The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

Woman Convicted for Mass-Mailing Sexual Misconduct Accusations About Former Teacher

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From State v. Scatton, decided Jan. 30 by Judge Carl Taylor of the Connecticut Superior Court, New Britain Jud. Dist. It seems pretty clearly wrong to me, but part of a broader trend in which states are reviving criminal libel through criminal harassment or cyberstalking laws (and without even a requirement that the prosecution show the allegations were false). More broadly, whether or not the concern is about reputation, it's part of a trend of using criminal harassment laws and harassment restraining orders to punish speech about a person rather than unwanted speech to the person; when that's challenged on First Amendment grounds, appellate courts generally uphold the First Amendment claim, but strange things can happen in trial court:

JG indicated that the defendant, Annette Scatton, was a former student who had been harassing him since 2018. JG indicated that Scatton had been sending harassing letters to funeral directors statewide.

"TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN,

[JG], PROGRAM DIRECTOR OF FUNERAL SERVICE IN CONNECTICUT IS HAVING SEX WITH HIS MALE STUDENTS….

IN ADDITION, HE IS SEXUALLY ACTIVE WITH MANY MEN IN THE FIELD OF FUNERAL SERVICE IN THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT. PLEASE - BE AWARE. HE IS EXTREMELY DECEITFUL AND DANGEROUS."

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Free Speech

First Annual Hoover Institution (Stanford) / ASU Law Aspiring Free Speech Scholars Workshop

Please feel free to forward this to anyone you think might be interested.

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Are you a law student, judicial law clerk, or lawyer hoping to publish your first, second, or third law review article related to free speech law? Would you like the opportunity to get advice about your draft from leading free speech scholars?

If so, send us your draft by May 15, 2025. (This should still be a draft article, not an article that's already published or expected to be published within six months or less.) We plan to select the submissions that we think are particularly promising, and invite their authors to a workshop—planned for early in the Fall—where they can present their papers and get helpful feedback on them. We have funds to pay for transportation and lodging for the selected authors' trips.

We also plan to officially recognize up to three of the top articles among those we review, and possibly give honorable mention to some additional number as well. If the authors wish, they can also have their articles reviewed for publication in the Journal of Free Speech Law (http://JournalOfFreeSpeechLaw.org), presumably after they revise the articles in light of the workshop feedback.

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Diversity

How Do Board Diversity Mandates Affect Firm Value?

A new study suggests California's ill-fated board diversity requirements did not enhance firm value.

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In 2018 and 2020, California adopted laws requiring corporations headquartered in the state to diversify their Boards of Directors. Specifically, the laws required that Boards include female representation and a minimum number of people from under-represented racial, ethnic or sexual orientation background.

These laws did not survive long. They were successfully challenged in state and federal court. But the laws may have been on the books long enough to get some sense of their effects on firm value.

A new study by Jonathan Klick, "Market Response to Court Rejection of California's Board Diversity Laws," just published in the Journal of Empirical Studies, looks at the effect of the invalidation of the Board diversity laws on firm valuation. Here is the abstract:

California mandated that firms headquartered in the state include women (SB 826) and underrepresented minorities (AB 979) on their corporate boards. These laws, passed in 2018 and 2020 respectively, were held to violate the state's constitution by judges on the Los Angeles County Superior Court in 2022. This paper examines the market reaction to these surprising court decisions, finding that California firms appreciated significantly on the days of the rulings, and there is evidence that firms that were not in compliance with the laws exhibited larger abnormal returns than firms that were in compliance.

And here is a summary of some of the study's conclusions:

Those who advocate for more diversity on corporate boards generally claim that more diverse boards improve firm performance, and they claim that identifying, attracting, and retaining female and minority board members will not generate large costs. Supporters of diversity mandates, such as those adopted in California, at least implicitly suggest that firms are unwilling to exploit this diversity premium without legal intervention. The market reaction to the invalidation of California's board diversity mandates suggests otherwise.

When California judges found AB 979 and SB 826 to be in conflict with the equal protection clause of the state's constitution, firms headquartered in California appreciated in value, with non-compliant firms gaining more than compliant firms. Because the court decisions arguably had no repercussions for other changes in corporate law and regulation in the state, which cannot be said with as much confidence for the original adoption of these mandates, these results improve confidence in the conclusion that board diversity mandates do not improve firm value and, perhaps, they even lead investors to lower their valuations.

Whatever the other merits of Board diversity mandates, from this study they do not appear to enhance firm value.

Politics

Student Suspended for Creating—but Not Sharing—Nudified Deepfakes of Classmates

The N.Y. Commissioner of Education has just reversed the decision.

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From Appeal of P.M. & E.M., decided Tuesday by the N.Y. Commissioner of Education (Betty Rosa):

Petitioners challenge a determination of the Board of Education of the Mount Pleasant Central School District ("respondent") imposing discipline on their child (the "student")….

The student attended ninth grade in respondent's high school at the time of the events giving rise to this appeal. On February 14, 2024, the district received reports that certain "male students had used an artificial intelligence application to create nude images of [several] female classmates and … shared them with other students." Respondent's investigation implicated the student….

The student admitted that he created three images but stated that he did not show, or share them with, anyone else. The student also admitted that he told several classmates about a website where such images could be created. The student additionally indicated that he had deleted the three images.

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Criminal Law

Colorado Appellate Courts "Disapproving" Lower Court Decisions That Led to Acquittal

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Generally speaking, the Double Jeopardy Clause precludes the government from appealing an acquittal (whether an acquittal by a jury or by a judge). Once you're acquitted, you're off the hook, even if the trial judge erred in instructing the jury, in deciding whether there was sufficient evidence, in admitting evidence, in refusing to admit evidence, or the like.

But I just learned that, for the last 100 years, Colorado has allowed the prosecution to appeal acquittals, even though the appeal couldn't affect the result. Indeed, the bottom line decision wouldn't be "judgment affirmed" or "judgment reversed" (since the judgment of acquittal couldn't be reversed)—rather, it would be "judgment approved" or "judgment disapproved."

The prosecution's goal in such a case would presumably be to try to set a precedent that would foreclose similar errors in the future. Of course, if the judgment is approved because the appellate court agrees with the trial court, then this would set a precedent that would encourage such trial court decisions in the future.

Here's an explanation from People v. Cox (Colo. App. 2021):

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One Step Closer

"Make sure government officials know they can corruptly line their pockets so long as they kiss the ring?" - Check

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Trump has now implemented chapter 4 from "How to Be an Authoritarian": assure all other government officials that if they cooperate with you they will be effectively immune from federal criminal prosecution for bribery and corruption (and, presumably, other malfeasance). DOJ orders the US Attorney for SDNY to drop the bribery and corruption charges against Mayor Eric Adams of New York; Mayor Adams allows ICE agents into the Rikers Island detention center. Nice!

US Attorney Danielle Sassoon's resignation letter to A.G. Bondi in the Eric Adams is a small masterpiece of legal writing and legal reasoning, and a very, very serious indictment of the DOJ's actions here. Please do read it for yourself.  [UPDATE: Apparently this is paywalled; here is an unpaywalled copy of Sassoon's letter]

We sure are lucky to have a President who took such a strong stand against the "weaponization" of the Department of Justice.

Due Process

System Errors and Due Process

How can government agencies better safeguard procedural due process rights?

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As Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter put it: "The history of American freedom is, in no small measure, the history of procedure." The scale of threats to due process, however, has greatly expanded. And so have the opportunities to correct uses of wholly error-prone systems by government, in ways that harm our liberty and property rights.

In Minnesota, a recent federal lawsuit alleges that a private insurer illegally denied "elderly patients care owed to them under Medicare Advantage Plans" by deploying an AI model known to have a 90% error rate, to override determinations by physicians. The tool is proprietary, and the company denied requests from patients or physicians for more information; I am aware of no independent research evaluating its performance. If the allegations are correct, then the model, used in many states, could have resulted in errors in millions of cases. (Federal regulations, made effective in 2024, now forbid exclusive reliance on AI to make such determinations.)

Another significant source of error involves not an automated system operating alone, but the way human decision-makers rely on something automated. As NIST has explained, in the context of facial recognition technology, "what matters then is the human response," because the human police officer will review the candidate photos that the system pulls to decide whether any of them is a suspect. The system may score the images, or call the level of match "strong," using unclear criteria, and, as the National Academy of Sciences concluded in a landmark 2024 report, such interpretations "can prejudice or bias human review of images." The evidence on the interaction of these systems and the people that use them is limited, but what research has been done suggests that people can be very bad at recognizing a face from a series of images. Even in a setting when the task was to examine high-quality passport photos, participants made errors 50 percent of the time. Eyewitness misidentifications are a leading cause of wrongful convictions, and it is well understood that suggestive police lineups can alter the memory of an eyewitness. And we know that false arrests can and have resulted from the use of untested facial recognition systems. Except in a handful of states that have passed some regulations, the roll-out of facial recognition has occurred freely.

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Invoking Scalia in the Sovereign District

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Acting Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove instructed Danielle Sassoon, the Acting U.S. Attorney for SDNY, to dismiss the indictment against New York City Mayor Eric Adams without prejudice. I wrote about that instruction here.

Sassoon refused, and resigned. Bove accepted her resignation. There is much to say about these letters. Here, I will focus on one small part.

Sassoon stresses that she clerked for Justice Scalia:

I am also guided by the values that have defined my over ten years of public service. You and I have yet to meet, let alone discuss this case. But as you may know, I clerked for the Honorable J. Harvie Wilkinson III on the U.S. Court ofAppeals for the Fourth Circuit, and for Justice Antonin Scalia on the U.S. Supreme Court. Both men instilled in me a sense of duty to contribute to the public good and uphold the rule of law, and a commitment to reasoned and thorough analysis. I have always considered it my obligation to pursue justice impartially, without favor to the wealthy or those who occupy important public office, or harsher treatment for the less powerful.

Here, Sassoon is invoking the authority of Justice Scalia to defend her decision. As a general matter, I find it somewhat obnoxious how people define themselves by their clerkships--especially Supreme Court clerkships. This is the first job you had out of law school, and were hired largely based on grades and recommendations from elite professors. Clerking on any court, and the Supreme Court in particular, is in no sense a measure of who you are as a person. We over-fetishize clerking.

Yet, I find this invocation especially obnoxious, because she is implying that Justice Scalia would support what she is doing. How does she know? Did she hold a seance? It is all well and good to think WWND (What would Nino do?) but we really have no clue. Justice Scalia in 1986 was different than Justice Scalia in 2001 and Justice Scalia in 2016. And, I would wager, had Justice Scalia lived through what happened over the past decade, he would be pretty close to where Justice Thomas is.

The bigger problem, of course, is that Justice Scalia dissented in Morrison v. Olson. He was the OG unitary executive theorist. I think Sassoon's letter, on behalf of the Sovereign District, is the antithesis of the unitary executive theory. And Bove's response makes that point well:

In your letter to the Attorney General, you made the dubious choice to invoke Justice Scalia. As you are likely aware from your professional experience, Justice Scalia fully understood the risks of weaponization and lawfare:

Nothing is so politically effective as the ability to charge that one's opponent and his associates are not merely wrongheaded, naive, ineffective, but, in all probability, "crooks." And nothing so effectively gives an appearance of validity to such charges as a Justice Department investigation and, even better, prosecution.

Morrison v. Olson, 487 U.S. 654, 713 (1988) (Scalia, J., dissenting). While the former U.S. Attorney is not a special counsel, Justice Scalia's Morrison dissent aptly summarized the Department's weaponization concerns here.

Bove is right. There is no need to bring your former boss into this scenario, and if you do, you better make it stick.

I've so far ignored the fact that Sassoon invoked her clerkship to Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson. Wilkinson gave tacit support to Sassoon's ultimate decision in the New York Times:

The first, J. Harvie Wilkinson III of the federal appeals court for the Fourth Circuit, in Richmond, Va., recalled Ms. Sassoon as whip-smart and versatile — equally at home in the higher precincts of appellate law and before a jury.

He said he would not comment "in any way, shape or form" on decisions that Ms. Sassoon faced in the Adams case or in others. He added: "All I would say is that Danielle is someone who's very principled and rigorously honest and plays it straight."

I think back again to the moment that George W. Bush had to choose between John Roberts, Mike Luttig, and J. Harvie Wilkinson. All things considered, Bush made the least worst choice.

Free Speech

OpenAI: "AI Should Empower People to Explore, Debate, and Create Without Arbitrary Restrictions—" …

"no matter how challenging or controversial a topic may be."

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From OpenAI's "Sharing the latest Model Spec," posted yesterday:

The updated Model Spec explicitly embraces intellectual freedom—the idea that AI should empower people to explore, debate, and create without arbitrary restrictions—no matter how challenging or controversial a topic may be. In a world where AI tools are increasingly shaping discourse, the free exchange of information and perspectives is a necessity for progress and innovation.

This philosophy is embedded in the "Stay in bounds" and "Seek the truth together" sections. For example, while the model should never provide detailed instructions for building a bomb or violating personal privacy, it's encouraged to provide thoughtful answers to politically or culturally sensitive questions—without promoting any particular agenda. In essence, we've reinforced the principle that no idea is inherently off limits for discussion, so long as the model isn't causing significant harm to the user or others (e.g., carrying out acts of terrorism).

The Model Spec itself is long and complex, and is certainly not entirely viewpoint-neutral, e.g.,

Do not contribute to extremist agendas that promote violence

The assistant must not create content that praises, endorses, or aids extremist agendas that promote violence. However, it may provide critical, discouraging, or factual discussions of such topics in contexts like news reporting, historical analysis, or education….

Avoid hateful content directed at protected groups

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Did the Truman Administration Disobey A Federal District Court Injunction In Youngstown?

The District Court injunction did not stay its ruling, but the Court of appeals did shortly thereafter.

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Most of the current rhetoric about an apparent "constitutional crisis" is woefully misinformed. For starters, President Trump cannot possibly have ignored any court order because no court order runs against him. Even if Trump has been a named defendant, any injunctions would apply to members of his administration, not the apex official. Moreover, Trump's Justice Department has dutifully appealed every adverse ruling (as best as I can tell). I've seen no evidence that Trump, or anyone in his administration, has given an order to ignore a court ruling. Some judges ordered immediate compliance, but that sort of demand is simply not realistic. The federal government cannot change direction so quickly in the face of many litigation demands. We saw these dynamics during the travel ban litigation. Attorney General Sessions described the nationwide injunction as an order to turn a battleship around 180 degrees immediately. It cannot be done.

But let's assume, at least for a moments sake, a hypothetical. A district court issues a preliminary injunction against the executive branch. The government asks for a stay, and the district court declines to grant a stay. The government then promptly asks the circuit court for an administrative stay, which is granted the following day. For the twenty-four hour period between the injunction and the stay, the government was out of compliance with the injunction. Is this the sort of "constitutional crisis" that so many people are worried about? Should not the government have at least a little wiggle room, or grace, while seeking review from a higher court?

This is not a hypothetical. It is real. Consider the procedural posture of the Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer (1952). In the landmark Steel Seizure Case, President Truman ordered the Secretary of Commerce to take over steel mills to avert a labor strike. As all know, the Supreme Court declared this seizure to be unconstitutional. But the path from the District Court to the Supreme Court is not well understood. Here is how the Justice Black's majority opinion describes the posture:

Holding against the Government on all points, the District Court on April 30 issued a preliminary injunction restraining the Secretary from "continuing the seizure and possession of the plant * * * and from acting under the purported authority of Executive Order No. 10340." 103 F.Supp. 569. On the same day the Court of Appeals stayed the District Court's injunction. 197 F.2d 582. Deeming it best that the issues raised be promptly decided by this Court, we granted certiorari on May 3 and set the cause for argument on May 12. 343 U.S. 937, 72 S.Ct. 775.

I think the Court was slightly off with the chronology. The District Court injunction was issued on April 29. The D.C. Circuit entered (what was effectively) an administrative stay on April 30, and granted a stay of the injunction on May 2. But whether it was a few days or a few hours, the fact remains: for at least some period of time, the government held the steel mills in violation of a court order.

Did the Truman administration create a constitutional crisis by not immediately complying with a district court order, while seeking appellate review? Of course not. It was impossible for the government to return control of the steel mills while the appeal was processing. Turning off steel furnaces is not like flipping a switch.

For what it's worth, the D.C. Circuit panel was divided. The en banc court split 5-4 on whether to grant a stay. Had the D.C. Circuit not granted the stay, what would the Truman Administration have done? Could the Administration have relinquished control of the steel mills during an appeal to the Supreme Court? Would it even be possible to turn off the furnaces safely in that period of time? Again, I do not think there would be a constitutional crisis.

I think a constitutional crisis can occur in a specific context: there is an adverse judgment against the government, and the government continues the enjoined activity without dutifully seeking an appeal. Of course, if it is the Supreme Court that ruled against the government, there is no further judicial appeal available. There is only an appeal to the people, or, as the flag says, an appeal to heaven.

Separation of Powers

Trump Administration's Position on President's Power to Remove Commission Members

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From the letter sent yesterday to Senator Richard Durbin (the ranking minority member on the Senate Judiciary Committee) by Acting Solicitor General Sarah M. Harris:

Re: Restrictions on the Removal of Certain Principal Officers of the United States …

Pursuant to 28 U.S.C. 530D, I am writing to advise you that the Department of Justice has determined that certain for-cause removal provisions that apply to members of multi-member regulatory commissions are unconstitutional and that the Department will no longer defend their constitutionality. Specifically, the Department has determined that the statutory tenure protections for members of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), 15 U.S.C. 41, for members of the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), 29 U.S.C. 153(a), and for members of the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), 15 U.S.C. 2053(a), are unconstitutional.

In Myers v. United States, 272 U.S. 52 (1926), the Supreme Court recognized that Article II of the Constitution gives the President an "unrestricted" power of "removing executive officers who had been appointed by him by and with the advice and consent of the Senate." Id. at 176. In Humphrey's Executor v. United States, 295 U.S. 602 (1935), the Supreme Court created an exception to that rule. The Court held that Congress may "forbid the[] removal except for cause" of members of the FTC, on the ground that the FTC exercised merely "quasi-legislative or quasi­-judicial powers" and thus could be required to "act in discharge of their duties independently of executive control." Id. at 628-629. Statutory tenure protections for the members of a variety of independent agencies, including the FTC, the NLRB, and the CPSC, rely on that exception.

The Department has concluded that those tenure protections are unconstitutional. The Supreme Court has made clear that the holding of Humphrey's Executor embodies a narrow "exception" to the "unrestricted removal power" that the President generally has over principal executive officers and that the exception represents "'the outermost constitutional limit[] of permissible congressional restrictions'" on the President's authority to remove such officers. Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Fin. Protection Bureau, 591 U.S. 197, 215, 218 (2020) (citation omitted). Further, the Supreme Court has held, the holding of Humphrey's Executor applies only to administrative bodies that do not exercise "substantial executive power." Id. at 218-219. The Supreme Court has also explained that Humphrey's Executor appears to have misapprehended the powers of the "New Deal-era FTC" and misclassified those powers as primarily legislative and judicial. Id. at 218.

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Can You Appeal An Administrative Stay By A District Court?

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The latest innovation in litigation is a district court administrative stay. Traditionally, circuit courts have issued administrative stays to pause a lower court injunction. In other words, the appellate court is staying some lower-court ruling. But in recent weeks, several district courts have issued administrative stays. Stays of what you might ask? Stays of some executive action. This nomenclature is a perversion. Courts stay judicial rulings and enjoin government actions. Courts cannot stay an executive order or statute anymore than an appellate court can enjoin a lower court.

Such an administrative stay sounds an awful lot like a TRO. But these stays have been granted without regard to likelihood of success on the merits. These judges have simply granted administrative stays to "maintain the status quo." At least in theory, these temporary stays are meant to give the court adequate time to resolve a complex issue. What is the basis for such an administrative stay? If there is such authority, it has to be the All Writs Act. But I am still uncertain on this point.

Now, there is a new innovation. President Trump removed Hampton Dellinger, the Special counsel of the Office of Special Counsel (and son of the late, great Walter Dellinger). On February 10, Judge Amy Berman Jackson (DDC) granted an administrative stay to block the removal for a few days. The Trump Administration tried to appeal that administrative stay. On February 12, Judge Jackson ruled that such an appeal is "frivolous," she retains jurisdictions, and now enters a TRO.

Defendants' appeal of the administrative stay did not divest this Court of jurisdiction to consider the instant motion. Only "a non-frivolous appeal from the district court's order divests the district court of jurisdiction over those aspects of the case on appeal." Bombadier Corp. v. Nat'l R.R. Passenger Corp., No. 02-7125, 2002 WL 31818924, at *1 (D.C. Cir. 2002), citing Griggs v. Provident Consumer Discount Co., 459 U.S. 56, 58 (1982). A motion is "frivolous" when its disposition is obvious and the legal arguments are wholly without merit. Reliance Ins. Co. v. Sweeney Corp., 792 F.2d 1137, 1138 (D.C. Cir. 1986). It is well-settled that even a temporary restraining order "is not generally appealable," Adams v. Vance, 570 F.2d 950 (D.C. Cir. 1978), and that principle applies to the brief administrative stay entered to preserve the status quo. See Griggs, 459 U.S. at 58 ("[N]otice of appeal from unappealable order does not divest district court of jurisdiction."), citing Ruby v. Sec'y of the U.S. Navy, 365 F.2d 385, 389 (9th Cir. 1966).

Has any court ever held that a brief administrative stay by a district court cannot be appealed? Griggs certainly didn't say that. The See signal in that citation cannot possibly bear the weight of that inference.

Can you not appeal an administrative stay? Is it really the case that a district judge can issue an unappealable order? Can the judge control the federal government without any appellate review? Or is it that mandamus is the only available process, as with a TRO? Then again, the basis for seeking mandamus turns on the usual TRO factors; how would that work with an automatic administrative stay to simply maintain the status quo? What would the government argue? That the status quo should not be maintained?

I think judges are getting a bit creative with this administrative stay business. Meanwhile, in New York v. Trump, the First Circuit declined to grant an administrative stay of Judge McConnell's ruling on the funding case. The panel cited the uncertainty about administrative stays.

The sole motion we address in this order is the motion for an administrative stay. This Circuit has not addressed whether or when an administrative stay of the sort being requested here may be issued, and there is well-recognized uncertainty as to what standards guide the decision to issue one or not. SeeUnited States v. Texas, 144 S. Ct. 797, 798 (2024) (Barrett, J., concurring). Here, the defendants have requested a stay pending appeal from the District Court, which has not yet ruled on their motion. See Fed. R. App. P. 8(a)(1)(A) ("A partymust ordinarily move first in the district court for… a stay of the judgment or order of a district court pending appeal…."); id. 8(a)(2)(A)(ii) (requiring, in the absence of a showing that "moving first in the district court would be impracticable," that the party moving for a stay pending appeal must "state that… the district court denied the motion or failed to afford the relief requested and state any reasons given by the district court for its action"). Moreover, a centerpiece of the dispute between the parties in this appeal concerns the proper way to construe the February 10 Order. Finally, insofar as we have jurisdiction to consider this request for an administrative stay arising out of a temporary restraining order, cf.Off. of Pers. Mgmt. v. Am. Fed'n of Gov't Emps., AFLCIO, 473 U.S. 1301, 1306 (1985) (Burger, C.J., in chambers) ("[S]ince the Court of Appeals was without jurisdiction over the appeal from the District Court's order denying the temporary restraining order, the motions panel was necessarily without authority to grant such a stay."), the defendants do not cite any authority in support of their administrative stay request or identify any harm related to a specific funding action or actions that they will face without their requested administrative stay. In these circumstances, we assume we have jurisdiction, seeDoe v. Town of Lisbon, 78 F.4th 38, 44-45 (1st Cir. 2023), and deny the motion for an administrative stay without prejudice. We are confident the District Court will act with dispatch to provide any clarification needed with respect to, among other things, the defendants' contention that the February 10 Order "bars both the President and much of the Federal Government from exercising their own lawful authorities to withhold funding without the prior approval of the district court." We note in this regard the plaintiffs' statement in their Opposition to Defendants' Motion for Administrative Stay Pending Appeal that, consistent with the TRO, the February 10 Order "does not stop defendants from limiting access to funds without any 'preclearance' from the district court 'on the basis of the applicable authorizing statutes, regulations, and terms.'" The parties may file any further memoranda in support of their positions on the motion for a stay pending appeal in this court by 5:00 PM on Thursday, February 13, 2025. [25-1138] (AL)

Why would New York bring a law suit in Rhode Island? Does anyone care about forum shopping anymore? Judge McConnell, you may recall, was a close ally of Senator Sheldon Whitehouse.

There you have it. District court judges enter administrative stays, but circuit courts decline to get them. We are through the looking glass.

Justice Barrett was bothered by administrative stays in the Circuit Courts. I think she will be perplexed by them in the District Court. And this practice may get shut down soon.

New Civitas Outlook Essay: Four Questions and Few Answers About the Invasion Clause

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I have written several somewhat tentative posts on the Invasion Clause. This is an issue on which the courts have not substantially opined, and there is very little settled precedent In my latest essay for Civitas Outlook, I raise four questions for which there are few answers.

Here is the introduction:

On inauguration day, President Trump signed a proclamation "guaranteeing the states protection against invasion." Trump determined that the federal government had "failed in fulfilling [its] obligation to the States" at the southern border and would "take measures to fulfill its obligation to the States." In 2024, Texas Governor Greg Abbott also declared that there was an invasion at the southern border. Most critics saw these actions as partisan statements with no actual legal effect. I disagree. There are important constitutional ramifications to declaring an invasion. If there is an invasion, both the federal government and the states receive additional war powers to repel that invasion. Federal laws that conflict with those war powers may give way. Moreover, the children of invaders may not be entitled to citizenship at birth.

The concept of an invasion may seem obscure today, but it was certainly on the Framers' minds. Four separate clauses of the Constitution reference invasion. Some scholars and judges argue these issues are open-and-shut. They claim that an invasion must be hostile, peaceful migrants cannot be invaders, and the courts have the power to second-guess the president's proclamation. I am not so sure. Here, I will address four questions with few definitive and settled answers. First, what is an invasion? Second, who can declare an invasion? Third, what happens to other federal laws during an invasion? And fourth, do the children of invaders receive birthright citizenship? Once again, Trump has brought long-forgotten provisions of the Constitution to the arena and forced our polity to grapple with whether this President should be treated any differently from all other presidents.

And the conclusion:

Ultimately, I am certain about one principle, which I repeated through Trump's first term, and I will repeat for four more years. Whatever the meaning of the invasion clause, the answer cannot turn on the unprecedented nature of the Trump presidency. These legal questions should have an answer that does not depend on Trump. Either the President has the power to declare an invasion, or he does not. Either the state has the power to declare an invasion, or it does not. Either the judiciary has the power to second-guess a federal declaration of an invasion, or it does not. Either the children of invaders receive birthright citizenship, or they do not. The answer to those questions has to be the same in 1788, 1868, or 2025. I've raised four questions here, and I do not think many clear and settled answers exist. But in any event, these issues cannot decisively cut against the position taken by President Trump and Texas.

Due Process

Due Process and AI

How does AI challenge basic procedural due process protections and what should be done?

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As we all now know, AI plays a now-pervasive role in our lives, and often without our knowledge. When an an AI system links a person's face to a still from surveillance video, recommends whether to detain a person in jail, or responds with "situational awareness" to a national security threat, what assurance is there that this system can be trusted to safely perform as promised? AI is being used throughout government in hundreds of settings, including those that affect people's core constitutional rights. In response, however, many judges, officials, and scholarly commenters have uncritically credited the claims made by the developers that these systems are reliable and have been subjected to rigorous testing. All too often, those assurances have not been borne out when independent researchers test the AI systems.

And AI has created due process challenges across the world. Just ask it. ChatGPT just told me this: "AI has created significant challenges to due process worldwide in various ways, particularly in criminal justice, government decision-making, and surveillance." And I agree.

AI is now relied on throughout government, even in high-impact settings, such as decisions to identify suspects using facial recognition, detain individuals, or terminate public benefits. Many more uses are being developed, ranging widely from using AI to predict hospital bed usage, to count endangered species like sea lions, and in border security. While some of these AI applications may be helpful and mundane, others may seriously harm people and impact their rights. Consider an example from one person's case.

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