The Volokh Conspiracy
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Did the Truman Administration Disobey A Federal District Court Injunction In Youngstown?
The District Court injunction did not stay its ruling, but the Court of appeals did shortly thereafter.
Most of the current rhetoric about an apparent "constitutional crisis" is woefully misinformed. For starters, President Trump cannot possibly have ignored any court order because no court order runs against him. Even if Trump has been a named defendant, any injunctions would apply to members of his administration, not the apex official. Moreover, Trump's Justice Department has dutifully appealed every adverse ruling (as best as I can tell). I've seen no evidence that Trump, or anyone in his administration, has given an order to ignore a court ruling. Some judges ordered immediate compliance, but that sort of demand is simply not realistic. The federal government cannot change direction so quickly in the face of many litigation demands. We saw these dynamics during the travel ban litigation. Attorney General Sessions described the nationwide injunction as an order to turn a battleship around 180 degrees immediately. It cannot be done.
But let's assume, at least for a moments sake, a hypothetical. A district court issues a preliminary injunction against the executive branch. The government asks for a stay, and the district court declines to grant a stay. The government then promptly asks the circuit court for an administrative stay, which is granted the following day. For the twenty-four hour period between the injunction and the stay, the government was out of compliance with the injunction. Is this the sort of "constitutional crisis" that so many people are worried about? Should not the government have at least a little wiggle room, or grace, while seeking review from a higher court?
This is not a hypothetical. It is real. Consider the procedural posture of the Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer (1952). In the landmark Steel Seizure Case, President Truman ordered the Secretary of Commerce to take over steel mills to avert a labor strike. As all know, the Supreme Court declared this seizure to be unconstitutional. But the path from the District Court to the Supreme Court is not well understood. Here is how the Justice Black's majority opinion describes the posture:
Holding against the Government on all points, the District Court on April 30 issued a preliminary injunction restraining the Secretary from "continuing the seizure and possession of the plant * * * and from acting under the purported authority of Executive Order No. 10340." 103 F.Supp. 569. On the same day the Court of Appeals stayed the District Court's injunction. 197 F.2d 582. Deeming it best that the issues raised be promptly decided by this Court, we granted certiorari on May 3 and set the cause for argument on May 12. 343 U.S. 937, 72 S.Ct. 775.
I think the Court was slightly off with the chronology. The District Court injunction was issued on April 29. The D.C. Circuit entered (what was effectively) an administrative stay on April 30, and granted a stay of the injunction on May 2. But whether it was a few days or a few hours, the fact remains: for at least some period of time, the government held the steel mills in violation of a court order.
Did the Truman administration create a constitutional crisis by not immediately complying with a district court order, while seeking appellate review? Of course not. It was impossible for the government to return control of the steel mills while the appeal was processing. Turning off steel furnaces is not like flipping a switch.
For what it's worth, the D.C. Circuit panel was divided. The en banc court split 5-4 on whether to grant a stay. Had the D.C. Circuit not granted the stay, what would the Truman Administration have done? Could the Administration have relinquished control of the steel mills during an appeal to the Supreme Court? Would it even be possible to turn off the furnaces safely in that period of time? Again, I do not think there would be a constitutional crisis.
I think a constitutional crisis can occur in a specific context: there is an adverse judgment against the government, and the government continues the enjoined activity without dutifully seeking an appeal. Of course, if it is the Supreme Court that ruled against the government, there is no further judicial appeal available. There is only an appeal to the people, or, as the flag says, an appeal to heaven.
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“The administration is attempting to comply with the injunctions while exercising its legal abilities to challenge them in court; any failure to comply was inadvertent” is a good rebuttal to these charges (if it is true, of course).
“Trump doesn’t have any responsibility to see that the government complies with an injunction unless he’s named personally and even if he is it’s not his problem” is not.
Yeah, Blackman seems to harp on the idea of Trump (the individual) and the Trump administration as being wildly different entities.
Blackman also externalizes "the government" from Trump (the individual), like Trump has nothing to do with "the government".
Ignoring court orders is official duties
If, indeed, it is a unitary executive, should not the president be the defendant in ALL suits against components of Article II? Indeed, should not criminal cases be style {President} v. Doe?
Like all capos, he's got the henchmen doing all the law breaking. I suppose Vance and Patel don't think they'll end up on the ash heap of lawyers and non-oligarchs
Such a bad faith argument by Blackman. "The administration can run around smashing everything willy nilly on a whim, but it can't stop smashing things just because a court issues an order that it has to."
The simple answer to this faux dilemma is: the government has to act as soon as it is able to. A court order cannot demand that the government defy the laws of physics; if it is actually impossible to comply in less than X hours, then compliance in less than X hours is not required — but compliance by X hours is.
Of course, this isn't 1950, let alone 1750; I am quite certain that the court's order can be communicated to the appropriate people within minutes.
But this is all disingenuous, because the administration's position on these cases isn't, "We're trying our best but we just couldn't get it done."
It's not actually a "faux dilemma."
You brought up the court case Schlesinger v. Holtzman which addresses some of these concerns.
For everyone else, in 1973, Nixon was bombing Cambodia during the Vietnam war. People (Democratic Congresswoman Elizabeth Holtzman) sued the US Government to stop the bombing. Finding a friendly judge, U.S. District Judge Orrin Grimmell Judd issued a permanent injunction ordering the military to stop bombing Cambodia. But Grimmell stayed the injunction for 2 days. In those 2 days, the 2nd Circuit Court stayed the injunction much longer.
But Holtzman wasn't done. She appealed to Thurgood Marshall (SCOTUS Justice overseeing the Second Circuit). Marshall made a wise statement here.
"Justice Marshall declined to order the military to stop bombing, on August 1, writing "the proper response to an arguably illegal action is not lawlessness by judges charged with interpreting and enforcing the laws. Down that road lies tyranny and repression."
But Holzmann wasn't done...she found a DIFFERENT judge (Justice William O. Douglas.) who then held a hearing and immediately ordered the military to stop bombing Cambodia.
For 6 hours...that order was in effect. And the Military ignored it. Marshall stayed the ruling of Douglas (with the agreement of the other SCOTUS justices).
Marshall here is a paragon of what a judge should be. Douglas, by contrast, attempts to promote a Constitutional Crisis by putting his own views over that of the Constitution. And the Military.....a single judge trying to overrule it? Well....we see what happened.
President Trump cannot possibly have ignored any court order because no court order runs against him. Even if Trump has been a named defendant, any injunctions would apply to members of his administration, not the apex official.
Unitary executive for me but not for thee.
Ya. That is a really hypocritical argument.
With Sassoon's resignation today, now might be a good time for some constitutional scholar from a Top 200 law school to step up and assure Americans that there is no constitutional crisis underway.
Ignoring a judicial order - NOT adopting some new tack like abortion or student loans - IS a constitutional crisis. We're already there
Maybe the ignoring is the new tack. Not new, like never been done before, but making it new again.
Bove's letter accepting Sassoon's resignation reads like some satirical onion piece.
It's okay for Biden to ignore court orders, because if you're doing it to advance noble goals like taxpayer funded third trimester abortions and transgender surgeries, gay buttsex and marriage licenses, and free African American studies college classes, then you're making the world a better place.
It's 20 minutes past January 20th, dude. Every single thing...all the cuts, all the unemployment...is you.
I have no idea what you're talking about.
Another post in Josh's new whataboutism series, "But Whatabout Previous Democratic Administrations!"
When the administration is run by a Democrat, then the Whataboutism turns to Unprecedented.
It's worth again noting the outrageous overreach by US District Judge Paul Engelmayer in the Treasury Department payment system.
His extreme TRO not only stopped DOGE...it also stopped the Treasury Department's own leadership from accessing the database. It also stopped those Federal Reserve Employees who use it on a regular basis. And the contractor technicians who work on the database keeping it up and running. His TRO, if kept up, would have stopped the database from running at all.
He was probably in the middle of fornicating with other men when he wrote the order.
Seriously, we all know you're a racist p.o.s. troll, but nobody can understand why you keep claiming that he's gay. Did you mix him up with Oetken and you're just too chickenshit to admit you made a mistake?
1952 was the height of the Korean War...
That’s exactly how Truman put it, isn’t it?
Rule 65(d)(2) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure states:
Willful disobedience of a federal court order is a crime. 18 U.S.C. § 402. It may accordingly be an impeachable offense.
Impeachment at this point is a nonstarter. But the Republican majority in the House of Representatives is razor thin, and midterm Congressional elections historically have not gone well for the party in control of the White House. President Trump taking a blowtorch to the rule of law is worthy of impeachment for failure to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.
This caught my eye:
I await the five-part series that explains why returning control of a steel mill requires shutting down the furnaces, but somehow the original seizure didn't.
Forgive me if I"m off topic, but it seems to me the real Constitutional crisis we are facing is that 1) for at least the last two years the person or people exercising the authority and responsibilities of the President of the United States has not been the person that had actually been elected to do so, and 2) no one has been held accountable for this.