathers.
"Shut up!", modern politics explained. "We know religion is integrated into life, the more important, the more integrated."
"What about actions to keep food in your mouth and a roof over your head? That's as vital as it gets!"
"Ahhh, we'll call that 'business'. Sorry, that conflicts with us getting in the way of business. WTH do you think we seek power for in the first place! Ergo, we define business as hands off to religion, get back in your quaint, harmless corner, you anachronistic atavism!"
re: "The US needs to stop letting people's religious beliefs nullify the law."
Why?
More broadly, if law is so easy to accommodate that religious objections are possible, why should we be enforcing that law at all? Allowing religious objections is a useful societal test of whether the law should be a law in the first place and is regularly an early step to recinding the law. (Not that that happens nearly enough but the times it does happen are often led by religious objectors.)
The right of religions to choose clergy of their own faiths is a generally unhelpful example of an "exception" to the laws.
If religions cannot select clergy based on sectarian membership, what is left of religious liberty? The reach of the ministerial exception is likely overbroad but that is not a hard call.
Reference to Washington's remarks is also not too helpful.
For happily the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support.
What does "good citizens" mean here? Jefferson, for instance, spoke of belief in no gods or twenty gods not picking his pocket. OTOH, a pickpocket, even if doing so for religious reasons, would harm him. A basic freedom of belief is well recognized.
The question is freedom of action, which Cantwell v. Connecticut argued was necessarily less absolute.
Religious beliefs being ignored when applying the law was never the rule & to me seems rather extreme. Some play in the joints is sound, especially given the current heavily regulated state.
[The two components of religious liberty as protected by the First Amendment especially require a nuanced application.]
Hobby Lobby was problematic for narrower reasons, including the minimal substantial burden alleged & the harm to third parties.
Getting rid of the stability of Smith is gonna make for a bevvy of unintended consequences for the puritan right.
And AFAIK, Smith has not been overruled yet. So how the heck does the Third Circuit conclude that Safehouse has a Free Exercise claim? If you really squint, you can see the RFRA claim, but claiming this is distinguishable from Smith would make even the most hardcore QI apologist blush.
Is it possible that the drug laws themselves should be questioned as the expression of a deeply held religious belief enforced by a series of laws prohibiting the ingestion of intoxicants just as many of the early prohibitionists used religious arguments to bolster their case?
Drug prohibition laws are in essence the codification of moral beliefs about how people ought to live their lives under the guise of protecting them from themselves.
The Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) argued drug use (especially opiates and later marijuana) was a moral evil, closely linked to alcohol abuse, gambling, and prostitution.
Reagan’s administration heavily invoked Christian values during the War on Drugs, aligning drug use with sin and societal decay.
Evangelical leaders like Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson, and others in the Moral Majority movement supported drug prohibition as part of a broader Christian conservative agenda.
In the 80s and 90s politicians and religious leaders emphasized that drugs were destroying the God-ordained institution of the family.
Drug prohibition in the U.S. has clearly involved the imposition of religious morality, especially Protestant Christian ideals of sobriety, self-control, and moral purity.
Now for the legal question: can a case be made that drug prohibition laws violate the Lemon test?
Does this constitute a violation of prong 1:
Many foundational U.S. drug laws—such as the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act (1914) and the Marihuana Tax Act (1937)—were advocated for and enacted under the influence of religious temperance movements, notably the Women’s Christian Temperance Union and other Protestant moral reform groups. These groups explicitly sought to criminalize behavior they deemed sinful, including intoxication, and framed drug use as a moral and spiritual failing.
Does this violate prong 2:
Modern drug laws continue to advance a moral framework that reflects religious ideas about the body, self-control, and purity. These values are consistent with Protestant Christian ethics but are not universally held across faiths. At the same time, these laws criminalize practices of religious groups that incorporate substances such as peyote, ayahuasca, or cannabis into their ceremonies—effectively privileging religions that prohibit drug use over those that accept it.
Does this violate the 3rd prong:
To enforce drug laws, courts must frequently assess whether a given substance is used for a “valid” religious purpose (e.g., in Native American Church cases). This places courts in the position of evaluating religious doctrine, which risks entanglement between church and state.
And with regard to this case, and others like the peyote case, the name of which I cannot recall, drug prohibition laws burden minority religions that use entheogens in spiritual practice, while aligning with dominant religious norms that view intoxication as immoral. This asymmetry raises Free Exercise Clause concerns and strengthens the argument that prohibition laws, though facially neutral, have a discriminatory impact based on religion.
Though drug prohibition laws are framed in secular terms, their origins, effects, and enforcement reveal a substantive entanglement with religious doctrine, particularly Christian moral teachings on sobriety and sin. As such, do they fail the Lemon test and violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment?