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Can You Appeal An Administrative Stay By A District Court?
The latest innovation in litigation is a district court administrative stay. Traditionally, circuit courts have issued administrative stays to pause a lower court injunction. In other words, the appellate court is staying some lower-court ruling. But in recent weeks, several district courts have issued administrative stays. Stays of what you might ask? Stays of some executive action. This nomenclature is a perversion. Courts stay judicial rulings and enjoin government actions. Courts cannot stay an executive order or statute anymore than an appellate court can enjoin a lower court.
Such an administrative stay sounds an awful lot like a TRO. But these stays have been granted without regard to likelihood of success on the merits. These judges have simply granted administrative stays to "maintain the status quo." At least in theory, these temporary stays are meant to give the court adequate time to resolve a complex issue. What is the basis for such an administrative stay? If there is such authority, it has to be the All Writs Act. But I am still uncertain on this point.
Now, there is a new innovation. President Trump removed Hampton Dellinger, the Special counsel of the Office of Special Counsel (and son of the late, great Walter Dellinger). On February 10, Judge Amy Berman Jackson (DDC) granted an administrative stay to block the removal for a few days. The Trump Administration tried to appeal that administrative stay. On February 12, Judge Jackson ruled that such an appeal is "frivolous," she retains jurisdictions, and now enters a TRO.
Defendants' appeal of the administrative stay did not divest this Court of jurisdiction to consider the instant motion. Only "a non-frivolous appeal from the district court's order divests the district court of jurisdiction over those aspects of the case on appeal." Bombadier Corp. v. Nat'l R.R. Passenger Corp., No. 02-7125, 2002 WL 31818924, at *1 (D.C. Cir. 2002), citing Griggs v. Provident Consumer Discount Co., 459 U.S. 56, 58 (1982). A motion is "frivolous" when its disposition is obvious and the legal arguments are wholly without merit. Reliance Ins. Co. v. Sweeney Corp., 792 F.2d 1137, 1138 (D.C. Cir. 1986). It is well-settled that even a temporary restraining order "is not generally appealable," Adams v. Vance, 570 F.2d 950 (D.C. Cir. 1978), and that principle applies to the brief administrative stay entered to preserve the status quo. See Griggs, 459 U.S. at 58 ("[N]otice of appeal from unappealable order does not divest district court of jurisdiction."), citing Ruby v. Sec'y of the U.S. Navy, 365 F.2d 385, 389 (9th Cir. 1966).
Has any court ever held that a brief administrative stay by a district court cannot be appealed? Griggs certainly didn't say that. The See signal in that citation cannot possibly bear the weight of that inference.
Can you not appeal an administrative stay? Is it really the case that a district judge can issue an unappealable order? Can the judge control the federal government without any appellate review? Or is it that mandamus is the only available process, as with a TRO? Then again, the basis for seeking mandamus turns on the usual TRO factors; how would that work with an automatic administrative stay to simply maintain the status quo? What would the government argue? That the status quo should not be maintained?
I think judges are getting a bit creative with this administrative stay business. Meanwhile, in New York v. Trump, the First Circuit declined to grant an administrative stay of Judge McConnell's ruling on the funding case. The panel cited the uncertainty about administrative stays.
The sole motion we address in this order is the motion for an administrative stay. This Circuit has not addressed whether or when an administrative stay of the sort being requested here may be issued, and there is well-recognized uncertainty as to what standards guide the decision to issue one or not. SeeUnited States v. Texas, 144 S. Ct. 797, 798 (2024) (Barrett, J., concurring). Here, the defendants have requested a stay pending appeal from the District Court, which has not yet ruled on their motion. See Fed. R. App. P. 8(a)(1)(A) ("A partymust ordinarily move first in the district court for… a stay of the judgment or order of a district court pending appeal…."); id. 8(a)(2)(A)(ii) (requiring, in the absence of a showing that "moving first in the district court would be impracticable," that the party moving for a stay pending appeal must "state that… the district court denied the motion or failed to afford the relief requested and state any reasons given by the district court for its action"). Moreover, a centerpiece of the dispute between the parties in this appeal concerns the proper way to construe the February 10 Order. Finally, insofar as we have jurisdiction to consider this request for an administrative stay arising out of a temporary restraining order, cf.Off. of Pers. Mgmt. v. Am. Fed'n of Gov't Emps., AFLCIO, 473 U.S. 1301, 1306 (1985) (Burger, C.J., in chambers) ("[S]ince the Court of Appeals was without jurisdiction over the appeal from the District Court's order denying the temporary restraining order, the motions panel was necessarily without authority to grant such a stay."), the defendants do not cite any authority in support of their administrative stay request or identify any harm related to a specific funding action or actions that they will face without their requested administrative stay. In these circumstances, we assume we have jurisdiction, seeDoe v. Town of Lisbon, 78 F.4th 38, 44-45 (1st Cir. 2023), and deny the motion for an administrative stay without prejudice. We are confident the District Court will act with dispatch to provide any clarification needed with respect to, among other things, the defendants' contention that the February 10 Order "bars both the President and much of the Federal Government from exercising their own lawful authorities to withhold funding without the prior approval of the district court." We note in this regard the plaintiffs' statement in their Opposition to Defendants' Motion for Administrative Stay Pending Appeal that, consistent with the TRO, the February 10 Order "does not stop defendants from limiting access to funds without any 'preclearance' from the district court 'on the basis of the applicable authorizing statutes, regulations, and terms.'" The parties may file any further memoranda in support of their positions on the motion for a stay pending appeal in this court by 5:00 PM on Thursday, February 13, 2025. [25-1138] (AL)
Why would New York bring a law suit in Rhode Island? Does anyone care about forum shopping anymore? Judge McConnell, you may recall, was a close ally of Senator Sheldon Whitehouse.
There you have it. District court judges enter administrative stays, but circuit courts decline to get them. We are through the looking glass.
Justice Barrett was bothered by administrative stays in the Circuit Courts. I think she will be perplexed by them in the District Court. And this practice may get shut down soon.
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Can you not appeal an administrative stay?
If there is no legal basis for a district court to enter one, then you can always seek a writ of mandamus.
Frankly, to the extent the court is purporting to control something outside the court, it sounds like an end run around the requirements for a TRO and preliminary injunction. Which SCOTUS has disfavored, at least when it comes to enjoining the government.
If there is no legal basis for a district court to enter one, then you can always seek a writ of mandamus.
As Josh should know this, odd that he didn't mention it.
He did.
People get real mad when JB posts so they don't see real well thru the anger.
I had stopped reading after a while - my bad. I am not pissed off at Josh. I am quite content to read perspectives from legal minds across the political spectrum, I just wish he displayed more integrity.
Oh, and you're projecting,
Yep. Don't expect SCOTUS to tolerate this procedural end-around for much longer.
You forgot the Trump Exception!
yawn
It's not the "Yawn Exception." It's called the "Trump Exception."
Keep up, my good man!
The dispute here reminds me of the recent case USA v. Henson, 22-2512 (7th Cir. 2025). A magistrate judge ordered seized cash turned over to the government to pay restitution (and not as an ordinary forfeiture). The defendant appealed. The Appeals Court ruled there was nothing to appeal from. Magistrates don't have the authority to issue such orders. So the magistrate did not issue the order. And yet the magistrate thinks he did.
In a "stay" situation the government may be obliged to disobey the "stay", get held in contempt, and appeal the contempt order because there is no order to be held in contempt of.
I don't think the Henson case is similar. The issue in Henson was the absence of a final ruling. Ordinarily, magistrate rulings like this one are adopted by the district court judge, which makes the disposition final. THEN the ruling is appealable. But in Henson, the parties went straight to the appellate court without presenting their arguments to the district court judge. That missed step deprived the Circuit court of jurisdiction.
From the 7th Circuit decision:
"Section 636’s norm of district court review, rather than direct appeal to the Seventh Circuit, is embedded in the district court’s local rules. The rule immediately following Local Rule 72.1 provides for district court review of magistrate judge orders and reports and recommendations. C.D.ILL.L.R.72.2. To that end, we find the numbering and back-to-back placement of Local Rules 72.1 and 72.2 imply they are meant to work in tandem. See United States v. Webber, 536 F.3d 584, 593 (7th Cir. 2008) (the structure of a text illuminates its plain meaning). That the local rules envision district court review of a magistrate judge’s decision, rather than appeal to the Seventh Circuit, confirms our conclusion that Local Rule 72.1’s catch-all provision does not reach § 3008."
This is Judicial LawFare. Very similar to the type of prosecutorial LawFare that we have known over the last decade, but by District Court judges, and not prosecutors. Just like the prosecutors engaging in LawFare against Republicans knew that they wouldn’t prevail longterm against well funded defendants like Trump, on Due Process grounds, these judges know that they won’t prevail long term against the Trump Administration. They are doing two things. First, they are delaying the inevitable. When it involves money, like with USAID, that means keeping the money taps open longer for additional graft. Secondly, they are intentionally frustrating the Trump Administration just to do so, and to engage in Resistance, as is being Increasingly demanded by the Dem base. Of course, it’s lawless - it’s LawFare.
Federal prosecutorial LawFare really has to be shut down by the branch that practiced it. That was the Executive Branch, and those prosecutors are being rapidly purged for the DOJ under Trump/Bondi. Many knew that Trump was going to do so, hence the resignations of Jack Smith, Jay Bratt, and several others. There is a decent chance that some may also be prosecuted.
So, what about the judges engaging in Judicial LawFare? Yesterday, I mentioned my view that when Dershowitz starts talking about Marbury v Madison, he is talking about the source of the Judiciary’s soft power. It was a power grab by CJ Marshall, the Jefferson Administration, and what became the Dem Party. Then another early Democrat, Jackson, asked Marshall how he would enforce their will. The reason that Marbury is still questioned today is that it never was on firm Constitutional grounds. The Supreme Court asserted supremacy in Constitutional matters, which also means that they get to determine their own legitimacy and the extent of their power. Circular, and therefore dangerous.
The answer to this has been a 200+ year fine balancing act by the Supreme Court. The Executive Branch has the hard power of all of the guns. The Legislative Branch has the hard power of legislation and control over the budget. The Judicial Branch has the soft power of its reputation for fairness and evenhandedness. It’s moral authority. And these judges waging judicial LawFare against Trump threaten that.
Chief Justice Roberts sees maintaining the moral authority, the soft power, of the Judicial Branch as one of his main duties as the effective head of the Judicial Branch. I have little doubt that he is now facing sleepless nights, figuring out how to quash this Judicial LawFare as soon and as hard as he can. I expect at least 6-3 in favor of shutting it down hard. But I expect him to try for 9-0, giving up some hardness for unanimity (with vigorous concurrences by the usual suspects that he wasn’t hard enough). Time is not on his side - the longer this goes on, the more moral legitimacy his Judicial Branch will lose, esp when President Trump assumes the Bully Pulpit in this matter. He doesn’t care nearly as much about the moral legitimacy of the Judiciary. He isn’t a lawyer, and he controls all the guns. So, I expect a fairly quick resolution.
"It was a power grab by CJ Marshall, the Jefferson Administration, and what became the Dem Party."
Marshall was a Federalist -- had been Adam's Sec of State, and it was he who failed to deliver the commission in time. The Federalists had been defeated in the 1800 election but maintained power through the judiciary. In 1804 the Jeffersonians would impeach Federalist Justice Sameul Chase.
Thanks. Also, wasn’t Marshall somehow related to one of Jefferson’s predecessors (Madison?)
Jefferson’s predecessor, Madison.
With a brain this big, you’d be a natural fit at South Texas College of Law.
What's with the insult?
Confusing the order of presidents is hardly proof that one is stupid.
Not everyone can recite presidents in order.
Wasn’t sure if it was Madison or Monroe.
It was neither. John Marshall was the second cousin of Thomas Jefferson. And both Madison and Monroe served as President after Jefferson. In fact immediately after.
Neither was a predecessor, both came after Jefferson.
I sentence you to memorize the presidents in reverse order. [kidding]
Wikipedia says Marshall and Jefferson were "distant cousins" and Marshall and Monroe were childhood friends, for what its worth.
Marbury is not still questioned today. HTH.
I beg to differ with you. True, I am unaware of no court cases questioning it. But Dershowitz is not no one. And he is not alone. It’s like Roe v Wade in law school. Con Law profs, even very liberal ones like I had, questioned its legal foundations, but were happy that it was, at the time, binding precedent. Of course, in retrospect, I shouldn’t have been surprised that half the class, led by the femists, marched into the Dean’s office and filed a grievance against him. How dare he even suggest, hypothetically, that the case hadn’t been decided on firm legal grounds and foundation? Well, of course we know the result - that it was overturned recently on just the grounds that prof was questioning.
As often seems the case here, questions and issues that you don’t see in your bubble don’t mean that they don’t exist, but rather that you (as well as the rest of us) don’t see them in your bubble. It’s not often, but I do see them occasionally about Marbury v Madison. I fully expect that AG Bondi too has seen them, in the legal circles she ran in.
Because I had seen them before, I think that I understood why Dershowitz brought the subject up several days ago. The Judicial power to determine the legitimacy of laws was self professed, and thus circular. You can’t really look back at history, at the time of founding, because an independent Judiciary was novel at the time. Our British overlords didn’t have one. The could still override the courts. So, where does the Judicial power in this country come from?
"And this practice may get shut down soon."
It had better be or we won't have a country anymore...
Dr. Ed 2 channels Patrick Henry with characteristic inaccuracy: "Give me immediate removals of Special Counsels of the Office of Special Counsel or give me death!"
Ignoring rulings of judges, whether you like them or not, is more likely to end the country.
As with all things in the Era of Trump, it depends on which side benefits from the administrative stay whether it is legitimate or appealable.
Of all the orders from anti-Trump political activists masquerading as judges, the order from Judge Jackson concerning Hampton Dellinger may be the most absurd.
Dellinger was appointed special counsel to the Office of Special Counsel by his close friend President Joe Biden on March 6, 2024. He has fingerprints all over Hunter Biden and Burisma. I would go so far as to call him a Biden family stooge. He was confirmed by a vote of 49-47, so not exactly someone viewed as a nonpartisan figure. President Trump fired him on February 5, but Judge Jackson purported to reinstate him.
It is preposterous to suggest the President, as head of the executive branch, must tolerate someone who will do everything in his power to undermine and sabotage him within his administration. There is zero chance Jackson's order ultimately stands, but Dellinger can, and will, do a lot of damage in the interim.
Democrats may regret this lawfare, as orders as egregiously unlawful as these may actually stir Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Barrett, who are not naturally inclined to help Trump, to action to restore some semblance of constitutional order to rein in out-of-control judges.
"... the President, as head of the executive branch, must tolerate someone who will do everything in his power to undermine and sabotage him within his administration."
Wouldn't that be a violation of bar regs?
How difficult would it be to identify a breach of duty?
Suppose the president wishes some unlawful action to occur, and orders some underling to commit it. The underling responds that according to the law and oath of office, he cannot obey the order.
Is the president entitled to fire him?
Sure. Why not?
Underling can go to Congress or NYT or twitter and complain.
If that person is an officer within the executive branch, then, yes. If your boss ordered you to do something illegal, would you want to stay there? Who should make the determination that an action is "illegal"?
The Supreme Court has repeatedly made clear that the President may remove executive officers at will, with some very limited exceptions laid out in Humphrey's Executor and Morrison. Your hypothetical, which does not apply in this case, may be another exception you think should be added, but I think the current Court is more inclined to eliminate exceptions than to create new ones.
I have heard no one, in the current case, suggest that Jackson's order is legally sound and will ultimately stand up, and I suspect no one will seriously make that argument.
I expect that CJ Robert’s will, indeed, stir himself, seeing this Judicial LawFare as a threat to the legitimacy, and thus soft power, of the Branch of Government that heads.
OK, democrats. If you insist, we WILL reorganize the judiciary.
I'm sure you will try, since it's the only thing left that might make the current President abide by the law.
Lost in all this Right-wing snowflake 24/7-professional-victim whining is the letter of the law concerning Hampton Dellinger, his position, and the legal grounds for removing him.
"Jackson, an appointee of President Barack Obama, issued what she called an “administrative stay” restoring Dellinger to his post through Thursday night. In her brief order, she noted that he was confirmed by the Senate, is in the midst of a five-year term and that federal law dictates he “may be removed by the President only for inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance.”
That Trump breaks the law pretty much every day is disgrace enough. That his bootlickers turn out to wail and whine whenever anyone stands-up for the rule of law just adds to that.
https://www.politico.com/news/2025/02/10/judge-trump-ethics-watchdog-unfired-00203503
That Trump breaks the law pretty much every day is disgrace enough.
Didn't you get the memo? Whatever Trusk does is legal, regardless of what some stupid law says. So he cannot break the law.
He be the King, self-proclaimed/anointed/crowned, right?
The discussion here isn't whether Dellinger's removal is lawful or not.
It's that the judge has set up a process by which the government lacks any appeal short of mandamus by inventing a "stay" out of thin air.
Conservative judges have used the administrative stay, ahem, liberally.
Can you provide some examples of administrative stays issued by Federal district courts against a defendant?
Please be mindful that there is a difference between a TRO (temporary restraining order), an injunction, and a stay. I'm specifically asking for a stay.
I cited one in my comment below to which you responded. Texas v. DHS (No. 6:24-cv-00306-JCB (E.D. Tex. 2024)).
Wasn't that a vacatur under the APA? Where's the stay?
Check out Exhibit 1: Aug. 26 Order Granting Administrative Stay.
It includes a helpful discussion of administrative stays. Read it, and apologize to us all for whining about something you made up in your head.
That law is blatantly unconstitutional under SCOTUS precedents.
But, hey, we only respect rulings we agree with. If Trump ignores a district judge, that's a Constitutional crisis. If a district judge ignores SCOTUS, he's a hero.
Are you saying that a President refusing to follow a district judge's decision wouldn't be a constitutional crisis? For the record, I don't think this district judge is a hero.
Maybe the federal courts should consider that before playing politics and issuing unconstitutional orders?
President Trump would not breaking the law by acting within his constitutional authority you simpleton. The hack judge is the one issuing a lawless order.
It's worth noting how many Right-wingers (I refrain from saying most) have emptied their brains and sold their souls to whore for a sleazy buffoonish criminal. Yesterday I noted this exchange in Elon Musk's Oval Office meeting:
REPORTER: If you have received billions of dollars in contracts from the Pentagon and the president is directing you to look into the DoD, does that present a conflicts of interest?
MUSK: First of all, I'm not the filing the contract. It's people at SpaceX
I'd ask every right-wing lickspittle here to think back & remember the time before they abandoned all their ethics, standards, & integrity. Back then, they (along with everyone else) would have found the above statement offensive repugnant weaseling. But back then they'd also have found a president who lies with every other breath beyond contempt. Back then they would expect a president be able to speak above a sixth-grade level and not consistently mangle basic facts in a stew of fantasy, lies, and delusion. Back then they'd be first recognizing the talk of Canada, Gaza, and Greenland as obvious signs of mental illness. Back then they would have demanded a president who follows the law, not cry like peevish preschoolers when someone dares (dares!) to insist the law be followed.
This time will eventually be seen a national humiliating disgrace by History. Obviously, enabling whores like Hayden, Ed, and LTF above are way too penny-ante to stand out in the shame. But they played their part - however small - in the coarsening & corrupting of an entire country.
Or we are Patriots who helped save it.
I'll bite. How, good Doctor, do you propose to measure whether Trump's administration is a humiliating disgrace or the salvation of the country?
Declare your metrics. I don't buy that the country was on the road to ruin 30 days ago, but I don't need to in order for us to agree on how we should measure these next 4 years.
Inflation? Wealth divide? Deficit? Unemployment? Student test scores? Health outcomes? Infant/maternal mortality? GDP? Deportations? Net immigration? Nobel prizes? Number of American billionaires? Military lives lost? Criminal indictments? Golf rounds played?... you choose.
“That Trump breaks the law pretty much every day is disgrace enough.”
Facts not in evidence. Most of what is called breaking the law by him, is actually him exercising his plenary Executive power, under Article II, § 1, ¶ 1, clause 1.
In democrat-speak, "breaking the law" is a descriptive term for any action that would not be taken by a democrat.
In particular, it applies to actions that either increase individual freedom, or decrease government power over the individual.
Reinstating Roe via statute would increase individual freedom, decrease government power over the individual, and is extremely Democratic.
Not that you're into nuance.
yawn
The word "plenary" does not appear in the constitution, and all of these arguments just make up claims about what the "executive power" is.
“The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America.”
There. I copied it out for you, since you often seem too lazy to do your own cite checking.
Josh Blackman, Feb. 13, 2025:
The latest innovation in litigation is a district court administrative stay....But in recent weeks, several district courts have issued administrative stays. Stays of what you might ask? Stays of some executive action. This nomenclature is a perversion. Courts stay judicial rulings and enjoin government actions. Courts cannot stay an executive order or statute anymore than an appellate court can enjoin a lower court.
Such an administrative stay sounds an awful lot like a TRO. But these stays have been granted without regard to likelihood of success on the merits. These judges have simply granted administrative stays to "maintain the status quo." At least in theory, these temporary stays are meant to give the court adequate time to resolve a complex issue. What is the basis for such an administrative stay? If there is such authority, it has to be the All Writs Act. But I am still uncertain on this point.
But see, Josh Blackman, Dec. 30, 2024 (discussing TikTok case):
If the Court can issue an administrative stay to preserve the status quo, why not issue an administrative injunction to preserve the status quo? ...I don't know any obvious reason why the Court could not do so.
Soooo.....
It's not like Josh had anything to say about the Eastern District of Texas' twice-imposed administrative stay of Biden's "parole in place" policy. (No. 6:24-cv-00306-JCB for those who want to fact check.) No, Today_Josh informs us this abomination is the "latest innovation," imposed in "recent weeks," the authority for which Today_Josh says is "still uncertain" about.
60_Days_Ago_Josh didn't seem to mind. Huh. So weird.
The posture of these cases are very different. As Josh put it in his 12/30 comment:
Josh's contention today is that while a higher court can stay the order of a lower court, a lower court has nothing to "stay" since there are no courts subordinate to it.
But he wasn't talking about SCOTUS staying a lower court. He was talking about SCOTUS staying enforcement of the statute.
Yes. Through an injunction, not a stay.
An "administrative injunction," which isn't a thing.
I can imagine that for some non-lawyers, it seems that the difference between an injunction and a stay is semantic. It isn't.
A preliminary injunction is an equitable remedy a court imposes early in a case. In Winter v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7 (2008), SCOTUS stated that a preliminary injunction is "an extraordinary remedy that may only be awarded upon a clear showing that the plaintiff is entitled to such relief."
Further:
"A plaintiff seeking a preliminary injunction must establish that he is likely to succeed on the merits, that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief, that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and that an injunction is in the public interest. "
It's a tough, but not impossible standard. Irreparable harm has a special meaning -- it means a harm that cannot later be remedied by money.
That's for a preliminary injunction. A TRO has the same basic standard, except you also have to show the need for an immediate relief. TRO's are issued in a day or two, while PIs, if contested, can take from two weeks to a month.
A TRO can be issued ex parte, which means without notice to the other side. But that requires an even higher showing. Rule 65 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure states:
"The stringent restrictions imposed by . . . Rule 65 on the availability of ex parte temporary restraining orders reflect the fact that our entire jurisprudence runs counter to the notion of court action taken before reasonable notice and an opportunity to be heard has been granted both sides of a dispute. Ex parte temporary restraining orders are no doubt necessary in certain circumstances but under federal law they should be restricted to serving their underlying purpose of preserving the status quo and preventing irreparable harm just so long as is necessary to hold a hearing, and no longer."
Granny Goose Foods, Inc. v. Bhd. of Teamsters & Auto Truck Drivers Loc. No. 70 of Alameda Cnty., 415 U.S. 423, 439, 94 S. Ct. 1113, 1124, 39 L. Ed. 2d 435 (1974)
The "administrative stay" acts as a TRO with none of the above procedural protections.
I can see why Berman was so pissed at the government here. Dellinger moved for a TRO, and the government's response was "We're not ready to take a position." So she issued a brief administrative stay to let the government get its act together. (She could've just issued the TRO, which, after all, are often issued ex parte.) And then they used that time to appeal the stay, which isn't something you can do. She was too accommodating; she should've just issued the TRO — which they also couldn't have appealed. (And now she has.)
You can't be real person. This degree of bootlicking is just down right psychotic.
So opposing the government is bootlicking? You really don't know what that word means.