The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Politics

Short Circuit: A Roundup of Recent Federal Court Decisions

Long opinions, long captions, and valuable considerations.

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Please enjoy the latest edition of Short Circuit, a weekly feature written by a bunch of people at the Institute for Justice.

New cert petition: At summary judgment, judges are supposed to apply the law to undisputed facts, leaving factual disputes to be decided by a jury. But earlier this year, an Eighth Circuit panel usurped the jury's role, said that dashcam video shows something that it does not show, and granted qualified immunity to an officer who pulled a taser on an innocent and compliant mom. Which is an outrage, and the Supreme Court should take a look.

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Law & Government

The Seventh Amendment, Private Rights, and Administrative Penalties

a few comments on the oral arguments in SEC v. Jarkesy

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The federal government finances and helps to build the interstate highway system. It has to decide where those highways will go. If Congress or the Department of Transportation decides to have a hearing about competing highway locations, it does not need to have a judge adjudicate that hearing, and it does not have to involve a jury.

On the other hand, imagine that after building the highways, the federal government wants to regulate traffic accidents on them and also set up a federal tribunal to apply these regulations between private parties. It is pretty clear that this tribunal would need to be an Article III court, and that these trials would involve a jury. (I am borrowing this second example from Chief Justice Roberts at the oral argument in SEC v. Jarkesy this week.)

But what about the possibilities in between these two? For instance, in Jarkesy the Securities and Exchange Commission, a branch of the federal government, wishes to exact penalties from somebody who traded in violation of the securities laws. It does so in front of an administrative officer who is part of the SEC, not a court or a jury. Is that more like locating highways, or more like adjudicating a highway accident?

The question presented to the Court is specifically whether this adjudication violates the Seventh Amendment, which says: "In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved. . . ." But in Jarkesy the government argued that the Amendment is basically irrelevant. Because it only applies "In Suits at common law," it only applies in courts. If it is legal to assign these penalty cases to administrative officers instead of courts, then the Seventh Amendment falls away. Instead, said the government, any limitations on where these cases can be assigned come from Article III and the Due Process Clause.

This seems basically right to me, and it is what the Court has said in prior cases and what I have written in Adjudication Outside Article III. "[W]hen Congress properly assigns a matter to adjudication in a non–Article III tribunal, 'the Seventh Amendment poses no independent bar to the adjudication of that action by a nonjury factfinder.'" But some of the Justices naturally then wanted to ask the next question, which seems fairly antecedent or included in the question presented: are these SEC penalty proceedings properly assigned to a non-Article III tribunal?

I am not so sure. As I have argued, and more importantly Caleb Nelson before me, a judge is generally required before the government can deprive a private person of their life, liberty, or property. The reason that agency officials can make various kinds of determinations like where to put the interstate highways is that those rights are public rights, not private rights of life, liberty, or property. Fining somebody deprives them of their property, so it requires due process, and so under a more classical view it should require judicial process. (I am putting aside the question of how many 20th century precedents are inconsistent with this view, since there is a debate about how to read several of those precedents and in any event the Court seemed to be considering whether to reconsider or modify some of those precedents.)

The government's response is that from the government's point of view, this is a public right. The government is the plaintiff, and it is enforcing sovereign interests in enforcement of the law that belong to the public. But as Justice Thomas noted at argument, from the defendant's point of view, what is at stake is his private right to property. As Caleb Nelson puts it in criticizing Atlas Roofing:

Historically, only "judicial" power could authoritatively determine individualized adjudicative facts in a way that bound core private rights; if core private rights were at stake on one side of a dispute, the mere fact that public rights were at stake on the other side did not open the door to nonjudicial adjudication. Indeed, that is precisely the structure of the standard criminal case--the paradigmatic example of a dispute that requires fully "judicial" determination.

Is there anything left to defend administrative penalty proceedings? It seems to me the best defense of the practice would be to argue something like this: Congress has the power to completely ban the interstate trade in securities. Therefore, Congress has the power to completely ban the interstate trade except for those who have obtained a license from the federal government. And perhaps this license could be seen as a public right, and perhaps one could condition this license on willingness to accept various kinds of administrative penalties, just as one could presumably condition it on willingness to post a large bond for misbehavior. Something like this argument can be found in John Harrison's article on Public Rights and Public Privileges.

In other words, even if administrative penalties deprive people of private property without judicial process, perhaps they are permissible as a condition on the public privilege to be a securities trader. While this argument is logical, and might be correct, it would also blow a large hole in due process protections against federal legislation and the government did not seem interested in pressing it in Jarkesy. But without this argument, taking somebody's property because of their violations of federal law would seem to require judicial process just as taking their liberty does.

Jefferson Davis: President of the United States?

Five Responses to the Jefferson Davis Horrible

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[This post is co-authored with Professor Seth Barrett Tillman].

On December 6, the Colorado Supreme Court heard oral argument in Griswold v. Anderson. In this case, a number of Colorado voters asked the Court to order the Colorado Secretary of State to remove Trump from the primary ballot. The trial court adopted our intellectual position: that the President is not an "Officer of the United States," and therefore, the President is not subject to Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment. We did not file an amicus brief with the trial court. The trial court's decision was appealed directly to the Colorado Supreme Court, and we did file an amicus brief before that court. Our brief argued that Section 3 requires federal enforcement legislation, and that the President is not an "Officer of the United States" as that phrase is used in the Constitution of 1788 and Section 3. 

In an earlier post, we analyzed several aspects of oral argument with regard to whether the president is covered by Section 3—that is, "Is the president an 'Officer of the United States'?" as that phrase is used in Section 3's triggering or jurisdictional clause. But we did not discuss the disqualification element of Section 3. Those who are disqualified by Section 3 cannot hold certain positions: "No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State." Is the presidency an "Office . . . under the United States" for purposes of Section 3's disqualification clause? Much to the consternation of our critics, we have not taken a firm position on this question. We have explained our reasoning in two articles now, but the critics are still unsatisfied. So be it. And this position is not new. We explained in a recent amicus brief from Michigan that "Since 2011, [Tillman] has expressly eschewed opining on the scope of Section 3's 'Office . . . under the United States'-language." And we don't plan to do so in this post. 

But in this post, we will discuss several aspects of oral argument with regard to the phrase "Office . . . under the United States." Specifically, we will address the Jefferson Davis Horrible. 

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Politics

"Moral Rot": Rude Awakenings, Lessons, and Being Not Sure How to Cope

"We have had no end of a lesson: it will do us no end of good."

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I got an e-mail from a reader today, asking about what I would say to Jewish college students who feel assailed, outnumbered, and collectively targeted by anti-Israel and anti-Israeli speech that they perceive—perhaps quite correctly—as anti-Semitic. What is the value, they might ask, of freedom for speech like that?

By coincidence, today I saw a post by Rice Prof. Moshe Vardi, "A Moral Rot at Rice University," that reports on various anti-Israel speech there, including from the Rice student government. The post closes with this:

I was well aware that antisemitism is alive and well in the US, but I had believed that it exists only in the margins, among the extreme Left and extreme Right. I have been rudely awakened. I now realize that not only is it a mainstream phenomenon, but it is also quite prevalent on my very own campus, among Rice faculty and students. This is a profoundly bitter lesson for me. I am not quite sure how to cope with it.

No-one likes rude awakenings, bitter lessons, and situations with which one is not quite sure how to cope. But they are tremendously useful. Many of us have indeed been rudely awakened to the magnitude of hostility in many American universities to Israel, Israelis, and Jews. But that's not because there has been a surge of such hostility: It's because the existing hostility has revealed itself.

Thanks to the freedom of speech, we have a better sense now than before of who our enemies are, and who our friends are. We have a better sense of how our institutions operate. We have a better sense of how the ideologies that many teach there can play out.

We are now awake when we were asleep. We have learned a lesson, bitter as it may be. Being not sure how to cope with circumstances is better than being sure of the wrong things.

One hundred and twenty years ago, an author had something to say about lessons—in that context military lessons, but I think the principle is generalizable—and indeed in a poem called The Lesson:

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Free Speech

Prof. Glenn Harlan Reynolds (Tennessee) on Speech at Universities

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From his Instapundit Substack post:

So the shocking pro-genocide/pro-Palestinian marches at top Ivy League schools have put their administrations into a pretty pickle.  They want to escape responsibility for student speech, but their efforts to plead "free speech" ring hollow, when they've been eagerly policing student—and faculty—speech for years….

But as much as I enjoy seeing these people stew in the juices of their hypocrisy—and believe me, enjoy it I do—it is nonetheless true … that free speech principles, and the First Amendment where it applies, prevent things like a selective ban on anti-semitism, or on "advocacy of genocide" or whatever.

The proposals by various critics to regulate campus speech in response are a bad idea, though there is one upside: The strong support for campus free speech that used to exist was basically developed as a tool to protect leftists on campus from populist or conservative retribution. Perhaps this will have a similar effect.

He goes on to offer a substantial, varied, and ambitious list of proposed remedies.

Free Speech

Social Media Political Insults of Public Employee in Election Campaign Aren't Protected by the First Amendment

So a Minnesota Court of Appeals panel concluded this Summer, over a sharp dissent.

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From Fideldy v. Schumacher (Minn. Ct. App.), decided July 25, in an opinion by Judge Peter Reyes, joined by Louise Dovre Bjorkman; the Minnesota Supreme Court denied review Oct. 25:

Respondent Rebecca Lynn Fideldy has been employed as a legal secretary with the Itasca County Attorney's office for 16 years. Prior to this, she was employed with the John Dimich Law Office for ten years as a legal secretary. Appellant Rose Marie Schumacher and John Dimich have been friends for 40 years. While employed at the John Dimich Law Office, Fideldy would occasionally see Schumacher there.

In the beginning of 2022, two employees, not involved in this appeal, from the Itasca County Attorney's office were discharged from their positions with that office but remained employees of Itasca County. During this time, John Dimich was running for Itasca County Attorney against incumbent, Matti Adam, Fideldy's supervisor.

On July 10 and July 12, 2022, Schumacher posted comments on social media titled "Itasca Involved. Informed. Inspired" about Fideldy.

On July 10, 2022, Schumacher posted:

Matti is desperate and her intimidation tactics are ramping up … it[']s coming out Matti. Whether you want it to or not … Becky Fideldy isn't the only leaker in your tight circle.

On July 12, 2022, Schumacher posted:

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Free Speech

Denmark Bans Desecrating Copies of Holy Books

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Deutsche Welle reports on today's actions:

The Danish parliament on Thursday approved legislation that would effectively prohibit Quran burnings in the northern European country.

The law criminalizes the "inappropriate treatment of writings with significant importance for a recognized religious community."

The bill was passed with 94 votes in favor by the 179-member Danish parliament, also known as the Folketing. Seventy-seven votes were cast against the legislation.

Burning, tearing, or defiling religious texts in public could land people with a fine or up to two years behind bars. Destroying a holy text on video and disseminating the footage online could also put offenders in jail….

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Free Speech

Self-Described "Transgender" "Pedo" Threatens Blacks, Christians, Children, Ugandan and Kenyan Governments

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Some background for the motion to keep defendant in jail pending trial (U.S. v. Alexia N. Willie a/k/a Jason Lee Willie (S.D. Ill.)):

In a recorded interview … at the Sheriff's office, Kennedy, the man with whom WILLIE resides, said that he previously had called the FBI about threats made by WILLIE. Kennedy said that the FBI had come to his house a couple times over the last few years because of WILLIE's online conduct.

He said that WILLIE goes on the internet to find preachers, or republicans, or black people, and said that WILLIE talks to people about how WILLIE is going to "have sex with their kids in the bathroom, and stuff like that." Kennedy said that he's trying to get mental health assistance for WILLIE. Kennedy said that WILLIE goes on different websites while at the residence, including MeetMe. Kennedy said that WILLIE is always yelling at people online and using the n-word and talking about having sex with their kids and references to bathrooms. Kennedy said he has heard WILLIE make threats toward school kids but has not heard of threats to specific schools….

In December of 2018, the FBI received reports of a threat on Facebook in which WILLIE claimed to have killed a preacher that had molested WILLIE and hundreds of other children and that millions would die, and that WILLIE was the entity mentioned by the United Nations coming to change humanity and that God was with WILLIE. In November of 2019, Amazon reported an online threat on Twitch (an online video communication platform often used by gamers) to kill people using bombs and an assertion that WILLIE will feel better when "they [people who discriminate against trans rights]" are dead. The FBI spoke with WILLIE who claimed to not be sincere in the threats and claimed to have no firearms….

On March 28, 2023, one day after the Covenant School shooting in Nashville, Tennessee, the FBI received a report that WILLIE posted on Facebook that there would be many more and larger attacks on Christians by transgender people and that Christians would come to know fear like never before. {In the Covenant School shooting, a transgender individual, who was also a former student, shot and killed three adults and three children.}

Here is the text of each of the fourteen video threats, from the indictment:

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War on Drugs

Future of Freedom Podcast on Proposals to Expand War on Drugs by Attacking Mexico

The podcast addresses recent GOP advocacy of military intervention to curb cross-border drug trafficking.

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The AT Network has posted a podcast (part of its Future of Freedom series) I participated in on "How Should the U.S. Respond to Mexican Cartels?" I made the case against proposals - currently in vogue with many GOP politicians - to expand the War on Drugs by sending US troops to attack cartels in Mexico. The first half of the podcast is an interview with Joshua Treviño of the Texas Public Policy Foundation, who is much more supportive of military intervention. I am having trouble embedding the podcast. But you can listen to it at this link.

I criticized proposals for anti-drug military intervention in Mexico in greater detail here. Both there and in the podcast, I recognize that some of the politicians advocating this may only be posturing or only supporting small-scale intervention with the approval of the Mexican government. But I worry that bloviation and small-scale intervention could expand when these limited efforts predictably fail.

 

Griswold v. Anderson: The Section 3 Case Before The Colorado Supreme Court

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[This post is co-authored with Professor Seth Barrett Tillman].

On December 6, the Colorado Supreme Court heard oral argument in Griswold v. Anderson. In this case, a number of Colorado voters asked the Court to order the Colorado Secretary of State to remove Trump from the primary ballot. The trial court adopted our intellectual position: that the President is not an "Officer of the United States," and therefore is not subject to Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment. We did not file an amicus brief with the trial court. The trial court's decision was appealed directly to the Colorado Supreme Court, and we did file an amicus brief before that court. Our brief argued that Section 3 requires federal enforcement legislation, and that the President is not an "Officer of the United States" as that phrase is used in the Constitution of 1788 and Section 3. 

The arguments stretched more than two hours, perhaps as much as 1/3 of that time was devoted to the officer issue. The justices asked both sides probing questions, and seemed to understand the nuances of the textual arguments. We recognize that some well-known professors insist that this argument is frivolous and not even worth discussing. Indeed, at the Federalist Society National Lawyers Convention a few weeks ago, Judge Michael McConnell predicted that judges would not accept this argument. The Colorado Trial Court ruled exactly one week after McConnell's remarks. 

The Justices raised many questions and issues: e.g., state election law, the political question doctrine, the meaning of "insurrection," and the interplay between the First Amendment and Section 3. But in this post, we will highlight some of the questions posed to both sides about the officer issue. We think these questions demonstrate why the officer-issue is, and always will be, one that requires careful legal judgment and cannot be dismissed out of hand. 

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Campus Free Speech

Universities Must Make a Choice

Only one option will preserve the central mission of the university

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Yesterday's House hearings demonstrated the bind that university presidents are in as American college campuses are buffeted by protests relating to the events in Israel and Gaza. University leaders want to point to their free speech policies when students, donors, and politicians demand that they take action against antisemitic speech, but everyone knows that they have frequently cast aside any concern with free speech, academic freedom, and institutional neutrality when such principles seemed inconvenient. Even now, universities seem unable to bring themselves to enforce their existing policies on harassment and the time, place, and manner of expressive activities on campus.

In my new piece in the Chronicle of Higher Education, I sketch out the choice before us.

One path is suggested by Stanford University's provost, Jenny S. Martinez. After student protesters at Stanford Law School shouted down a federal judge last spring, Martinez, who was then dean of the law school, issued a striking public letter rebuking the protesters, reaffirming the school's commitment to free expression and open discourse, and firmly rejecting the view that a commitment to diversity necessitated suppressing some speech or speakers. As provost, Martinez has similarly emphasized that colleges must tolerate even extreme and hateful speech, while taking action against actual harassment or threats. Moreover, she and Stanford's president announced that they believe the university should "generally refrain from taking institutional positions on complex political or global matters that extend beyond our immediate purview." Institutional neutrality would best secure an environment in which diverse scholars could develop and express their own individual ideas.

A quite different path is suggested by the University of Pennsylvania's president, M. Elizabeth Magill. Magill has come under particularly intense pressure to address perceived antisemitism on her campus. In her testimony to the congressional committee, she emphasized that "Penn's approach to protest is guided by the U.S. Constitution" and gives "broad protection to free expression — even expression that is offensive." But when confronted with questions about whether calls for genocide violated university policy, Magill and her fellow presidents stumbled in their replies. As a result, Magill released a short video. There she repeated that "Penn's policies have been guided by the Constitution," but she added that "in today's world … these policies need to be clarified and evaluated." She promised a "serious and careful look at our policies" with an eye to ensuring a "safe, secure, and supportive environment." She will, she promised, "get this right."

Magill's implication is clear: The university's policies need to be revised so that they do not so closely follow the Constitution; they should instead prioritize students' sense of safety. Protections for free expression and perhaps even academic freedom might well be pared back in the process.

Read the whole thing here.

Free Speech

David Lat, "Against Free-Speech Hypocrisy"

"And in (partial) defense of Harvard President Claudine Gay's controversial congressional testimony."

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From David Lat (Original Jurisdiction), a characteristically well-written and thoughtful analysis. Lat acknowledges that many universities have departed from what he (and I) think is the proper protection of speech:

[A]s my longtime readers know, and as the rest of this post will make clear—I abhor free-speech selectivity. So I do not defend, and in fact I condemn, the many, many times that university leaders, including law school deans, have run roughshod over free expression to advance certain (typically progressive) political perspectives. These are often the very same leaders who, in the words of Greg Lukianoff, "have suddenly rediscovered the value of free speech and academic freedom." Such inconsistency, even hypocrisy, is utterly unacceptable. And if you read through the Original Jurisdiction archives, you will see me repeatedly calling it out over the years….

But he argues (as do I) that the solution is equally protecting various views, not equally restricting them:

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Democracy

My Forthcoming Publius Review of Christopher Zurn, "Splitsville, USA: A Democratic Argument for Breaking Up the United States"

The book argues democracy can be preserved and improved by breaking up the United States into two or more new nations.

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Routledge

My forthcoming review of Christopher Zurn's book, Splitsville, USA: A Democratic Argument for Breaking Up the United States is now available on SSRN. It will be published in Publius: The Journal of Federalism. Here is the abstract:

The US political system has been suffering from multiple serious problems, most notably severe polarization and weakening of crucial political norms underpinning democracy. In Splitsville USA, political philosopher Christopher Zurn advocates a radical solution: national divorce. He contends that Americans will be better off if the United States were divided up into two or more new nations. The book is a useful thought experiment and will surely help stimulate debate. But ultimately, Zurn's proposed remedy is unconvincing. The author overstates the feasibility and effectiveness of peaceful dissolution, while undervaluing those of some potential alternatives, most notably decentralization and limitation of government power. Splitsville also fails to convincingly address a number of potential negative effects of dissolution, particularly the threat to dissenting minorities within the new nations, and the impact on the international system.

As noted in the review, the fact this book was written by a serious scholar and is getting respectful attention is a notable sign of the times. A decade or two ago, calls for breaking up the United States were far more unthinkable than is the case today. It is also notable that, while arguments for breakup and secession are often associated with the political right, Zurn is a progressive.

In my own writings on these issues, I have argued that secession should be a more easily available option than is the case in most political systems today, but also that the flaws in American democracy are better addressed by other means, including by limiting and decentralizing government power, and otherwise empowering people to "vote with their feet."

Free Speech

"This Will Not End Well": FIRE on Penn President's Backtracking on Free Speech

"Conservatives like Rep. Elise Stefanik should ask themselves: Do you honestly believe this [proposed new rule against "calls for genocide"] won't be weaponized to ban an Israeli cabinet official from speaking at Penn? An Israeli Defense Force soldier?"

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Another excellent statement by FIRE, yesterday:

[Wednesday], University of Pennsylvania President Liz Magill signaled that one of our nation's most prestigious institutions is willing to abandon its commitment to freedom of expression.

"For decades, under multiple Penn presidents and consistent with most universities, Penn's policies have been guided by the Constitution and the law," explained Magill in a video posted to X. But now, she continued, the university "must initiate a serious and careful look at our policies," a process to start "immediately."

This is a deeply troubling, profoundly counterproductive response to yesterday's congressional hearing on "Holding Campus Leaders Accountable and Confronting Antisemitism." Were Penn to retreat from the robust protection of expressive rights, university administrators would make inevitably political decisions about who may speak and what may be said on campus. Such a result would undoubtedly compromise the knowledge-generating process free expression enables and for which universities exist.

To be clear: Universities will not enforce a rule against "calls for genocide" in the way elected officials calling for President Magill's resignation think they will. Dissenting and unpopular speech — whether pro-Israeli or pro-Palestinian, conservative or liberal — will be silenced.

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Free Speech

FIRE's Statement on the House Hearings on Anti-Semitism

"Double standards are frustrating, but we should address them by demanding free speech be protected consistently — not by expanding the calls for censorship."

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From FIRE yesterday:

[Tuesday], the U.S. House Committee on Education & the Workforce held a hearing on "Holding Campus Leaders Accountable and Confronting Antisemitism." For hours, members of Congress grilled the presidents of Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology on their responses to anti-Semitism on campus following Hamas' October 7 attack on Israel — and many observers noted the hypocrisy of leaders of institutions with checkered records on free expression suddenly claiming their institutional commitments to free speech prevented them from cracking down on anti-Semitic speech.

Of course, one can understand the frustration of critics who rightly observe how quickly college administrators — including those at Harvard, Penn, and MIT — will reach for speech codes when certain disfavored views are expressed, yet don the cloak of free speech when they are more sympathetic to the speech at issue. Speech codes depend for their very existence on the exercise of double standards, as FIRE co-founder Alan Charles Kors has said.

But the solution to this moral cowardice is not to expand the use of vague and overbroad harassment codes so that they apply in more cases. Rather administrators should eliminate these codes and defend free speech in all cases. No hypocrisy. No double standards.

FIRE has battled vague, broad college harassment policies since our founding in 1999. We have defeated hundreds of unconstitutional, illiberal harassment policies at campuses nationwide — and we target these particular speech codes because harassment policies have long been the tool of choice for censorial college administrators. FIRE's case archives prove that harassment charges are regularly used to censor all kinds of speech, from punishing a student group at Long Island University critical of trans issues to investigating pro-choice students at American University.

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