The Volokh Conspiracy

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The Volokh Conspiracy

Politics

VanDerStock is NetChoice Redux: A Sharply-Divided Court Threads The Needle With A "Facial Challenge" Analysis

The Court may have overruled Chevron, but it has just inadvertently created a far more powerful deference doctrine with Salerno, all in service of narrowly reversing the Fifth Circuit.

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For more than a decade, I have proudly represented Defense Distributed in a wide range of matters. Most of these cases have ended in defeat. Yet, I do not feel defeated. In case after case, courts have recharacterized our complaints, distorted the usual rules about venue, refused to rule on issues that were plainly presented, and other shenanigans. In 2020, I wrote about early chapters of the litigation. And one day, I may write a book about this never-ending saga. For now, it is enough to say that Bondi v. VanDerStock is the latest chapter in this book. But wait--no such book about this case actually exists. And artifact nouns be damned, no firearms exist in this case either.

Reading this decision was a frustrating experience. I am intimately familiar with how this case was litigated since the outset. Yet, the Court's approach to the case was completely foreign--so foreign, in fact that it would be unrecognizable to the lawyers and judges who adjudicated the case below.  

I echo Steve Halbrook's post:

That characterization [of the Plaintiffs' case] is hard to square with plaintiffs' briefs in the Supreme Court. . . . Justice Alito was therefore correct to state in dissent that the Court's treatment of plaintiffs' arguments was "unwarranted and extremely unfair."

Also unfair was the Court's twisting of a supposed "concession" made by counsel at argument—that they had no "quarrel" with the ATF's prior practice of regulating certain unregulated frames or receivers that had reached a critical stage of manufacture. But as the argument transcript makes clear, that concession was made with respect to the argument that plaintiffs should still win even if the GCA covers some unfinished frames or receivers—i.e., the argument the Court refused to consider. See Tr. at 59, 84. Whatever the reason, the Court chose to engage only a caricatured version of plaintiffs' arguments.

Justice Alito's dissent is quite right:

The Court decides this case on a ground that was not raised or decided below and that was not the focus of the briefing or argument in this Court. Specifically, the Court concludes (1) that respondents mounted a "facial" challenge to a Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) rule implementing provisions of the Gun Control Act of 1968, (2) that a party making such a challenge must meet the test that applies when a statute is challenged as facially unconstitutional (what I will call the Salerno test), and (3) that respondents cannot satisfy that demanding test. . . .  But I am not certain that the Salerno test should govern. . . . Thus, in both the District Court and the Court of Appeals, the parties appear to have proceeded on the assumption that the question presented was simply whether the ATF rule exceeded the agency's au-thority under the Gun Control Act. The Government defended the rule as a correct interpretation of those statutory provisions and made no mention of the Salerno test.4 And for the most part, that was the position advanced in the Government's briefs in this Court.

In many regards, VanDerStock felt like a redux of NetChoice--especially with Judge Oldham being reversed in both cases on similar grounds. Somehow, none of the parties or judges in NetChoice realized there was a problem with the facial challenge that was brought. And somehow none of the parties or judges in VanDerStock realized there was a problem with the facial challenge that was brought. Can this blame be placed on the parties and lower court judges? Or is it simply the case that the Court used the "facial" challenge to avoid ruling on a difficult case?

Justice Gorsuch's majority opinion in VanDerStock further reminded me of his concurrence in Rahimi: in both cases, Gorsuch invoked the facial challenge issue to stop short of a broader pronouncement. In VanDerStock, it felt like Justice Gorsuch was walking on a tight-rope. It's possible Gorsuch did this in order to keep the five members of the majority together. It is also possible that Gorsuch did this to keep himself in the majority. My prediction at oral argument was that the Chief assigned this case to Justice Barrett. But maybe Roberts gave the opinion to the most tentative member of the majority, Gorsuch. It is also possible that Justice Barrett initially wrote the majority opinion that squarely ruled against the government on the merits, but Gorsuch and Kavanaugh wouldn't join that opinion, and Barrett lost the majority opinion, so Justice Gorsuch's concurrence became the majority. (I hinted at that possibility here.) We will find out if anyone but Barrett has Medical Marijuana v. Horne.

The crux of the analysis appears on Page 7 of the slip opinion:

As presented to us, this case does not ask us to resolve whether ATF's new regulations in §478.11 and §478.12 may be lawfully applied to particular weapon parts kits or unfinished frames or receivers. Instead, the plaintiffs have pursued what the lower courts called a "facial" pre-enforce-ment challenge to the agency's authority to regulate any weapon parts kits or unfinished frames or receivers. . . . Nowhere in either of their briefs before us do the plaintiffs dispute that assessment. Accordingly, we take it as given for our purposes here. [FN2]

FN2: The dissents raise a number of questions about what test courts should apply when a party contends that an agency has acted in excess of its statutory authority in a pre-enforcement challenge under the APA. Post, at 7 (opinion of THOMAS, J.); post, at 3 (opinion of ALITO, J.). But the theories the dissents proceed to advance were not pressed or passed upon below, nor did the parties make them before this Court. Cf. post, at 5 (opinion of ALITO, J.) (suggesting that the Court ask for supplemental briefing). In these circumstances, we believe the better course is to leave further analysis of the proper test for another day and address the par-ties' dispute as they have chosen to frame it. Nor, on remand, may the parties seek to inject arguments about the proper test that they did not pursue here.

Justice Thomas disagrees:

The majority takes a different approach. Asserting that the plaintiffs conceded to having brought a " 'facial' " chal-lenge, the Court "take[s]" this characterization "as given," and analyzes the challenge as a facial attack.3

FN3: While the Government characterized the plaintiffs' lawsuit as a facial challenge in passing, see ante, at 7, the parties did not seriously litigate the relevant standard, see post, at 3 (ALITO, J., dissenting). And, at oral argument, plaintiffs' counsel appeared to endorse a standard similar to the one that the Fifth Circuit applied. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 80 (arguing that ATF would have "gone beyond their authority" by defining "frame or receiver" to "include items that may readily be converted to frames or receivers").

And Justice Alito makes the argument more forcefully:

The Court relies on the use of the term "facial" in their complaints, but that characterization of their challenges did not constitute agreement with the proposition that a facial challenge to a regulation must satisfy the Salerno test. And in fact respondents never conceded that point. They did not address the issue at all in their briefs, and at no point during the lengthy oral argument in this case were they asked about that question. Holding that they conceded the point is unwarranted and extremely unfair. And in any event, we should adjudicate a facial challenge under the right test regardless of the parties' arguments. See Moody v. NetChoice, LLC, 603 U. S. 707, 779–780 (2024) (ALITO, J., concurring in judgment).

I will let others review the record, and determine whether the majority's analysis is a fair characterization of the pleadings in the case. But it is enough to say here that Judge Oldham and some other very smart federal judges apparently missed a glaring defect in the papers. Likewise, California v. Texas found that the Plaintiffs' strongest standing argument was forfeited. The pattern continues. 

I also agree with Justice Thomas's conclusion: if the Court is right about applying Salerno to APA challenges, virtually any regulation enacted will survive a facial challenge:

Treating challenges to regulatory definitions as "facial challenges" has substantial implications. If a regulatory definition survives APA challenge so long as just one item it covers also happens to be covered by the statute it pur-ports to interpret, it is difficult to understand how an agency would ever promulgate an invalid definition. So long as it imports the definition Congress laid out in the statute, the agency can sweep in whatever additional con-duct it wishes. No matter how far the agency expands its regulatory definition, the statutory definition inevitably will capture at least some of it.

Justice Alito draws similar conclusions:

Applying the Salerno rule in a case in which a rule is challenged under that provision as exceeding the agency's statutory authority may have far-reaching consequences. As a commentator has observed, "Salerno would seem to dictate that a plaintiff [who challenges a rule] cannot ever win unless he can show that there is 'no set of circumstances' in which the regulation would be consistent with the statute. And because it would take an extraordinarily obtuse agency to write a regulation so completely wrong as that, applying Salerno in the statutory context would seem to dictate that plaintiffs would always lose." S. Buck, Salerno vs. Chevron: What To Do About Statutory Challenges, 55 Admin. L. Rev. 427, 438 (2003). Thus, this extension of Salerno would represent a huge boon for the administrative state.

The Court may have overruled Chevron, but it has just inadvertently created a far more powerful deference doctrine with Salerno, all in service of narrowly reversing the Fifth Circuit. Is this what Justice Gorsuch wrought?

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Politics

Being an "Immigrant Professional" Doesn't Cut in Favor of Pseudonymity

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From Thursday's decision by Magistrate Judge Alistair Newbern in Doe v. Brooks Automation US LLC:

Doe alleges that, while working at Brooks, she "experienc[ed] targeted harassment and discrimination based on her gender, national origin, and physical disability[.]" Specifically, she asserts Title VII and ADA claims based on alleged gender discrimination in Brooks's hiring practices, retaliatory reassignment of her work responsibilities, verbal harassment, exclusion from a group photo due to her disability, and reputational harassment and defamation. Doe alleges that she "was coerced into accepting the terms" of a "garden leave" "to avoid forfeiting her annual bonus and risking her work visa status." ["Garden leave" appears to refer to paid leave preceding being dismissed. -EV] She further alleges that Brooks "delayed [her] green card process and ultimately halted it in retaliation for [Doe's] engagement in [ ] activities" protected by federal law. Doe states that Brooks "forced termination" of her employment and that her manager and another employee continued to defame her after her employment with Brooks ended….

Doe argues that the Court should grant her permission to proceed under a pseudonym because her complaint includes "serious allegations of discrimination, harassment, retaliation, and defamation by her former employer" and "[p]ublicly disclosing [her] identity could expose her to further retaliation by [Brooks] or its associates, negatively impacting her future employment opportunities and professional reputation." She states that she "has already suffered significant reputational harm and emotional distress due to [Brooks's] retaliatory actions, and" argues that "public disclosure of her identity in this lawsuit may exacerbate these harms" by "exposing her to additional scrutiny and compromising her standing within her industry." Doe argues that, "[a]s an immigrant professional, [she] is particularly vulnerable to potential repercussions[.]"

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Guns

Second Amendment Roundup: Supreme Court Decides VanDerStok

Narrow decision leaves ATF regulation in limbo.

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On March 26, the Supreme Court decided Bondi v. VanDerStok, holding that ATF's 2022 regulatory expansion of the definitions of "firearm" and "frame or receiver" is not facially void.  The Court read the proceeding as a facial challenge only and offered no opinion on whether the regulation would be valid as applied to specific items.  As long as the definitions may be validly applied to at least something, Justice Gorsuch wrote for the majority of seven justices, they are facially valid.  Justices Thomas and Alito dissented.

The Gun Control Act (GCA) defines "firearm" in part as "(A) any weapon (including a starter gun) which will or is designed to or may readily be converted to expel a projectile by the action of an explosive; (B) the frame or receiver of any such weapon…."  18 U.S.C. § 921(a)(3).  The ATF rule added to (A) "weapon parts kits" that are "designed to or may readily be completed, assembled, restored, or otherwise converted to expel a projectile by the action of an explosive."  And it added to (B) "a partially complete, disassembled, or nonfunctional frame or receiver."

According to the Court, "this case does not ask us to resolve whether ATF's new regulations . . . may be lawfully applied to particular weapon parts kits or unfinished frames or receivers. Instead, the plaintiffs have pursued what the lower courts called a 'facial' pre-enforcement challenge to the agency's authority to regulate any weapon parts kits or unfinished frames or receivers."

That characterization is hard to square with plaintiffs' briefs in the Supreme Court. Indeed, plaintiffs expressly argued that "the Rule is invalid regardless of whether the GCA is read to include only functional frames or receivers" and regardless of the fact that the GCA does cover kits if they "contain[ ] a frame or receiver." See Pls. Br. 15, 35 (emphasis added). Justice Alito was therefore correct to state in dissent that the Court's treatment of plaintiffs' arguments was "unwarranted and extremely unfair."

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Free Speech

"On Not Signing Most Open Group Letters by My Fellow Legal Academics"

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An excerpt from yesterday's post by my UCLA colleague Stephen Bainbridge:

Last week, I signed an open letter to the Delaware legislature by a group of corporate law academics addressing aspects of Delaware SB 21, which was then pending before the Delaware House.

This week, as you may have seen, 80 out of the ~120 Harvard law school faculty signed a group letter protesting certain Trump administration actions--especially those targeting law firms--as being detrimental to the rule of law.

Predictably, where Harvard leads, the rest of legal education follows. I hear rumors of similar letters in the works at some law schools or among faculty at multiple law schools.

I have been asked to sign some. But I'm not going to do so.

First, however, let me emphasize that I share the signer's concerns about the way the Trump administration is punishing law firms of which the administration disapproves. The use of unilateral executive action is inconsistent with the rule of law. This is true even though I think some of what some of the law firms did to incur Trump's wrath was seriously problematic. In particular, Perkins Coie played a major role in commissioning and disseminating the Steele dossier, which has been widely and effectively discredited. In effect, they committed election fraud. Having said that, I believe Trump should have had the Justice Department investigate to determine if laws were broken rather than unilaterally imposing punishment by executive decree. If the Justice Department concluded laws were broken by the firm, then prosecute the firm. That is how the system is supposed to work. That is how the rule of law is supposed to work.

But I have three reasons for not signing a version of the Harvard letter….

Go to the post for those reasons.

Free Speech

No Pseudonymity for Yale MBA Student Suing Over Discipline for Alleged Use of AI on Exam

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From today's decision by Judge Sarah Russell (D. Conn.) in Doe v. Yale Univ.:

John Doe brought this action after he was suspended from graduate studies at the Yale School of Management ("SOM"). After completing his undergraduate degree at Rice University in 2012, Doe pursued a career as an entrepreneur and investor. Doe enrolled in 2023 in SOM's Master of Business Administration for Executives (EMBA) program as a member of the class of 2025.

In the summer and fall of 2024, SOM convened disciplinary proceedings against Doe after an instructor accused Doe of using generative Artificial Intelligence (AI) during an examination. After various proceedings, SOM found that Doe engaged in academic misconduct; in response, SOM imposed a one-year suspension from campus and a mandatory "F" grade in the class.

Doe asserts in his Complaint that SOM instructors and administrators scrutinized his exam because he is a non-native English speaker {Doe is a French national and a United States resident}, that administrators retaliated against him after he accused them of national origin discrimination, and that SOM disciplined him without regard to the procedural safeguards for students provided by SOM's Honor Code.

Doe sues Defendants for breach of contract, breach of the implied covenant of good faith and fair dealing, national origin discrimination in violation of Title VI, retaliation in violation of Title VI, intentional infliction of emotional distress, and negligent infliction of emotional distress. Doe seeks money damages as well as declaratory and injunctive relief removing the mandatory "F" grade from his transcript and permitting him to resume studies immediately at SOM.

The court doesn't deal with the substantive claims, but concludes that Doe can't proceed under a pseudonym:

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Judge James C. Ho: "Fighters, Climbers, and the War for the Judiciary"

Remarks delivered at the Texas A&M Journal of Law & Civil Governance Banquet

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I am proud to serve on the Board of Advisors of the Journal of Law & Civil Governance at Texas A&M. My article, Bilateral Judicial Reform, was published in the inaugural issue, alongside contributions from Senator Mitch McConnell, Judge Reed O'Connor, and Judge James C. Ho. This past weekend, Judge Ho also delivered remarks at the journal's banquet gala. I am happy to share Judge Ho's speech, which will be published later in the journal.

Fighters, Climbers, and the War for the Judiciary

James C. Ho

We're here to celebrate the launch of a new law journal.  But as my law clerks have told me, there are over a thousand law reviews in Westlaw's law review database.  Why on earth do we need another?

How you answer that question may depend on how you view the legal academy—and how you think much of the academy views our country and our Constitution.

As Americans, we believe that we should be governed by the people—not by lawyers or law professors.  We didn't fight a Revolutionary War to replace one king in royal garb with hundreds of kings in judicial robes.

Our legal system should only decide legal disputes—not political ones.  Political disagreements should be resolved through elections—and by officials directly accountable to the people.

In sum, our legal system is supposed to be politically neutral.

But would anyone seriously claim that the median academic or most legal elites are in fact politically neutral—and not systemically, institutionally biased against essentially half the country?

I would submit that therein lies the pitfalls—as well as the potential—for a new law journal.

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Immigration

Evan Bernick, Guest-Blogging About Birthright Citizenship

Bernick is a leading academic expert on the Fourteenth Amendment.

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The Volokh Conspiracy and I are pleased to welcome guest-blogger Prof. Evan Bernick. He is a law professor at Northern Illinois University, and author of numerous works on constitutional theory and the Fourteenth Amendment. Evan will be guest-blogging about the ongoing debate over the legality of President Trump's executive order denying birthright citizenship to children of undocumented immigrants and immigrants in the US on temporary visas.

Evan is coauthor (with Anthony Michael Kreis and Paul Gowder) of an important forthcoming Cornell Law Review Online article on the birthright citizenship controversy. He is also coauthor (with Randy Barnett) of The Original Meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment: Its Letter and Spirit, one of the leading analyses of the the Fourteenth Amendment.

Interestingly, Evan and Randy are on opposite sides of the current birthright citizenship controversy. See Randy's NY Times op ed (coauthored with Ilan Wurman) offering a partial defense of President Trump's executive order, my critique of it, Barnett and Wurman's response to their critics, and my rejoinder. Evan Bernick and his coauthors critiqued Barnett and Wurman in the forthcoming Cornell Law Review Online article linked above.

I look forward to Evan's posts!

Free Speech

How the Government Should Deal with Lawyers' Alleged Bad Behavior: Substance and Procedure

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Last week, I posted an excerpt of Paul Clement's arguments as to why the Executive Order targeting the WilmerHale law firm violates the Constitution, and said they struck me as quite correct. (The analysis is similar, I think, with regard to the other Executive Orders targeting law firms.) In response, a reader asked:

With all the hub-bub now around Big Law firms being attacked, it might be nice to see a piece harkening back to the way numerous lawyers and law firms were attacked by the left back when we were representing Trump in 2016 and 2020 and how the profession didn't so much as yawn in our direction about it.

For example, in a WSJ article on March 9, 2025 ("Fear of Trump Has Elite Law Firms in Retreat"), Rep. Jamie Raskin's (D., Md.) was fired up that the Trump administration was singling out law firms that solicited the Steele dossier and which vigorously attacked Trump's own lawyers in 2020. Raskin was a Constitutional law professor before his election to Congress. He was utterly silent when his then Congressional colleague, Bill Pascrell, Jr. (D., NJ.) wrote a letter on November 20, 2020 to the Pennsylvania Disciplinary Board seeking to have [various lawyers] disbarred solely because we represented President Trump in courts across Pennsylvania on mundane election law issues not involving allegations of fraud….

It didn't much seem to matter to anyone back then because we were mostly small firm and solo practitioners under attack. Now that its Big Law getting punched, suddenly everyone's up in arms. Where was the rest of our profession when we were getting hit with both barrels back then?

I think this is an important question; let me offer a tentative and partial answer.

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Free Speech

"The 2024 Presidential Campaign Saw a Massive Disinformation and Misinformation Campaign, …

which likely helped bring the current administration into power."

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I had the pleasure of attending the very interesting conference on Free Speech in Crisis & the Limits of the First Amendment at Yale Law School on Friday and Saturday; I was invited to participate on the Media Environment panel, for which the description was:

It is widely believed that a profoundly broken media system is responsible for bringing the current administration into power, and for critics, the political crisis it has unleashed. Is this correct? And if so, what is to be done about it? How can public opinion be harnessed to serve constitutional purposes in the new media landscape? How can and should the media system be reformed? And what can free speech law do about any of this?

We were all asked to write up to about 2000 words on our topics, and here was my submission.

[* * *]

The 2024 presidential campaign saw a massive disinformation and misinformation campaign, which likely helped bring the current administration into power. Leading media organizations failed to stop it in time. Indeed, some of them were complicit, through inadequate investigation and perhaps even willful blindness, in the misinformation. We thus face an urgent question, raised by the workshop organizers: "How can and should the media system be reformed?"

I'm speaking, of course, of the campaign to conceal President Biden's mental decline—a campaign that was only conclusively exposed by the June 27, 2024 debate. At that point, little time was left for deciding whether the President should be persuaded to step aside; for the actual persuasion; for the selection of a replacement; and for the replacement's attempt to persuade the people to elect her.

Had the Administration leveled with the public earlier, or had the media exposed the concealment earlier, there would likely have been time for a full primary campaign, in which Democratic voters could have made their choice about whom to run against Donald Trump.[1] Perhaps that candidate would have been more effective than Kamala Harris. Or perhaps the candidate would have still been Harris, but a Harris who was seen as having more legitimacy with the public. "Democracy Dies in Darkness," the Washington Post tells us. It appears that the Democratic Party's prospects died in this particular darkness.

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Criminal Justice

Convicting Boeing for Its Deadly Crime Becomes Simple Under the "Judicial Admission" Doctrine

In its deferred prosecution agreement, Boeing stipulated to an agreed statement of facts demonstrating that it is guilty.

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Last week, I blogged about how Boeing had confessed to committing a deadly conspiracy crime connected with the two 737 MAX crashes and should now plead guilty to the charge pending against it. In that earlier post, I argued that Boeing's concessions in a statement of facts (connected with an earlier deferred prosecution agreement) constituted a "confession" that would greatly simplify the Government's task at trial. An alert reader has passed along an interesting argument that I failed to consider … which further strengthens my position.

Under the "judicial admission" doctrine, some issues can be withdrawn from consideration in a case. As the Tenth Circuit recently summarized (United States v. Gallegos, 111 F.4th 1068, 1076 (10th Cir. 2024)), a judicial admission is an "express waiver made … by the party or his attorney conceding for the purposes of the trial the truth of some alleged fact." Standard Fire Ins. Co. v. Knowles, 568 U.S. 588, 592 (2013) (quoting 9 J. Wigmore, Evidence § 2588 (J. Chadbourn rev. 1981)). Such admissions "include 'formal concessions in the pleadings' and 'are not evidence at all but rather have the effect of withdrawing a fact from contention.'" Wells Fargo Bank, N.A. v. Mesh Suture, Inc., 31 F.4th 1300, 1313 (10th Cir. 2022) (quoting Keller v. United States, 58 F.3d 1194, 1198 n.8 (7th Cir. 1995)). "Judicial admissions are not just any statements made before the court," but rather "formal, deliberate declarations which a party or his attorney makes in a judicial proceeding for the purpose of dispensing with proof of formal matters or of facts about which there is no real dispute." United States v. E.F., 920 F.3d 682, 688 (10th Cir. 2019) (quoting U.S. Energy Corp. v. Nukem, Inc., 400 F.3d 822, 833 n.4 (10th Cir. 2005)).

Did Boeing's agreements in its deferred prosecution agreement (DPA) constitute "judicial admissions"?  It seems to me that they did. In its DPA, Boeing formally agreed that all 54 paragraphs in the statement of facts accompanying the DPA were true:

The Company admits, accepts, and acknowledges that it is responsible under United
States law for the acts of its officers, directors, employees, and agents as charged in the Information, and as set forth in the Statement of Facts, and that the allegations described in the Information and the facts described in the Statement of Facts are true and accurate. The Company agrees that, effective as of the date it signs this Agreement, in any prosecution that is deferred by this Agreement, it will not dispute the Statement of Facts set forth in this Agreement, and, in any such prosecution, the Statement of Facts shall be admissible as: (a) substantive evidence offered by the government in its case-in-chief and rebuttal case; (b) impeachment evidence offered by the government on cross-examination; and (c) evidence at any sentencing hearing or other hearing. In addition, in connection therewith, the Company agrees not to assert any claim under the United States Constitution, Rule 410 of the Federal Rules of Evidence, Rule 11(f) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, Section 1B1.1(a) of the United States Sentencing Guidelines ("USSG" or "Sentencing Guidelines"), or any other federal rule that the Statement of Facts should be suppressed or is otherwise inadmissible as evidence in any form.

This specific agreement by Boeing (through its CEO and legal counsel) that the allegations against it were "true and accurate" and that Boeing would "not dispute" any facts in any prosecution deferred by the agreement seems to place this case squarely within the "judicial admission" doctrine. And, thus, prosecuting Boeing for its deadly conspiracy crime connected with the 737 MAX crashes is even more of a slam dunk than I suggested earlier.

Free Speech

Universities Should Challenge Trump's Speech-Based Deportations of Students in Court [Updated]

A lawsuit brought by universities could potentially be much more effective than leaving individual students to fend for themselves.

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Tufts University.

 

The Trump administration has been detaining and trying to deport immigrant and foreign students for their First-Amendment protected speech. That includes even speech that does not actually support terrorism, as in the case of a Tufts graduate student detained for an anti-Israel op ed that, however flawed, does not endorse Hamas terrorism, or indeed even mention it. Such detention and deportation is an assault on freedom of speech, and violates the First Amendment, which has no exception for immigration restrictions.

In a recent public letter, the faculty of Tufts' Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy propose universities take action to stop this travesty:

Resolved: That the undersigned Executive Faculty of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy urge and would support Tufts University commencing legal action, without delay and in concert with other universities if possible, to enjoin the government and its agents from arresting, detaining, or deporting university students, staff, or faculty based upon their engagement in constitutionally protected expression.

The signatories below constitute a majority of the Executive Faculty.

This is a good idea, and schools should pursue it.  I am just a rank-and-file academic and do not speak for my university. But I will do what I can to persuade relevant authorities to act on the Tufts Fletcher School faculty's suggestion. I urge other academics and university officials to do the same.

Up till now, students and university employees targeted for deportation based on their speech have been largely left to fend for themselves, trying to challenge the deportations after they have already been detained. A lawsuit brought by a coalition of universities would have important advantages over this case-by-case approach.

Most obviously, the universities could file a class action lawsuit or seek a nationwide injunction. This could block such detentions and deportations throughout the country in one fell swoop. By contrast, under the status quo, individual students and employees targeted for deportation for their speech often have to spend weeks or months in cruel detention. Even if they ultimately prevail in court, they will have undergone considerable suffering, and potentially significant losses to their education and career prospects. Moreover, freeing one such detainee won't necessarily protect others. Thus, the "chilling effect" on other students' and employees' speech could continue.

A class-action lawsuit or nationwide injunction could solve these problems. If successful, it could preemptively block speech-based detention and deportation of university students and employees throughout the country. This would save targeted immigrant and foreign students from enduring weeks in detention, and lift the cloud of fear that has descended on campuses.

Moreover, universities have far greater resources to conduct litigation than individual students and employees do. They could much more easily employ topnotch legal talent, and expend the resources needed to prevail.

The case for a nationwide injunction here is similar to that which led to the grant of multiple nationwide injunctions against Trump's birthright citizenship executive order. In both situations, the unconstitutional policy in question is categorical and nationwide in scope, and affects large numbers of people, many of whom cannot easily protect themselves.

I would add that the First Amendment context provides additional support for systematic nationwide relief. Courts have long recognized that the Free Speech Clause protects against "chilling effects" on speech, as well as direct speech restrictions. The Trump administration's deportation policies are an obvious example of this problem. The standards of what counts as speech supporting "terrorism" or having "potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States" are incredibly vague. So much so that the late Judge Maryanne Trump Barry (Donald Trump's sister) ruled in 1996 that the law authorizing deportation for the latter type of speech was unconstitutional because of its extreme vagueness.

Allowing deportation based on these types of vague standards could easily chill speech on a wide range of issues involving armed conflict, international relations, US foreign policy, and much more. And it isn't just immigrant and foreign students' speech that would be affected. Other students and faculty may be chilled in discussing these subjects on campus, for fear of exposing international students or non-citizen immigrants to danger, if the latter participate in the relevant discussions.

For example, in my constitutional law classes, I teach segments on the use of racial profiling in the War on Terror, executive war powers, immigration, and other issues related to foreign and security policy. If a non-citizen student participates in class discussion or writes a paper on one of these topics, there is a chance they might say something the administration defines as supporting terrorism or having "adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States," and thereby be targeted for deportation. To completely forestall that danger, instructors must either avoid such topics altogether, or forego discussing them with non-citizen students. Similar points apply to scholars researching and writing on such issues in collaboration with non-citizen students or faculty.

These kinds of chilling effects are an obvious threat to free speech on campus, and the academic enterprise of teaching and research. Universities owe it to their students and faculty to protect them against this menace.

If commitment to principle isn't enough to motivate schools to fight, perhaps financial self-interest might do so. International students are an important source of revenue for many schools. The risk of deportation for speech may well deter many from coming, thereby hurting universities' bottom line.

Success in a lawsuit like the one I advocate isn't guaranteed. While the Supreme Court ruled in  a 1945 case that "Freedom of speech and of press is accorded aliens residing in this country," later decisions have upheld some speech-based deportations and entry restrictions. However, none of these have endorsed the idea that immigrants or students can be excluded or deported based solely on speech otherwise protected by the First Amendment. For example, in the 1952 Harisiades decision, the Supreme Court  only upheld deportation of Communist Party members on the ground that - under then-current precedent - membership in the Party wasn't protected by the First Amendment at all, even for US citizens.

Today's Supreme Court is often hostile to immigrants' rights, but it also provides strong protection for freedom of speech. The latter tendency might well prevail over the former, especially when the speech restrictions in question are as vague and sweeping as those the Trump Administration seeks to implement.

In any event, the courts are going to address Trump's speech-based deportations one way or another, since students targeted for deportation are raising First Amendment defenses. A lawsuit brought by universities maximizes both the odds of success, and the potential payoff from prevailing.

I will not, in this post, try to address all the various procedural issues that might come up in such a lawsuit. But I will note one: Universities should be able to get standing to sue on the grounds that deportation of students and employees affect their economic interests. In addition, they also have a chilling effect on the free speech rights of other university students and employees, and ultimately those of universities as institutions.

I would add that state governments might be able to get standing to sue on behalf of their state university systems. Blue state attorneys general should consider that possibility.

As I have previously noted, I have little sympathy for recent anti-Israel campus protests, and for the views of many of the students now targeted for deportation (many of those views are awful in various ways). I also think students and others who engaged in violence, intimidation, or property damage during protests should be punished.

But a principled commitment to free speech requires protecting even those viewpoints we believe to be badly wrong. And the vague standards used by the Trump administration create an obvious slippery slope risk. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is far from the only issue discussed on campus that involves terrorism or impinges on US foreign policy interests.

And, yes, I know some universities have fallen short on free speech issues themselves, with policies such as speech codes and mandatory "diversity statements" for faculty candidates. Such failings should be remedied. But they don't justify caving to the Trump Administration's much more sweeping speech restrictions. Among other things, a  censorship regime imposed nationwide by the federal government is much more dangerous than restrictions adopted by some individual universities, but rejected by others.

If universities want to protect free speech and academic freedom on campus, they should fight for it. The Tufts Fletcher School faculty have shown us the way.

UPDATE: Jameel Jaffer of the Knight First Amendment Institute informs me that, on March 25, his organization filed a lawsuit similar to the one envisioned above on behalf of the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) and the Middle East Studies Association (MESA). I am glad to hear of it! It is also good that their complaint seeks a nationwide injunction against deportations based on speech.  But I don't think this obviates the need for a suit by universities. Among other considerations, I think the latter can more easily get standing than AAUP or MESA, as they likely suffer more extensive and more direct injuries from the deportation of students and employees.

Harvard Law School v. Vermeule

Dueling letters from 90+ members of the HLS faculty and Adrian Vermeule

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Yesterday, more than ninety members of the Harvard Law School faculty issued a statement concerning the rule of law:

We are privileged to teach and learn the law with you. We write to you today—in our individual capacities—because we believe that American legal precepts and the institutions designed to uphold them are being severely tested, and many of you have expressed to us your concerns and fears about the present moment. Each of us brings different, sometimes irreconcilable, perspectives to what the law is and should be. Diverse viewpoints are a credit to our school. But we share, and take seriously, a commitment to the rule of law: for people to be equal before it, and for its administration to be impartial. That commitment is foundational to the whole legal profession, and to the special role that lawyers play in our society. As the Model Rules of Professional Conduct provide: "A lawyer is … an officer of the legal system and a public citizen having special responsibility for the quality of justice."

The rule of law is imperiled when government leaders:

• single out lawyers and law firms for retribution based on their lawful and ethical representation of clients disfavored by the government, undermining the Sixth Amendment;

• threaten law firms and legal clinics for their lawyers' pro bono work or prior government service;

• relent on those arbitrary threats based on public acts of submission and outlays of funds for favored causes; and

• punish people for lawfully speaking out on matters of public concern.

While reasonable people can disagree about the characterization of particular incidents, we are all acutely concerned that severe challenges to the rule of law are taking place, and we strongly condemn any effort to undermine the basic norms we have described.

On our own campus and at many other universities, international students have reported fear of imprisonment or deportation for lawful speech and political activism. Whatever we might each think about particular conduct under particular facts, we share a conviction that our Constitution, including its First Amendment, was designed to make dissent and debate possible without fear of government punishment. Neither a law school nor a society can properly function amidst such fear.

We reaffirm our commitment to the rule of law and to our roles in teaching and upholding the precepts of a fair and impartial legal system.

To be sure, this statement was not issued in the name of Harvard University, or the law school. But this statement was signed by a significant portion of the faculty. At quick glance, a few names are missing: co-blogger Steve Sachs, Jack Goldsmith, and Adrian Vermeule, among others. Quite fittingly, Vermeule has written a response.

Vermeule identifies a problem: how are students who agree with President Trump's policies to approach professors who have castigated Trump as antithetical to the rule of law?

Among you, the students of Harvard Law School, there is a surprisingly large and intellectually powerful contingent who are conservative in some sense or other, many of whom support the current President and the legal policies of his administration. What exactly are you supposed to think when an overwhelming supermajority of the faculty, although purporting to speak "in their individual capacities," jointly condemn those policies? You might be forgiven for wondering if you will get a fair shake during your time at the law school. Perhaps that concern will turn out to be objectively warranted, or perhaps it won't. But the concern in itself is entirely legitimate, and as the collective letter speaks to the "fears" of other students without asking whether those fears are objectively justifiable, it seems only fair to do the same in the other direction.

The professors are certainly concerned how students who agree with them will react. But what about students who disagree with them? Their concerns simply are not as important.

Vermeule writes further that these signatories were silent during breaches over the past four years:

Where were the letter's signatories when federal prosecutors took the unprecedented step of bringing dozens of criminal charges against a former president, who also happened to be the leading electoral opponent of the then-incumbent president? Where were the signatories when Jeff Clark, Rudy Giuliani, John Eastman, and other lawyers were disbarred or threatened with disbarment, and indeed prosecuted, for their representation of President Trump? Was this not a threat to the rule of law? Where were the signatories when radical activists menaced Supreme Court Justices in their homes, or when a mob hammered on the doors of the Supreme Court itself? Where were the signatories when the Senate Minority Leader shouted to an angry crowd outside the Court that "I want to tell you Gorsuch, I want to tell you Kavanaugh, you have released the whirlwind and you will pay the price. You won't know what hit you if you go forward with these awful decisions"? Were these not also literal threats to the rule of law?

As I recall, Professor Tribe, one of the signatories, urged President Biden to renew the eviction moratorium even after the Supreme Court clearly stated it was unlawful. Was this a breach of the rule of law?

Another one of the signatories of the Harvard letter is Richard Fallon. I think Fallon's joining this letter is especially striking in light of his important work on the problems with scholar amicus briefs. More than a decade ago, Fallon wrote that "many professors compromise their integrity by joining such briefs too promiscuously." He urged "standards that professors should insist upon before signing amicus briefs that they do not write." Fallon was and is right.

In December 2016, I discussed the relationship between scholar amicus briefs and scholar letters:

Fallon's critique about scholars' briefs applies equally to scholars' letters. Here, the 1,100 professors who signed the letter had absolutely no role in its drafting. Take it or leave it. To the extent that they all agree with every sentence of the letter, then the statement must be so anodyne that it adds little beyond what the New York Times editorial page has already said. Imagine an actual law school workshop attended by over 1,000 professors–would anything be agreed upon?!. Law professors would never add their name to a law review article they didn't write. Why are scholars' letters any different?

The more things change, the more they stay the same.

Donald Trump

Lee Kovarsky on the Venue Issue in the Alien Enemies Act Case

A leading expert on habeas corpus explains why the Trump Administration is wrong to claim the case must be heard in Texas, rather than Washington, DC.

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In my recent post on the DC Circuit's decision upholding a temporary restraining order blocking deportations under the Alien Enemies Act, I explained why the DC Circuit majority is right on the merits. See also my other writings on the subject, such as those here, here, and here. But I could not address Judge Walker's dissent arguing that the case should have been heard in a different venue (in Texas, where the five named Venezuelan immigrant plaintiffs are now being detained, rather than in DC). I lack expertise on that technical issue. Now the Trump Administration has made this issue the central focus of their attempt to persuade the Supreme Court to intervene to vacate the TRO.

Professor Lee Kovarsky (University of Texas School of Law) is one of the nation's leading experts on habeas corpus and associated jurisdictional issues. He has generously agreed to write a guest post for us on this issue. The rest of this post is his explanation of why the Trump Administration's position on venue is badly wrong. The material that follows is all by Prof. Kovarsky, not me (Ilya Somin):

JGG v. Trump is shaping up as a generationally important case. It features pretextually activated war powers, rendition of civilians to foreign sites of potential torture, and extreme noncompliance with judicial orders. But in the early stages of litigation, the case centers on an obscure habeas corpus question. Since I co-author the case book they use to teach habeas courses in most law schools, I want to address DOJ's (very bad) argument that JGG is a habeas case that can proceed only in Texas.

Start with some background. On March 15, 2025, President Trump invoked authority under the 1798 Alien Enemies Act ("AEA")—thereby unlocking emergency powers to remove alleged members of Tren de Aragua ("TdA"), a designated foreign terrorist organization based in Venezuela. The AEA requires that the United States be at war with, invaded by, or subject to the predatory incursion of a foreign government. For that reason, President Trump's proclamation asserted that TdA was an alter ego of the Venezuelan government, and that its transnational criminality was both an "invasion" and a "predatory incursion." The legality of the proclamation is dubious, but its legality vel non is not the subject of this post.

Five Venezuelan nationals who were already in removal proceedings got wind of the administration's plan to expel them, and they sued in a D.C. federal district court. Insisting that they were not TdA members, they asserted various grounds for relief, including claims under the Administrative Procedure Act ("APA"). After issuing a temporary restraining order ("TRO") for the individually named Plaintiffs, the district court provisionally certified a class of all similarly situated noncitizens and issued a second TRO to protect them during the pendency of the litigation. The TROs are in effect until April 12, while the district court considers a motion for preliminary injunction. Before the district court, and in passing, DOJ argued that habeas was the exclusive remedy for the Plaintiff's grievances. And if habeas is the exclusive remedy, the argument goes, then the Plaintiffs had to litigate in Texas—which contains the detention center holding the Plaintiffs. DOJ lost appellate arguments on the TRO, but Judge Walker's dissent adopted the habeas-exclusivity argument. DOJ then made Judge Walker's position into its leading argument to the Supreme Court, where a request to stay the lower court relief remains pending.

Judge Walker and DOJ misunderstand habeas exclusivity, quite profoundly.

There is some doctrine making habeas the exclusive vehicle for certain remedies against certain custodians, but it doesn't apply in the JGG scenario. During the 1960s and 1970s, people serving state criminal sentences got creative with 42 USC § 1983, seeking relief that implied that their sentences were unlawful or otherwise required reduction. The problem was that, while habeas remedies for criminal convictions were subject to carefully tailored restrictions, § 1983 remedies weren't. In this context and in this context only, the Supreme Court told a subset of these § 1983 claimants to knock it off, and to stick to habeas as a means of challenging the lawfulness of criminal sentences. The "Preiser line" of cases specifying permissible § 1983 litigation in this context include: Preiser v. Rodriguez (1973), Wolf v. McDonnell (1974), Heck v. Humphrey (1994), Edwards v. Balisok (1997), Muhammed v. Close (2004), Wilkinson v. Dotson (2005), and Skinner v. Switzer (2011). All these cases involve the administration of state criminal sentences, and not one has anything to do with immigration detention—let alone removal or rendition to a foreign detention site.

The arguments that Judge Walker and DOJ make derive from the Preiser line, whether the line is cited directly or operates as precedent for the lower-court cases that are mentioned. The line's basic logic is that a challenge to a criminal sentence is a "core" habeas challenge, and any order that would directly invalidate or reduce a sentence is "core" relief. If either (1) the challenge or (2) the relief wasn't "core," then § 1983 remedies were available. Hence Dotson: "Section 1983 remains available for procedural challenges where success in the action would not necessarily spell immediate or speedier release for the prisoner."

The JGG claims aren't "core" in any sense. The Plaintiffs aren't challenging state criminal sentences, or even their removability generally. In fact, they're not even seeking release. All the TROs and injunction seek is a bar on transfer under the AEA. The form of relief the plaintiffs seek isn't just "outside the core;" it's on the other side of the universe.

On whether this type of relief is "core," I'll cede the floor to Justice Alito. Here's his majority opinion in DHS v. Thuraissigiam (2020), on whether the Suspension Clause permitted Congress to strip habeas power over expedited removal procedure: "Rejecting th[e] use of habeas [to bar transfers to foreign sovereigns], we noted that habeas is at its core a remedy for unlawful executive detention and that what these individuals wanted was not simple release but an order requiring them to be brought to this country. Claims so far outside the core of habeas may not be pursued through habeas." I'll also borrow from Chief Justice Roberts, writing for the Court in Munaf v. Geren (2008): "[H]abeas is not appropriate [when claimants seek to preclude transfer to another sovereign so that they may face criminal charges]. Habeas is at its core a remedy for unlawful executive detention. The typical remedy for such detention is, of course, release. But here the last thing petitioners want is simple release … ." Thuraissigiam and Munaf don't mean that habeas claimants can never stop transfer orders, but those decisions extinguish DOJ's argument that such remedies are "core" habeas relief.

The whole idea—that an order precluding foreign-prison rendition sits at some historical "core" of Anglo-American habeas tradition—is risible. The United States didn't even begin to exclude and deport noncitizens until the very end of the nineteenth century. Even then it sent the Chinese people it excluded back to China, and not to a prison in some other country.

DOJ makes a related-but-distinct exclusivity argument tracing to a D.C. Circuit case: LoBue v. Christopher (1996). I cannot understand why DOJ is emphasizing LoBue, which cuts in favor of the Plaintiffs. In LoBue, the prisoner sought a declaratory judgment that extradition was unlawful—state action for which, LoBue itself highlights, the APA didn't permit suit against the named defendants. LoBue quite explicitly distinguished declaratory judgment challenges to extradition, which had to go through habeas, from APA challenges to immigration removal, which didn't. In so doing, it flagged the two Supreme Court cases that had blessed the use of the APA to challenge removal orders: Shaughnessy v. Pedreiro (1955) (deportation) and Brownell v. We Shung (1956) (exclusion). DOJ's reliance on LoBue is nothing short of bizarre.

I'll note two other weaknesses in DOJ's habeas-exclusivity argument. First, the exclusivity holdings assume generally that non-habeas remedies can be displaced because habeas will adequately test the detention at issue. In this case, however, DOJ is arguing that the administration can remove the Plaintiffs the second the injunction lapses, and it will thereafter argue (I assume) that the Plaintiffs are beyond the scope of habeas power. The Venezuelan nationals would be shipped to a Salvadoran "mega prison," and DOJ will presumably argue that habeas power doesn't reach a foreign custodian that holds foreign nationals. I'm not sure that argument is correct because the United States seems to retain some control over the custody by way of contract with the facility, but the argument certainly cannibalizes the habeas exclusivity argument that DOJ is making right now.

Second, DOJ's argument for habeas exclusivity builds from the premise that, because the Plaintiffs are in Texas facility, a habeas case couldn't proceed in D.C. But that's not clear at all. The leading case on the question, Rumsfeld v. Padilla (2004), suggests otherwise. Padilla held that the "immediate custodian rule … does not apply when a habeas petitioner challenges something other than his present physical confinement." Separately, and even in cases that challenge "present physical confinement," Padilla indicated that the immediate custodian rule might lapse if "there was any attempt to manipulate behind [the prisoner's] transfer," or if the Government "attempted to hide from [the prisoner's] lawyer where it had taken him." And if the immediate custodian rule is inapplicable, then Kristi Noem could be named as a respondent in a D.C. lawsuit seeking habeas relief and there is no forum-selection issue.

All of this is to say that I do not think highly of DOJ's habeas arguments or of Judge Walker's dissent. They are invoking a rule of habeas exclusivity that the Supreme Court has never entertained—even remotely—and they are relying on D.C. Circuit precedent that supports the Plaintiffs.

 

A Rendezvous With Humphrey

The Justices have had plenty of time to think about how to resolve Humphrey's Executor and should not punt.

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Very soon, the Supreme Court will be asked to decide whether Humphrey's Executor should be overruled. Critics often assert that the Justices should not decide important questions on the emergency docket. Indeed, some Justices said these sorts of disputes are better resolved in the orderly process on the merits docket, as if "percolation" matters anymore.

I don't think this rationale holds up for Humphrey's Executor. Since Seila Law, everyone has been on notice that Humphrey's Executor was on life support. As we learned in Janus, parties should have taken notice that Abood was put on a death watch. Ditto for the Lemon test.

I seriously doubt that the members of the Supreme Court have not considered what to do with Humphrey's Executor. All of the arguments for and against Humphrey's Executor have been vetted for nearly a century. It is time.

Whatever the Court does here, it should not simply punt because the issue arises on the shadow docket. The nation is currently divided about whether the President can remove members of the NLRB, MSPB, FTC, and a jumble of more acronyms. Decide the issue, and move on. Indeed, I expect the emergency docket will implode over the next few months. If all of the national TROs and preliminary injunctions ripen to timely appeals, the Court will become overwhelmed with deadlines.

My previous posts on the issue are here, here, here, here, here, and here.

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