The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Ukraine War Music

"Happy New Year, My Son"

|

A song released Dec. 20 by the anti-war Russian singer Maksim Pokrovsky (who now lives in the U.S.); the two actors are prominent Russian actors who have also fled Russia after signing a statement opposing the war. The video struck me as much more effective, because it is much subtler, than the video of his "Ukraine," and the lyrics are also subtler than some of his earlier, more directly satirical (though often very funny) work.

The music may at first come across as emotionally out of step with the topic—the death of a young Russian soldier in the war—but I expect that was a deliberate choice, and I think a very effective one. More broadly, in the words of the group itself, "yes, it doesn't sound particularly elevated, but that's very important."

You can read a translation of the lyrics by clicking the "Show more" link here, but there are also English subtitles in the video itself. The video has 2.5M YouTube views over the last month, so I think it struck a chord.

Here's Pokrovsky's explanation of the song, though, as he notes, it doesn't need much explanation:

Read More

Free Speech

Project Veritas, Exposer of Secrets, Successfully Seals Its Own, Gets Injunction Against Disclosure

"Respondent voluntarily resigned his position with Petitioner and allegedly embarked on a career as an adult film actor and standup comedian."

|

From Project Veritas v. Thibodeau, decided Friday by New York trial court judge Sabrina Kraus:

Petitioner commenced this Article 75 Proceeding seeking a preliminary injunction in aid of arbitration. Petitioner asks that the court to prevent Respondent from publicly disclosing Petitioner's confidential information and publicly disparaging Petitioner and its personnel, in what Petitioner alleges is a clear violation of the parties' Employment Agreement….

Respondent was hired by Petitioner as a video editor in or about December 2019. Under the terms of his Employment Agreement, dated December 17, 2019, Respondent was an at-will employee.

Petitioner alleges its journalism and news-gathering activities involve the use of secret devices and undercover journalists, who sometimes use pseudonyms to protect their identities. Respondent became aware of the methods and devices used by Petitioner to gather information, the methods Petitioner used to portray the information gathered, and the identities of the undercover journalists who gathered such information.

Petitioner requires in its employment agreements—including Respondent's Employment Agreement—that its' employees strictly maintain the confidentiality of such information, both during and after their employment. Relevant provisions from Respondent's Employment Agreement include:

Paragraph 12 of the which states Respondent will maintain and protect the confidentiality of Petitioner' Confidential Information both during and after his employment; and

Paragraph 17 which prohibits Respondent from disparaging Petitioner or its personnel during his employment and after its termination; and

Paragraph 18 which prohibits Respondent from publishing any information about Petitioner, either directly or through his agents, both during and after the term of his employment; and

Paragraphs 12, 17, and 18 also provide that a violation of any one of these provisions paragraphs would cause irreparable harm to Petitioner, and that Project Veritas entitling Petitioner to injunctive relief; and

Paragraph 26 provides for damages for the breach of said provisions including liquidated damages.

On or about September 15, 2020, Respondent voluntarily resigned his position with Petitioner and allegedly embarked on a career as an adult film actor and standup comedian.

In August 2022, Respondent began publishing a series of videos on YouTube which addressed press coverage about several lawsuits between Petitioner and a terminated employee named Antonietta Zappier. Respondent posted said videos to his YouTube channel under the name "Jean Jacques the Cock."

Read More

Short Circuit: A Roundup of Recent Federal Court Decisions

Sex trafficking, child-pornography solicitation, and FERC.

|

Please enjoy the latest edition of Short Circuit, a weekly feature from the Institute for Justice.

Dedicated readers will remember that just before the new year, the Nevada Supreme Court held that the state constitution's search-and-seizure rights could be enforced through private damages suits and that qualified immunity did not apply. (IJ filed a brief and participated in oral argument as an amicus, asking for just that result.) And Short Circuit listeners will remember that earlier last year, the Michigan Supreme Court reached a similar result to hold that rights in its constitution could be enforced through damages actions, too. In a recent article, IJ's Nick Sibilla dives into how this kind of robust state constitutional accountability contrasts with constitutional claims in federal court that run into the qualified immunity buzzsaw.

  • When Barbra Streisand filed a $50 mil lawsuit against a photographer for invasion of privacy after he published a picture of her home, it led to the vastly wider distribution of that photo and the coining of the "Streisand effect," the phenomenon in which an attempt to hide, remove, or censor information leads to the unintended consequence of increasing awareness of that information. Some people haven't learned the lesson. See, e.g., In re: Tara A. Demetriades, No. 20-2559 (Second Circuit, Jan. 18, 2023) (denying motion to keep attorney disciplinary matter under seal).
  • This Third Circuit case in which a current law student wins a resounding victory for a pro se prisoner might seem to undermine the rationale for lawyer licensure, but it's just one anecdote with no broader implications.
  • Pro tip from the Third Circuit: Strive to live your life in such a way that an appellate court never describes your "reputation for sanctionable conduct before tribunals around the country" as "well documented." Aim instead for something like "unjustified" or, at a minimum, "unexpected and disappointing."
  • In which the Fourth Circuit reaffirms that precedent from the 1970s is still both instructive and binding, just as Creedence Clearwater Revival remains totally righteous no matter what your niece says on TikTok.
  • This Fourth Circuit case in which a current law student wins a resounding victory for a pro se prisoner might seem to undermine the rationale for lawyer licensure, but it's just one anecdote with no broader implications.
  • Wedding photography company takes pictures not of weddings, but of the vendors servicing weddings, like florists. (Markets in everything!) It brings an antitrust suit against (and defames) two traditional wedding photographers whose exclusivity requirements precluded some potential business. Texas courts: A picture may be worth a thousand words, but this frivolous lawsuit is worth $41,518.75 in sanctions—which bankrupts the company. Do you take the lawyer who filed the frivolous suit to be liable for malpractice in the bankruptcy proceedings? Fifth Circuit: I do.
  • The Louisiana Public Service Commission is deeply unhappy with certain of the rates filed by a nuclear-power company. The one pathway for the commission to challenge those rates is through filing a complaint with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. One of those complaints has been stagnating for six years; two others have languished for over four. Louisiana commission to Fifth Circuit: Congress did not intend for the process to be quite this molasses-like. Mandamus please? Fifth Circuit: It sure looks like FERC might need to quit FERC-ing around. The agency has 21 days to give us a meaningful explanation for its delays.
  • Asking for a friend (who happens to be an insurance company): Were state and local governments' economic costs dealing with opioid over-distribution "because of bodily injury"? Sixth Circuit: No.
  • Curiosity may have killed the cat, but, the Sixth Circuit reminds us, curiosity alone would not have given the cat Article III standing.
  • St. Anthony isn't just the patron saint of lost things; he's also the patron saint of swineherds. One of the more industrial-sized operations he watches over raised piggies in Scott County, Ill. Neighbors alleged the farm negligently handled hog waste "resulting in foul and offensive odors and toxic gases" plus "runoff of swine effluent" and numerous other unsaintly things. They sue in state court. Two insurers defend the farm but a third insurer claims it doesn't have to. St. Anthony—and the insurance-defense lawyers—come through and the farm wins! Then, the insurers all sue each other in federal court. Can the two insurers find indemnity with the third? Seventh Circuit: Better start praying.
  • Husband and wife are both employees at a Kokomo, Ind. transmission plant. Eventually, their employer notices that the two are taking suspiciously overlapping periods of FMLA leave. They're investigated, then suspended, after which the husband sues, insisting everything was on the up-and-up. Husband: My wife's irritable bowel syndrome flare-ups sometimes would trigger my anxiety and other medical conditions. Wife: And my IBS sometimes would be triggered by stressful situations like my husband's medical conditions. Seventh Circuit: The employer was justified in its honest suspicion that Jim and Della were abusing their FMLA leave.
  • Allegation: During Black Lives Matter protests outside the Florissant, Mo. police station, the police declare an unlawful assembly five times and order protestors to disperse even though the protesters had not committed the underlying crime of unlawful assembly. Protestors sue the city for enforcing an unconstitutional and unwritten arbitrary policy. Eighth Circuit: Police can declare an unlawful assembly even if there's no crime. Complaint does not plausibly state a claim. Dissent: It's plausible the protestors were targeted.
  • Agents trace suspected producer of child pornography to Bettendorf, Iowa, escort him to a vehicle, repeatedly tell him he's free to leave whenever he wishes and can decline to answer questions. He answers questions for over ninety minutes, makes incriminating statements, consents to a search of two cell phones, ultimately is charged with possessing and producing child pornography, is convicted, and is sentenced to 50 years' imprisonment. Man: I should've been Mirandized before answering the agents' questions. Eighth Circuit: Except you weren't in custody at that time. Judgment affirmed.
  • Allegation: Police in the St. Peters, Mo. police department create a text messaging group about ongoing Black Lives Matter protests. One cop shares a parody video that's critical of the protests. Someone complains. The cop is told he should resign. He does, but then sues, arguing he was retaliated against in violation of the First Amendment. Eighth Circuit: The cop shared the video in his capacity as a private citizen and it involved a matter of public concern. Case undismissed.
  • One for the chutzpah files: California man kidnaps and transports 12-year-old girl to Las Vegas to prostitute her. After being caught, he enters a plea agreement dropping the most serious charges against him in exchange for two lesser criminal charges and restitution to the 12-year-old. After entering the agreement, he changes lawyers, and his new lawyer argues that the district court lacks authority to enforce the restitution agreement. The district court reluctantly agrees. Ninth Circuit: MANDAMUSED!
  • California cannabis entrepreneurs sue former business partners and others for doing a RICO through mail and wire fraud. Is it a RICO? Ninth Circuit: Pish posh! You cannot do the RICO against a business that is a federal crime.
  • You might think that writing Short Circuit is just a fun romp through endless discussions of Younger abstention, but we also have to summarize 40-page Tenth Circuit opinions about child sex trafficking.
  • Florida man is sentenced for conspiracy to possess with intent to distribute a controlled substance. He's sentenced as a career offender, dramatically lengthening his sentence, because this is his third "controlled substance offense." OR IS IT? The definition of "controlled substance offense" in the sentencing guidelines does not include inchoate offenses such as conspiracy, but the commentary to the definition does include them. Which one binds the sentencing court? Eleventh Circuit (en banc): Now that SCOTUS has revisited Auer deference, we have to find the rule genuinely ambiguous before we turn to the commentary, and this rule is perfectly clear. Dissent: There's an on-point SCOTUS case that says otherwise and is still binding on us no matter how we might think the Court would approach the issue today.
  • Florida child-pornography aficionado cruises "mom blogs," asking moms—in disgusting detail that we read so you don't have to—to send him pornographic pictures of their daughters. "T'was but a jape! He was but a troll!" argues his lawyer. Eleventh Circuit: The vast trove of child pornography found on his personal computer belies that argument.
  • And in en banc news, the Fifth Circuit will reconsider its opinion holding that the FDA did not, among other things violate the "surprise switcheroo" doctrine (::sigh:: seriously) in entering marketing denial orders against two e-cigarette companies.
  • And in further en banc news, the Ninth Circuit will reconsider its opinion that the San Jose Unified School District likely violated the Free Exercise Clause by selectively enforcing its non-discrimination policy against a religious student club.

The Institute for Justice is now interviewing talented law students from across the country for our summer fellowship program: the Dave Kennedy Fellowship. Students are hosted in Arlington, Miami, Austin, Tempe, and Seattle. The program offers law students an unparalleled professional opportunity to substantively contribute to active and future strategic litigation in both state and federal courts. During your summer with us, you would have the opportunity to work closely with IJ attorneys to develop litigation strategies and assist in the nuts and bolts of cutting-edge civil rights litigation, including drafting motions and briefs, crafting discovery requests, and preparing for hearings. The fellowship is a paid opportunity—offering $7,000 for the 10-week program—and generally runs from the last week of May through early August. Applications are due by January 27th and offers will be made on a rolling basis. For more information, visit www.ij.org/jobs.

Writing a Crim Pro Casebook: How Do You Cover "Reasonableness"?

A massive amount of complex material; here's how I decided to present it.

|

In a recent post, I wrote about how I organized the Fourth Amendment "search" materials for the forthcoming 16th edition of the Kamisar LaFave & Israel Criminal Procedure casebook.  Now I want to cover the flip side: Once you have covered the law of searches and seizures (Chapter 6), how do you present the law of when searches and seizures are unreasonable — and therefore unconstitutional (Chapter 7)?  As with searches, I'll start with why it's really hard to figure out the best approach. Then I'll turn to my approach.

First, the challenge.  Teaching the law of when searches and seizures are unreasonable  (and therefore unconstitutional) is very difficult because of the scale of the problem. Understanding reasonableness requires mastering a massive number of cases, a massive number of doctrines, and an incredibly wide range of facts —all of which are connected to each other.  There are well over 100 important Supreme Court cases to cover, in additional to tons of important lower-court cases to consider; a large number of exceptions to the warrant requirement to learn; how the exceptions to the warrant requirement apply often depends on the context (for search incident to arrest, for example, there's one rule for people, another for places, and a third rule for cars); some doctrines themselves divide into many sub-doctrines (exigent circumstances can be about evidence destruction, or hot pursuit, or emergency aid); and some doctrines apply across different contexts and others don't (consent applies broadly, while community caretaking is only for cars).  Some are bright line rules; others are vague standards.  Some are rooted in history, others are pretty new. To top it off, many of the doctrines are controversial and need to be treated with careful context, such as stop and frisk, excessive force, and the knock-and-announce rule.

How on earth do you cover all of that?  Where do you even start?  How can you present materials that build a complete picture of the relevant law, presenting principles in an order that builds step by step through the fact patterns and principles and generational development and doctrine?  It's hard.

Here's the approach I took for the new 16th edition.

The first topic is the law relevant to obtaining and executing search warrants.  It starts with the law of probable cause, with the main cases being Illinois v. Gates (probable cause to search) and Maryland v. Pringle (probable cause to arrest), as they are in the current casebook.  Then the materials present the rules for obtaining warrants and the rules for executing warrants, including the knock-and-announce rule (covered with United States v. Banks as the main case). Because the law of executing warrants is intrinsically linked to the plain view exception, and yet plain view also applies in the warrantless section and is good to know at the outset, this section also includes a plain view exception subsection, using the main case of Arizona v. Hicks.  The purpose of this first section is to cover classic search warrant doctrine, making the warrant-related doctrines a sort of reference point for the rest of the chapter's discussion of warrantless reasonableness doctrines.

With the law of warrants under our belts, the chapter then turns to the primary rules of reasonableness that apply in the four basic categories of Fourth Amendment searches and seizures: searches and seizures of (1) homes, (2) containers, (3) cars, and (4) persons.  As Fourth Amendment nerds know, the law of reasonableness often applies differently in these four settings.   So to get grounded, especially in the warrantless context, you need to jump into the law of reasonableness in these four distinct settings — learning the main exceptions to the warrant requirement that arise in those settings.  (As an aside,  this also happens to almost perfectly track the language of the Fourth Amendment— which provides rights against unreasonable searches and seizures of "persons, houses, papers, and effects"—although, perhaps surprisingly, the Court has not rooted this distinct treatment by reference to the constitutional text.)

The current version of the casebook has that basic approach, but I reordered it and added a section on containers, the fourth category.  I decided to start with the law of house searches because its the classic fact pattern that inspired the enactment of the Fourth Amendment; it's the reference point from earlier materials on warrants and probable cause; and many of the exceptions to the warrant requirement were introduced in that setting.

Within the law of house searches, there are three subsections.  We start with the basic warrant requirement with Payton v. New York—and, in the notes, related cases.  The second subsection covers the law of exigent circumstances, using Warden v. Hayden and Kentucky v. King as main cases.  The third subsection addresses the search incident to arrest doctrine, featuring Chimel v. California.  The purpose of this section is to cover the main rules for searching houses; to see how the warrant requirement often applies; and to also introduce the main exceptions to the warrant requirement that might apply in the house setting, exigent circumstances and search incident to arrest.

Next up is a very short section on the reasonableness rules for containers.   If a container is outside a house, such as an item of mail, or a suitcase, or a purse, does the warrant requirement still apply? And can it be detained temporarily, and if so, when?  I thought it useful to cover these issues in a short but distinct section after house searches, with United States v. Chadwick as a main case, is it starts the discussion of how far warrants should go and also sets up the need contrast with car searches and seizures in the next section.

As mentioned, the next section is on car seizures and searches.  Here the Supreme Court has given the police a lot of power to search and seize, in considerable contrast to houses and containers.  The section explores those doctrines and considers how they contrast with home/container cases, on what justification, and what the boundaries are between the car doctrines and the house/container cases. It starts with the law of stopping cars, covering Whren v. United States and the law of traffic stops (with notes on what is permitted during a stop and how long they can go). Next up is the automobile exception, with the main cases being California v. Carney (exploring the line between houses and cars) and California v. Acavedo (exploring the line between cars and containers).  Then we cover searches of a car incident to arrest, with Arizona v. Gant the main case.

The materials then cover seizures and searches of persons. First up is the law of arrest, with the main cases being United States Watson (with notes on Gerstein and County of Riverside) on the cause and judicial review requirements, and Atwater v. City of Lago Vista (with notes on Moore) on what crimes can lead to arrest.  The materials then cover search incident to arrest for persons, with Robinson as the main case and Riley as the lead note in contrast.  The materials then cover search and seizure after arrest, with notes on subsequent DNA tests, strip searches, and the like.

With that basic set of rules done, and with the law of arrests and person searches fresh, the materials then turn to stop and frisk.  The stop and frisk materials are divided into five parts: first, an introduction featuring Terry v. Ohio and a summary of the basic doctrine; next, caselaw on reasonable suspicion to stop (with Illinois v. Wardlow and Kansas v. Glover as the main cases); third, a short subsection on what can happen during a Terry stop and how long they can go; fourth, a short subsection on cause to frisk; and fifth, a section on how far frisks can extend (with Minnesota v. Dickerson as the main case).  Throughout there is discussion of how the rules work together and empirical studies of their workings, a number of which focus on racial disparities in stop and frisk practices.  The contrast with the law of arrest is designed to keep an implicit question in mind; is allowing lesser stops and lesser searches based on lesser cause consistent or inconsistent with previous doctrines, such as the law of arrests and the law of automobile stops?  How much power do the police have, and which doctrines are giving it to them?

Read More

Ross Ulbricht

Tracers in the Dark by Andy Greenberg

Episode 438 of the Cyberlaw Podcast

|

In this bonus episode of the Cyberlaw Podcast, I interview Andy Greenberg,  long-time WIRED reporter, about his new book, Tracers in the Dark: The Global Hunt for the Crime Lords of Cryptocurrency.

This is Andy's second author interview on the Cyberlaw Podcast. He was also interviewed about an earlier book, Sandworm: A New Era of Cyberwar and the Hunt for the Kremlin's Most Dangerous Hackers. They are both excellent cybersecurity stories.

Tracers in the Dark is a kind of sequel to the Silk Road story, which ended with Ross Ulbricht, aka the Dread Pirate Roberts, pinioned to the table in a San Francisco library, with his laptop open to an administrator's page on the Silk Road digital black market. At that time, cryptocurrency backers believed that Ulbricht's arrest was a fluke, and that, properly implemented, bitcoin was anonymous and untraceable. Greenberg's book tells, story by story, how that illusion was trashed by smart cops and techies (including our own Nick Weaver!) who showed that the blockchain's "forever" records make it almost impossible to avoid attribution over time.

Among those who fell victim to the illusion of anonymity were: two federal officers who helped pursue Ulbricht – and to rip him off; the administrator of AlphaBay, Silk Road's successor as world's biggest dark market; an alleged Russian hacker who made so much money hacking Mt. Gox that he had to create his own exchange to launder it all; and hundreds of child sex abuse consumers and producers.

It is a great story, and Andy brings it up to date in the interview as we dig into two of the US government's massive, multi-billion-dollar bitcoin seizures, both made possible by transaction tracing. In fact, for all the colorful characters in the book, the protagonist is really Chainalysis and its competitors, who have turned tracing into a kind of science.

We close the talk by exploring Andy's deeply mixed feelings about both the world envisioned by cryptocurrency's evangelists and the way Chainalysis is saving us from that world.

Download Bonus Episode 438 (mp3)

You can subscribe to The Cyberlaw Podcast using iTunes, Google Play, Spotify, Pocket Casts, or our RSS feed. As always, The Cyberlaw Podcast is open to feedback. Be sure to engage with @stewartbaker on Twitter. Send your questions, comments, and suggestions for topics or interviewees to CyberlawPodcast@steptoe.com. Remember: If your suggested guest appears on the show, we will send you a highly coveted Cyberlaw Podcast mug!

The views expressed in this podcast are those of the speakers and do not reflect the opinions of their institutions, clients, friends, families, or pets.

Mask Mandates

Disability Rights Objection to Washington Nationals' Face Mask Mandate Can Go Forward

So holds a district court, allowing a damages claim under D.C. law for the Nationals' refusing to exempt from the mandate a man who alleged "that he had a medical condition and, because of it, could not wear a mask."

|

From Valentine v. Washington Nationals Baseball Club, LLC, decided today by Judge Timothy Kelly (D.D.C.), the plaintiff's allegations:

On May 5, 2021, Valentine visited the [Washington Nationals stadium] to attend a game. At that time, to comply with District of Columbia Mayor's Order 2020-080 related to COVID-19, Defendants enforced a mask mandate on all attendees. One exemption in the Mayor's Order, however, provides: "Wearing a mask is not required when … [a] person is unable to wear a mask due to a medical condition or disability."

Valentine did not wear a mask at the game because, he alleges, he "is a person with a disability within the meaning of the ADA [Americans with Disabilities Act] and DCHRA [D.C. Human Rights Act]" and is "unable to wear a mask due to his disability." But Nationals Park personnel allegedly "demanded" he wear one several times. During each confrontation, he responded that he had a medical condition and, because of it, could not wear a mask. Valentine declined to disclose the nature of his medical condition when asked. The Nationals' Vice President of Safety and Security eventually told Valentine that, unless he wore a face mask or face shield, he would be ejected. Valentine alleges the Vice President "did not offer any reasonable accommodation."

Read More

Donald Trump

Trump Lawyers Sanctioned AGAIN for Frivolous Suit Against Political Opponents

Lawyers who indulged the former President are discovering such conduct has costs.

|

Last fall, a federal district court judge in Florida granted a motion for sanctions against some of Donald Trump's attorneys for filing a frivolous lawsuit against Hillary Clinton and other Democratic party operatives. Yesterday, that same judge granted an additional motion for sanctions, this one filed by other defendants in the litigation. Combined, the two orders impose approximately $1 million in sanctions on Trump and his attorneys.

From the latest order:

This case should never have been brought. Its inadequacy as a legal claim was evident from the start. No reasonable lawyer would have filed it. Intended for a political purpose, none of the counts of the amended complaint stated a cognizable legal claim.

Thirty-one individuals and entities were needlessly harmed in order to dishonestly advance a political narrative. A continuing pattern of misuse of the courts by Mr. Trump and his lawyers undermines the rule of law, portrays judges as partisans, and diverts resources from those who have suffered actual legal harm.

I previously granted Defendant Charles Dolan's motion for sanctions, brought pursuant to Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 11. (DE 284). Now before me is a motion seeking sanctions brought by eighteen other Defendants. Upon consideration of the Motion (DE 280), Response (DE 285) and Reply (DE 287), for the reasons that follow and also for those stated in my previous Order, sanctions are awarded.

And among the judge's specific conclusions:

  • The Case Was Initiated By A Shotgun Pleading Designed To Serve A Political Purpose.

  • The Pleadings Contained Factual Allegations That Were Knowingly False Or Made With Reckless Disregard For The Truth.

  • The Plaintiff's Legal Theories Were Frivolous, Foreclosed By Existing Precedent.

The judge also explained why the sanctions were not limited to the attorneys.

Here, we are confronted with a lawsuit that should never have been filed, which was completely frivolous, both factually and legally, and which was brought in bad faith for an improper purpose. Mr. Trump is a prolific and sophisticated litigant who is repeatedly using the courts to seek revenge on political adversaries. He is the mastermind of strategic abuse of the judicial process, and he cannot be seen as a litigant blindly following the advice of a lawyer. He knew full well the impact of his actions. See Byrne, 261 F.3d at 1121. As such, I find that sanctions should be imposed upon Mr. Trump and his lead counsel, Ms. Habba. . . .

I have explained why the totality of the problems with the Complaint, Amended Complaint, and the arguments and statements of Plaintiff's counsel show that this lawsuit was filed and prosecuted in bad faith. But this case is part of Mr. Trump's pattern of misusing the courts to serve political purposes. Federal courts have both the inherent power and the constitutional obligation to protect their jurisdiction from conduct that impairs their ability to carry out Article III functions. . . .

Thus, while a litigant's conduct in other cases would normally not be relevant, when the court is faced with a sanctions motion against a repeat offender, undeterred by admonitions, it has the authority to consider that litigant's outside conduct. See Johnson v. 27th Ave. Caraf, Inc., 9 F.4th 1300, 1313-14 (11th Cir. 2021) (finding district court had "inherent power to investigate the scope and extent" of litigant's misconduct that "threaten[ed] the integrity of the court."); O'Neal, 2021 WL 4852222, at *5 (rejecting a plaintiff's sanctions appeal, in part, because "the district court [] conducted a comprehensive examination of Plaintiff's litigation history, cited dozens of Plaintiff's past cases, concluded that only two had merit, and provided examples of past cases where Plaintiff followed an abusive strategy similar to that employed in this case . . . . ").

Pervasive abuse of the legal process should have consequences. In this case, it does.

Counting Up To A Supreme Court Leak

|

Usually at the Supreme Court, the only number that matters is five. Or so Justice Brennan (allegedly) said. But with respect to the leak investigation, the magic number is 97. According to the Marshal's report, "97 personnel" were interviewed for a total of "126 formal interviews." Apparently, "many" personnel--no more than 29--were "interviewed more than once." How do we count up to 97? We can speculate.

The report identifies two categories of personnel: "temporary (law clerks) and permanent employees." I do not think the nine Justices would be included in the category of "permanent employees." Indeed, it does not seem likely that the Justices were even interviewed. (See update below)

In OT 2021, there were a total of 37 law clerks. Each of the nine active Justices had four clerks, plus Justice Kennedy had one clerk who was likely (though not confirmed) detailed to one of the chambers. (In recent years, the Kennedy clerk spent time in the Gorsuch and Kavanaugh chambers). These numbers would suggest that there were 60 permanent employees who were interviewed.

The report states that "in addition to the Justices, 82 employees had access to electronic or hard copies of the draft opinion." Again, if we assume there were 37 law clerks, then there were 45 permanent employees who had access to the opinion. But we know that 60 permanent employees were interviewed. So approximately 15 permanent employees, who did not have access to the opinion, were still interviewed by the clerk.

The report explains how the draft opinion was circulated:

On February 10, the draft opinion was sent via email to a distribution list consisting of law clerks and permanent personnel who work on opinions. The vote memos were also subsequently sent to this list.

Before diving into the numbers, I'll make a tech comment: email distribution list?! Does the Supreme Court not use a shared-drive with document access control? Email is quite possibly the most un-secure method of transmitting information. The Marshal found that "[t]he existing platform for case-related documents appears to be out of date and in need of an overhaul." Agreed. Back to the numbers.

There were 70 unique, active users on the distribution list.

If there were 37 law clerks on the list, then there were 33 permanent employees on the list. Earlier, we calculated that 45 permanent employees had access to the opinion. Who were the other 12 people with access to the opinion?

The Marshal accounted for two of those people, who received hard copies:

The draft majority opinion was also distributed in hard copy to some Chambers. The two Chambers personnel who were not on the email distribution list would have had access to the circulated hard copies and to any other copies that were printed in Chambers.

Who were these Chambers personnel who would have had access to the hard copies, but not the email copies? Perhaps a secretary, or judicial assistant? Why do some, but not all Chambers receive paper copies? I suspect some of the more tech-savvy chambers are paper free, and do not want any paper copies filing in and out of the office.

More than a month later, there were copies circulated to 8 more people:

On March 22, eight more permanent personnel received the draft opinion via email.

This total does not include any law clerks. Only permanent personnel. And the report does not indicate these were "Chambers personnel." Presumably, these were people outside the chambers. I'm not sure why a draft opinion, that was nearly a month old, would be circulated at this point to eight more people.

The report indicates two more permanent personnel accessed the opinion by "separate means" (unclear what those means were):

The investigators also found that two additional permanent personnel accessed the draft opinion electronically by separate means.

The report indicates that 80 personnel, total, had electronic access to the opinion:

In sum, the investigators determined that 80 personnel received or had access to electronic copies of the draft opinion.

And earlier, the report stated that 82 personnel had either electronic or hard copies.

The investigators determined that in addition to the Justices, 82 employees had access to electronic or hard copies of the draft opinion 

My numbers match the report:

  • 37 law clerks;
  • 33 permanent employees on the February distribution list;
  • 2 Chamber personnel who received hard copies;
  • 8 permanent employees who received the opinion in March;
  • 2 permanent employees who received the opinion by "separate means"

That's a total of 37 law clerks and 43 permanent employees, for a grand total of 82 personnel who had either electronic or hard copies.

Again, 97 people were interviewed. 15 of them who were not part of this batch of 82 personnel. We do not know who these 15 people were.

Update: The Marshal of the court released a statement. She "spoke with each of the Justices, several on multiple occasions."

Vaping

Fifth Circuit Grants En Banc Rehearing to Challenge to FDA Rejection of Vaping Products

Another potential legal setback for the FDA's attempt to regulate electronic cigarettes as tobacco products.

|

Today the U.S. Court of Appeals granted rehearing en banc in Wages and White Lion Investments v. Food & Drug Administration, in which a vaping company (Triton Distribution) is challenging the FDA's rejection of its product applications. This could indicate the Fifth Circuit is poised to deliver a substantial legal setback to the FDA.

This case has some history. In October 2021, the Fifth Circuit granted Triton's application for a stay of enforcement after the FDA initially refused to approve its vaping products. In a forceful opinion, the panel majority accused the FDA of a regulatory "switcheroo" because the agency changed its standards for how it would evaluate vaping product applications in the midst of the process. How the FDA handles and assesses such application is important because vaping products that contain nicotine cannot be sold in the U.S. without FDA approval (because the FDA has "deemed" such products to be "tobacco products" under federal law).

A subsequent panel of the Fifth Circuit upheld the FDA's rejection of Triton's applications on the merits, over a forceful dissent from Judge Edith Jones. Not only was this decision in tension with the prior panel decision granting Triton a stay, it was also at odds with that of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, which found fault in the FDA's approach in a parallel case. That the Fifth Circuit wants to rehear this case en banc suggests more than a few judges on the court are concerned with the how the FDA has been handling vaping product applications, and there is good reason for that.

In addition to the issues raised in this litigation, there is increasing evidence that the FDA's approach to vaping and other tobacco products is ad hoc and more political than scientific. A recent external evaluation of the FDA's tobacco regulatory program (which the FDA itself commissioned) was highly critical of the program's dysfunction.

A firm rebuke from the en banc Fifth Circuit would be an additional wake-up call to the FDA that it needs to reorient its approach to non-combustible nicotine products. The FDA acknowledges that non-combustible products (like electronic cigarettes) pose less risk than combustible cigarettes, and yet since the FDA began regulating vaping products, public understanding of the these relative risks has actually gotten worse. Insofar as the FDA regulation of such products is supposed to advance public health, it is failing.

The Fifth Circuit will hear the en banc argument in Wages and White Lion Investments v. Food & Drug Administration in May.

Guns

Florida Legislature May Impose Penalties on Local Legislators Who Illegally Impose Gun Control Laws

So the Florida Supreme Court held today.

|

From Fried v. State, decided today by the Florida Supreme Court, in an opinion by Justice Ricky Polston (joined by Chief Justice Carlos Muniz and Justices Charles Canady, John Couriel, and Jamie Grosshans):

[T]he common law doctrines of legislative immunity and governmental function immunity [do not] prohibit the statutory civil actions and penalties imposed against local governments and officials for certain violations of … the firearms preemption statute…

In 2011, the Legislature amended the Preemption Statute [that preempts most local regulations of firearms], to include a series of civil penalties and actions, which apply to:

Any person, county, agency, municipality, district, or other entity that violates the Legislature's occupation of the whole field of regulation of firearms and ammunition, as declared in subsection (1), by enacting or causing to be enforced any local ordinance or administrative rule or regulation impinging upon such exclusive occupation of the field shall be liable as set forth herein….

[The sections] applicable to local officials … provide as follows:

(c) If the court determines that a violation was knowing and willful, the court shall assess a civil fine of up to $5,000 against the elected or appointed local government official or officials or administrative agency head under whose jurisdiction the violation occurred.

(d) Except as required by applicable law, public funds may not be used to defend or reimburse the unlawful conduct of any person found to have knowingly and willfully violated this section….

[B]ecause legislative immunity as applied to local officials is a common law doctrine that the Legislature abrogated in the context covered by the Preemption Statute, we conclude that legislative immunity does not prohibit the statutory penalties ….

Read More

Criminal Law

What Exactly Is "Manslaughter" in the Alec Baldwin Case?

Though "involuntary manslaughter" is defined by New Mexico statute to includes death caused by lack of "due caution," New Mexico precedent limits it to situations where the defendant had "subjective knowledge 'of the danger or risk to others posed by his or her actions.'"

|

Alec Baldwin is expected to be charged for involuntary manslaughter for the death of cinematographer Halyna Hutchins:

Baldwin has long maintained his innocence, saying in televised interviews that gun safety wasn't his responsibility and that he did not pull the trigger.

Reports prepared by FBI analysts in Virginia, however, cast doubt on that claim, saying a replica of a vintage Pietta Colt .45, "functioned normally when tested in the laboratory."

The FBI report also noted that, in order for the revolver to fire, the trigger would have been pulled.

What's all this manslaughter business, you might ask? Let's start with the New Mexico manslaughter statute (though, as we'll see, we won't end with that):

Manslaughter is the unlawful killing of a human being without malice.

A. Voluntary manslaughter consists of manslaughter committed upon a sudden quarrel or in the heat of passion.

Whoever commits voluntary manslaughter is guilty of a third degree felony resulting in the death of a human being.

So voluntary manslaughter is (to oversimplify slightly) when you mean to kill someone, and you don't have a defense such as self-defense, but the law treats the killing as a lesser crime than murder because there was some "sufficient provocation":

Read More

Immigration

Biden Administration Announces New Private Refugee Sponsorship Program

The program differs in several ways from Uniting for Ukraine and other previous private migrant sponsorship policies.

|

Earlier today, the Biden Administration announced a private refugee sponsorship program, under which ordinary private citizens can band together and sponsor refugees for entry into the United States. This new program may be confused with previous private migrant sponsorship policies like Uniting for Ukraine and its extension to migrants from four Latin American nations. The new program is broader than these previous initiatives  in some ways, but narrower in others. It's a useful, but so far limited, innovation.

CBS has a helpful description of the new policy:

The Biden administration initiative, called Welcome Corps, could pave the way for a seismic shift in U.S. refugee policy, as most refugees brought to the U.S. for the past decades have been resettled by nine nonprofit organizations that receive federal funding.

Under the program, modeled after a long-standing system in Canada, groups of at least five U.S.-based individuals could have the opportunity to sponsor refugees if they raise $2,275 per refugee, pass background checks and submit a plan about how they will assist the newcomers.

Approved private sponsors will play the role of traditional resettlement agencies for at least 90 days after a refugee's arrival, helping the newcomers access housing and other basic necessities, such as food, medical services, education and public benefits for which they qualify.

During the first phase of the program, State Department officials will match approved sponsors with refugees overseas who already have been cleared to come to the U.S. In mid-2023, officials plan to allow prospective sponsors to identify refugees abroad whom they wish to assist.

The State Department fact sheet on the the Welcome Corps policy has more details, as does Reason immigration writer Fiona Harrigan. There is also a new website on which groups can apply to become sponsors.

As CBS notes, Welcome Corps may turn out to be a major improvement over the slow and sclerotic traditional refugee admissions system, under which only 25,000 people entered the US in fiscal year 2022.  Immigration experts, myself included, have long advocated that the US adopt a private sponsorship system modeled in part on the successful Canadian program.

Unlike Uniting for Ukraine and its extensions, Welcome Corps applies to people from all over the world, not just five specific countries. In addition, successful applicants are given refugee status, which includes a right of permanent residency in the US. By contrast, beneficiaries of Uniting for Ukraine and its Latin American analogues currently only get residency and work permits for two years. And that status could potentially be revoked at the discretion of the president (though he could also extend it). Refugee status, once granted, is generally not subject to unilateral revocation by the executive.

But there are also ways in which Welcome Corps is far more limited than Uniting for Ukraine and other similar policies. The latter allow anyone from the designated countries to gain admission by getting a sponsor. By contrast, Welcome Corps only applies to people who can meet the narrow legal definition of "refugee," which includes only those facing persecution  "on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion." This definition excludes a vast range of people threatened by war, violence, and oppression of other kinds.

While Uniting for Ukraine allows sponsorship by individuals, Welcome Corps limits it to groups of five or more. This restriction makes little sense. If a group of four or fewer people can come up with the necessary funds, why not let them participate?

In addition, unlike Uniting for Ukraine, the Welcome Corps pilot program is limited to refugees who have already been vetted and approved by the US government under the existing refugee approval system, a process that can take years. Sponsors, it appears, will not be able to choose which refugees they wish to sponsor, but will be matched with people assigned to them. However, the State Department plans to expand the program later this year, to allow potential private sponsors to recommend new applicants for the pipeline:

In the second phase of the program, which will launch in mid-2023, private sponsors will be able to identify refugees to refer to the USRAP for resettlement and support the refugees they have identified. Further details on the second phase of the program will be forthcoming.

It is not clear whether refugees referred in this second phase will still have to go though the cumbersome vetting system. If the answer is "yes," it will significantly reduce the value of Welcome Corps. One of the greatest virtues of Uniting for Ukraine is the rapid speed of processing, which allows migrants to escape danger and start their new lives within just a few weeks of beginning the application process. Welcome Corps doesn't seem to be like that - at least not so far.

In sum, Welcome Corps is a useful initiative. But it also has significant limitations, albeit some of them may be loosened when the second phase kicks in.

In the meantime, Uniting for Ukraine and its extension to four Latin American countries also continue to operate.

Despite their limitations, the combined impact of the Biden Administration's private sponsorship initiatives is already very significant. Hopefully, it will grow over time, as the programs continue to expand.

If so, these policies will enable many more people to escape oppression, find freedom and opportunity in the US, and contribute to American innovation and economic growth, as immigrants have long disproportionately done. Opening our doors to more people fleeing oppression and injustice also strengthens America's position in the international war of ideas against hostile authoritarian regimes, such as those of Russia and China.

Free Speech

"Harvard Reverses Course on Human Rights Advocate Who Criticized Israel"

|

From the New York Times (Jennifer Schuessler & Marc Tracy):

The Harvard Kennedy School reversed course on Thursday and said it would offer a fellowship to a leading human rights advocate it had previously rejected, after news of the decision touched off a public outcry over academic freedom, donor influence and the boundaries of criticism of Israel….

In an email to the Kennedy School community on Thursday, [the school's dean Douglas] Elmendorf said his decision had been an "error" and the school would be extending an invitation to Roth.

Here's my Jan. 10 post on this, quoting the Foundations for Individual Rights and Expression

Here's FIRE's post criticizing this:

The dean of Harvard's Kennedy School has refused to approve the fellowship of the man — hailed as the "godfather" of human rights work — because he disagrees with his stance on Israel.

HKS, one of the top public policy institutions in the world, has violated Harvard's clear commitments to free expression by denying former Human Rights Watch executive Kenneth Roth a fellowship because of his purported "anti-Israel bias." As always, FIRE is neutral on Roth's views on Israel, as well as the underlying Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and has defended individuals on every side of the issue.

Harvard's human rights experts reportedly sought Roth for the job after he announced he was stepping down as executive director of Human Rights Watch. Sushma Raman, executive director of HKS's Carr Center for Human Rights Policy, invited Roth to join the center as a senior fellow. Roth and Raman agreed on terms, and the fellowship was set to be confirmed, but when it was elevated to HKS Dean Douglas Elmendorf, he refused to approve the deal.

Read More

Supreme Court Issues Summary of Dobbs Leak Investigation

More thorough than I expected, although not what the FBI could have done.

|

The Supreme Court has issued a statement and overview about the current status of the Dobbs leak investigation.  The Marshal has not identified who leaked the Dobbs draft.  But they describe the investigation in a lot more detail than you normally expect to get. My overall take: They did a very comprehensive investigation inside the building, but, being only the Marshal and her staff, they didn't do much of an investigation outside the building.

Inside the building, they found that 82 people other than the Justices had access to the draft; interviewed 97 people, obtained statements under oath from them that they had not leaked the draft; and conducted a forensic examination of the Court's network to look for outside intrusions or insider disclosures.  But as far as I can tell, the Marshal and her team didn't conduct the kind of investigation outside the building that the FBI could have done.  No surprise; that's not what the Marshal would be expected to do.  But that means that (as far as I can tell from the report) they didn't obtain legal process and collect phone or Internet records, get warrants, or anything like that.  The investigators did search the few court-issued laptops and phones that some employees had, and they asked employees to volunteer their own phone and text non-content call records during a relevant period.  But the "limited" records that were volunteered didn't reveal anything.

On the whole, this was a more thorough investigation than I expected, given the limited investigatory tools of the Marshal.  But it doesn't look like the kind of full criminal investigation that an outside law enforcement agency could have conducted.  And it's not quite done yet: According to the report, the Marshal and her team are still pursuing some leads, so the investigation isn't entirely over.

Free Speech

Amicus Brief as to § 230(c)(1) in Gonzalez v. Google

(Note that this case is about immunity when Internet platforms provide access to material, not the separate question about immunity when Internet platforms block access to material.)

|

Here's the Summary of Argument:

An interactive computer service's automated recommendations qualify for statutory immunity under Section 230(c)(1). Congress enacted this policy choice in clear text, supported by powerful statutory context, including express findings and purposes that it wrote into the statute itself. And Congress did so in service of a national policy favoring free and open discourse on the still-developing internet—a policy that has proved enormously successful in the years since. This Court should resist Petitioners' invitation to impose sweeping changes on the Nation's internet policy, and instead leave any such changes—if they ever prove necessary—to Congress.

Section 230's text should decide this case. Section 230(c)(1) immunizes the user or provider of an "interactive computer service" from being "treated as the publisher or speaker" of information "provided by another information content provider." And, as Section 230(f)'s definitions make clear, Congress understood the term "interactive computer service" to include services that "filter," "screen," "pick, choose, analyze," "display, search, subset, organize," or "reorganize" third-party content. Automated recommendations perform exactly those functions, and are therefore within the express scope of Section 230's text.

Section 230(c)(1)'s use of the phrase "treated as the publisher or speaker" further confirms that Congress immunized distributors of third-party information from liability. At common law, a distributor of third-party information could be held liable only when the doctrine permitted the distributor to be treated as the publisher. As Petitioners and the United States agree, Congress understood and incorporated that common-law meaning of "treated as the publisher" into Section 230(c)(1). Given that a distributor cannot be "treated as the publisher" of certain third-party information, however, there is no alternative mechanism for holding the distributor liable based on the improper character of the information. Indeed, Congress enacted Section 230(c)(1) specifically to avoid the sweeping consequences that the common-law regime of knowledge-based distributor liability would inflict on the developing internet.

Section 230(c)(1)'s surrounding and subsequent statutory context bolsters this conclusion. Section 230(c)(1) provides the same protection to "user[s]" as to "provider[s]" of interactive computer services. Petitioners do not defend the position that users who like, retweet, or otherwise amplify third-party content should be held liable for the character of that content, but Section 230(c)(1)'s text renders that an inescapable consequence of their argument. The better inference is that Congress chose to protect a wide range of speech and speech-promoting conduct for providers and users of interactive computer services alike. In addition, other statutory enactments illustrate that Congress knew how to impose liability on distributors when it wanted to—such as in the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, for example, where Congress also wrote a detailed notice-and-takedown framework into the statute to ensure that distributors received adequate procedural protections as well.

Petitioners' and the United States' attempts to distinguish between mere automated recommendations (for which distributors purportedly could be liable) and the recommended content (for which they could not) find no support in the text. To the contrary, the text makes clear that even a bare automated recommendation constitutes "pick[ing]" or "choos[ing]" content, an activity expressly contemplated by Section 230. Moreover, to hold a distributor liable based in part upon the improper content of information created by a third party would conflict with the common-law meaning of the terms Congress chose.

Read More

More