The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Guns

N.Y. State Police Attempt to Get "Red Flag" Gun Ban Order Against 11-Year-Old Girl Was "Legally Frivolous," "Needlessly Risk[ed] Further Injury"

The basis for the attempt was that the girl had texted a classmate that she was thinking of hanging herself.

|

From N.Y. State Police v. K.L., decided by Ulster County (N.Y.) trial court judge Julian Schreibman on Dec. 12:

Often referred to as the "Red Flag Law," Article 63-A created ERPOs [Extreme Risk Protection Orders]. Although an ERPO is a "Protection Order," it does not limit where the subject can go or with whom he or she can associate. Rather, an ERPO does one thing: it prohibits the subject from possessing or acquiring firearms for up to one year.

Significantly, the Red Flag Law is not addressed only to criminal gun violence but also encompasses the goal of reducing suicide by firearm…. "The Red Flag Law seeks to keep guns out of the hands of persons who may be suffering from acute emotional trauma or a mental health crisis and are at risk of harming themselves or others." …

The enactment of the Red Flag law was not met with a flood of petitions. However, on May 14, 2022, a racially motivated mass shooting in Buffalo left ten Black New Yorkers dead. In the wake of this massacre, on May 18, 2022, Governor Kathy Hochul issued an Executive Order titled, "Directing the State Police to File Extreme Risk Protection Orders" (the "Executive Order")….. [S]ince the Executive Order, there has been a sharp increase in the filing of TERPO [Temporary Extreme Risk Protection Order] applications, with a significant portion of these directed at at-risk persons including troubled children, senior citizens, persons with serious chronic illnesses, and individuals processing trauma through acts of non-suicidal self-harm such as "cutting."

Since the Executive Order was issued, more than 17,000 New Yorkers have been found by a court to be likely to seriously harm themselves or others. In this County, it has been the Court's experience that, in the majority of cases, the respondent does not possess any firearm, and has no intention of doing so, so that even when the TERPO or ERPO is granted, no firearms are confiscated and neither the respondent nor the public are made any safer. Instead, the aggressive pursuit of ERPOs simply raises the prospect of further traumatizing the respondent. This is such a case….

Read More

Second Amendment Roundup: Civil Rights Division Sues Virgin Islands

The Virgin Islands government didn’t get the memo that Bruen was decided.

|

On December 16, Harmeet Dhillon's Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice filed the complaint in U.S. v. Government of Virgin Islands in the District Court of the Virgin Islands.  The lawsuit was filed "to restore the Second Amendment rights of law-abiding citizens" under 34 U.S.C. § 12601, which authorizes the Attorney General to sue a governmental authority engaging in a pattern or practice that deprives persons of rights, privileges, or immunities secured or protected by the Constitution or laws of the United States.

Under Virgin Islands ("VI") law, possessing or carrying an unlicensed firearm is an offense subjecting an individual to a term of "imprisonment of not less than ten years," and/or a fine "not less than $10,000 nor more than $15,000."

But to obtain a license to possess and carry a firearm, a person must "establish[] to the satisfaction of the Commissioner [of the Police Department] that he has good reason to fear death or great injury to his person or property, or … any other proper reason for carrying a firearm, and the circumstances of the case, established by affidavit of the applicant and of at least two credible persons, demonstrate the need for such license."

There's no principled difference between that and the New York law that the Supreme Court in Bruen found to infringe on the Second Amendment: the applicant must prove "proper cause," meaning "a special need for self-protection distinguishable from that of the general community," i.e., evidence "of particular threats, attacks or other extraordinary danger to personal safety."

As the VI complaint further alleges, an applicant for a license must have "good moral character" without articulating any standard therefor, and a license may be denied to "any person who for justifiable reasons is deemed to be an improper person by the Commissioner" or if a "proper reason exists to deny such application," without specifying any standard.  A separate license must be obtained for each specific firearm, which must be inspected annually by the police.

By contrast, the shall-issue licensing regimes approved in footnote 9 of Bruen "appear to contain only 'narrow, objective, and definite standards' guiding licensing officials, … rather than requiring the 'appraisal of facts, the exercise of judgment, and the formation of an opinion,' … —features that typify proper-cause standards like New York's."

Without any legal authority, the VI Police Department requires the applicant to install a safe that is permanently bolted to the home's wall or floor where a licensed firearm is to be stored. Each applicant must have his or her own safe even if they share a home with another applicant (as in the case of married couples).  Before a license is issued, a home inspection is required, which takes several months to a year to schedule and complete.

Again, as Bruen's footnote 9 states: "because any permitting scheme can be put toward abusive ends, we do not rule out constitutional challenges to shall-issue regimes where, for example, lengthy wait times in processing license applications or exorbitant fees deny ordinary citizens their right to public carry."  And of course the Virgin Islands still has a may-issue regime, news of the Bruen decision having apparently been ship-wrecked on its journey there.

But the usual suspect nanny states on the mainland did get the Bruen decision and have taken every measure to obstruct it.  The recent article by Mark W. Smith, "Licenses Delayed, Rights Denied: How Contemporary Firearm Carry Licensing Regimes Continue to Violate the Second Amendment," Harvard JLPP (Fall 2025), summarizes the situation as follows:

jurisdictions hostile to gun rights have responded not with compliance, but with sophisticated resistance. In these states, the right recognized in Bruen exists on paper but remains largely inaccessible in practice. These states have transformed federalism's promise of experimentation into what can only be described as laboratories in denying constitutional rights. The tools are facially neutral—processing times, training requirements, documentation standards—but their cumulative effect is anything but.  When examined systematically, these measures reveal a deliberate strategy of administrative nullification that courts have been slow to recognize and even slower to remedy.

The Virgin Islands are hardly a tropical paradise where no one really needs a gun for self-defense.  Homicide, robbery, and drug trafficking are endemic.  Data from the Virgin Islands Police Department describe "violent crime statistics exceeding national averages and creating serious concerns for the territory's 87,146 residents. The homicide rate in the US Virgin Islands continued to surpass that of mainland United States and even major cities like Chicago, establishing the territory as one of the most dangerous areas under US jurisdiction."

The Virgin Islands is not the only jurisdiction being targeted by the Civil Rights Division.  In September, the Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division sued the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department "due to their pattern or practice of infringing the Second Amendment rights of law-abiding citizens seeking concealed carry weapons (CCW) permits."

My Resignation From The Heritage Foundation

I sent this letter this evening to Dr. Kevin Roberts, President of the Heritage Foundation.

|

12/21/2025

Dear Dr. Roberts,

It is with deep regret that I must resign my position as Senior Editor of the Heritage Guide to the Constitution. Indeed, I could not have even conceived of such an action only a few months ago when we launched the third edition of the guide. On Constitution Day, I proudly stood at the Heritage Foundation as we released this book to the world. But your actions have made my continued affiliation with Heritage untenable. First, your comments were a huge unforced blunder, and gave aid and comfort to the rising tide of antisemitism on the right. Second, in the wake of your remarks, jurists, scholars, and advocates have made clear to me they can no longer associate with the Heritage Guide they contributed to. Third, and perhaps most tragically, your actions have weakened the ability of the storied Meese Center for Legal and Judicial Studies to promote the rule of law. My resignation is effective immediately.

For the past decade, I have cherished my close ties with The Heritage Foundation. I received several awards from Heritage, including the inaugural Edwin Meese Originalism Award. Every year, I lecture at the Heritage Clerkship Academy. I published a Heritage whitepaper on fighting antisemitism. And the crowning achievement of my professional career has been my service as the senior editor of the Heritage Guide to the Constitution, which was published only three months ago. I devoted four years of my life to this definitive treatment of the Constitution. More importantly, John and I recruited more than 150 jurists, scholars, and advocates to participate in this generational project. As a testament to the value of this enterprise, Justice Samuel Alito graciously wrote the preface. All of this work was possible thanks to the sterling reputation of the Meese Center. Attorney General Edwin Meese is the cornerstone of the conservative legal movement. My co-editor John Malcolm is a brilliant scholar and bold leader who has guided the Meese Center to great heights. And the staff of the Meese Center provided the careful attention and insightful edits to make the Guide possible.

Yet, Heritage came to a crashing halt after your infamous video. Your initial remarks were indefensible. Your apology was underwhelming. And the lack of any meaningful followup over the past three months has been telling. For reasons only you know, you aligned the Heritage Foundation with the rising tide of antisemitism on the right. As Senator Ted Cruz observed, "this poison of antisemitism on the right . . . is spreading with young people." I agree with Ben Shapiro: "If Heritage Foundation wishes to retain its status as a leading thought institution in the conservative movement, it must act as ideological border control." Antisemitism is always the canary in the coalmine. History teaches us that any society that fails to protect its Jewish people is destined for despair.

I am not alone in recognizing how you wounded Heritage's moral standing. For more than a year, the Meese Center was planning a massive book signing at the Federalist Society National Convention. Heritage generously donated nearly 1,500 copies of the Guide, and everyone in attendance would have received a free copy. We arranged for nearly one-hundred contributors to autograph the book. Regrettably, your ill-timed remarks came only a few days before the Convention began. In short order, contributors told us that they could no longer autograph a book they already contributed to. The Heritage brand, once iconic, instantly became toxic. We made the difficult decision to cancel the book signing. This was a point of personal sadness, as John and I were so eager to celebrate the launch of this important work with the conservative legal movement. 

The fallout is even greater. Judges who have spoken at Heritage told me they would no longer affiliate with Heritage, and would no longer recommend their clerks attend the Clerkship Academy. Scholars who won prizes from Heritage told me they would no longer contribute to any Heritage publications. Public interest litigators have tweeted that they will no longer attend the Legal Strategy Forum.

The Heritage Foundation is greater than any single President. But one President has done what was once unthinkable. The Meese Center cannot survive under Heritage's current leadership, and the damage to the Meese Center brand has been irreparable. My only hope is that the important scholarship in the Heritage Guide can continue to be studied.

Sincerely,

Josh Blackman

Former Senior Editor

Heritage Guide to the Constitution

AI in Court

Duty to Alert Court to Opponents' "Fictitious Citation[s]" and "Misrepresentation of Case Law"

|

From Judge Sharion Aycock (N.D. Miss.) yesterday in Billups v. Louisville Municipal School Dist.:

The Court also observes that the Defendant … could have flagged the fictious citation and misrepresentation of case law [by Plaintiff's counsel] in a reply brief or supplemental filing. The Court takes this opportunity to issue a charge. Going forward, the Court expects all parties to assist in maintaining the integrity of the judicial process and to be diligent in flagging AI misuse. "[O]therwise, the risk is too great that such errors will persist undetected, potentially leading to an outcome unsupported by law." Elizondo v. City of Laredo (S.D. Tex. 2025).

Judge Marina Garcia Marmolejo's order in Elizondo does indeed take the same view:

The Court also observes that Defendant, the City of Laredo, could have flagged these fictitious citations in a reply brief or supplemental filing. Although this oversight does not rise to the level of sanctionable conduct, the Court expects all parties to assist in maintaining the integrity of the judicial process by alerting the Court to such errors. The Court encourages greater diligence in flagging citation errors in the future— otherwise, the risk is too great that such errors will persist undetected, potentially leading to an outcome unsupported by law.

To be sure, lawyers often need no prompting to alert the court to errors by the other side. But sometimes they might feel reluctant to look like they're piling on with objections, especially when the erroneous citation is on a tangential point, or when they think they've already destroyed the other side's arguments on the merits. And sometimes they might be reluctant to spend their time and the client's money on putting together a list of errors by the other side (especially when that requires a whole new supplemental filing).

These decisions show that, despite that, alerting the court to all the citation errors you found in the other side's filings may be important to maintaining the court's confidence and goodwill. They can be useful citations if you do want to file such a list of errors but are afraid that a different judge will fault you for piling on. And they can be worth noting to your client if you want to explain why you're spending time and money on listing (and verifying and explaining) the other side's errors.

Travel Ban

Trump's Cruel and Illegal Expanded Travel Ban

A recent White House proclamation further expands his previous travel bans, to the point of barring nearly all legal migration from some 40 countries. Legally, it further underscores that Trump is claiming virtually unlimited executive power to restrict immigration,a claim that runs afoul of the nondelegation doctrine.

|

NA

On December 16, President Trump issued a proclamation barring nearly all legal migration from some 40 countries. As my Cato Institute colleague David Bier explains in a thorough and insightful post, the new policy goes well beyond Trump's already expansive previous travel bans, causing great harm including separating many US citizens and permanent residents from spouses and children:

President Trump signed a new proclamation that bans nearly all legal immigration from about 40 countries, covering about one in five legal immigrants from abroad and nearly 400,000 legal immigrants over three years. Although it exempts some foreign workers and travelers from certain countries, this ban does not include any categorical exemption or waiver for spouses, minor children, or parents of US citizens or legal permanent residents, making it far harsher than his prior bans.

The ban repudiates the immigration system Congress created. The Trump administration is reimposing via executive order the national origins system that governed immigration policy from 1924 to 1965. After four decades of rigorous debate, Congress ended that system. In the Immigration Act of 1965, it allocated the caps on immigrant visas equally between countries and prohibited discriminating against immigrant visa applicants based on their race, sex, nationality, place of birth, or place of residence.

David's post effectively outlines the enormous scope of the new ban, and the extensive harm it will cause. He also shows that the supposed security rationale for the policy is utterly indefensible, as immigrants from these countries actually pose little, if any, security risk.

From a constitutional point of view, this proclamation further underscores Trump's claim to virtually unlimited executive discretion to restrict migration, in the process abrogating legal migration pathways established by Congress, including even those for spouses and children of US citizens. In an article on Trump's earlier - already extensive - second-term travel bans, I explained why this violates the nondelegation doctrine, which constrains delegation of legislative power to the executive, and addressed various objections (such as the idea that immigration restriction is actually an inherent executive power; also, I note that Trump v. Hawaii (2018) doesn't preclude nondelegation challenges to executive immigration restrictions, because it did not consider that issue, or even mention it). I think this policy also likely violates the major questions doctrine, which requires Congress to speak clearly when it delegates to the executive the power to decide major economic or political questions.

Nondelegation and major questions are central issues in ongoing challenges to Trump's attempt to impose a $100,000 tax on H-1B visas, and in at least one case challenging the the less extreme travel ban he imposed in June. I hope litigants will raise these issues, here as well.

As James Madison argued, the framers of the Constitution likely did not intend to give the federal government a general power to restrict immigration at all. And they certainly did not mean for such a sweeping power to be exercised at the whim of one man.

China

Trump Administration Drops Effort to Deport Chinese Dissident Guan Heng to Uganda

This is likely the result of the massive public outcry supporting Guan. But Trump continues to deport other dissidents and victims of persecution back to their oppressors.

|

Guan Heng
Guan Heng. (Illustration : Adani Samat Photo: Luo Yun)

 

recently wrote about the Trump Administration's reprehensible effort to deport courageous Chinese dissident Guan Heng to Uganda, which country would likely transfer him back to China, where he would face imprisonment or death. So I am happy to be able to say that the administration has now apparently dropped this plan:

The U.S. on Friday dropped its effort to deport a Chinese national who helped document Beijing's alleged abuses against Uyghur Muslims to Uganda, the man's lawyer told Reuters.

Guan Heng, a Chinese citizen-journalist, fled the U.S. in 2021 after taking video of alleged concentration camps in China's western Xinjiang region. He released the video after arriving in the U.S., where he applied for asylum….

"We just got a letter informing that DHS (Department of Homeland Security) will not seek to remove Mr. Guan to Uganda," his lawyer Allen Chen told Reuters.

Chen said it was not clear if Washington would continue to pursue Guan's removal, either to China or another country, but said sending such a "high-profile dissident" back to China would be unlikely.

Under Department of Homeland Security (DHS) policies, migrants may be deported to third countries if immigration authorities either have "credible" diplomatic assurances they will not be persecuted or tortured if sent there or have given the migrants as little as six hours of notice ahead of time that they are being sent to such a place.

Nonetheless, Chen said the withdrawal of the Uganda removal order was a positive development, adding that he expected Guan would have a bond hearing in coming weeks, though his asylum case could take several years.

As Guan's lawyer notes, the administration could still potentially try to deport him directly to China. But they are unlikely to do after having dropped the attempt at a "third country" deportation, which probably had a better chance of success.

This reversal is likely the result of the widespread outcry against the attempt to deport Guan. It's not likely that the administration suddenly had an epiphany about the legal issues involved (it was always obvious that Guan has a very strong case for asylum). Thus, this is a sign the administration is not immune to public resistance to its cruel and unjust deportation policies. Opponents should learn from this experience and keep up the pressure, and - where possible - increase it.

As noted in my previous post about Guan, the attempt to deport him is just part of a much broader policy of deporting dissidents and victims of persecution back to their oppressors:

Sadly, the effort to deport Guan is part of a broader pattern of Trump administration efforts to deport dissidents and victims of persecution back to the regimes that oppress them. These policies now include deporting Russian dissidents back to Vladimir Putin's brutal dictatorship, refugees who fled oppression in Cuba and Venezuela, Iranian Christians who fled persecution by that country's radical Islamist regime, and Afghans who fled the Taliban (including many who aided the US during the war). Such policies are obviously cruel and unjust. They are also strategically counterproductive.

A policy that essentially aids anti-American regimes in their persecution of dissidents undermines our position in the international war of ideas between these governments' ideologies and ours, and deters future would-be dissidents and allies from working against those governments or aiding us. This isn't making America Great Again. It's making us simultaneously evil and stupid.

Ideally, these other cruel deportation policies should be met with the same widespread condemnation as that which resulted in the administration's reversal on Guan Heng.

Free Speech

First Amendment Challenge to UW "Unacceptable or Inappropriate" Conduct Policy Revived

|

Another item from today's Ninth Circuit decision in Reges v. Cauce, written by Judge Daniel Bress and joined by Judge Milan Smith (for more on the primary portion of that opinion, see the UW Professor's Parody of Land Acknowledgment in Class Syllabus Protected by First Amendment post):

Executive Order 31, UW's "Nondiscrimination and Affirmative Action" policy … begins …:

The University of Washington, as an institution established and maintained by the people of the state, is committed to providing equality of opportunity and an environment that fosters respect for all members of the University community. This policy has the goal of promoting an environment that is free of discrimination, harassment, and retaliation. To facilitate that goal, the University retains the authority to discipline or take appropriate corrective action for any conduct that is deemed unacceptable or inappropriate, regardless of whether the conduct rises to the level of unlawful discrimination, harassment, or retaliation….

Read More

Free Speech

UW Professor's Parody of Land Acknowledgment in Class Syllabus Protected by First Amendment

"[I]n the public university setting, student disagreement with a professor's academic speech on an issue of public concern cannot alter the Pickering analysis in the government's favor."

|

A short excerpt from today's long Ninth Circuit decision in Reges v. Cauce, written by Judge Daniel Bress and joined by Judge Milan Smith (note that the university apparently didn't argue that the speech was unprotected because it was off-topic for a computer science class, presumably because the university itself had encouraged non-parody land acknowledgments in such syllabuses):

A public university investigated, reprimanded, and threatened to discipline a professor for contentious statements he made in a class syllabus. The statements, which mocked the university's model syllabus statement on an issue of public concern, caused offense in the university community. Yet debate and disagreement are hallmarks of higher education. Student discomfort with a professor's views can prompt discussion and disapproval. But this discomfort is not grounds for the university retaliating against the professor….

In 2019, the Allen School [of Computer Science & Engineering at the University of Washington] revised its "Best Practices for Inclusive Teaching" to recommend that instructors include an "Indigenous Land Acknowledgement" in their course syllabi. This document offered UW's official land acknowledgment as an example, while making clear that its suggestions were "not prescriptions," but only "ideas" intended to help faculty be "more effective teacher[s] and better role model[s] for more of your students."

Professor Reges viewed UW's land acknowledgment, and the recommendation to include it in syllabi, as a political statement. Reges believes that land acknowledgments are part of "an agenda of 'diversity, equity, and inclusion' that treats some groups of students as more deserving of recognition and welcome than others on account of their race or other immutable characteristic." He therefore did not think it was appropriate for the Allen School to recommend the inclusion of this "political statement" in syllabi. Reges also disagreed with the factual premise of the land acknowledgment, as he believed that "most of the land currently occupied by UW was densely forested before the land was cleared to make way for the campus." He thought the land acknowledgment expressed "that UW's presence is somehow illegitimate, shameful, morally wrong, or unlawful," and considered it "an empty, performative act of moralism" ripe for parody….

On January 3, 2022, the first day of UW's Winter Quarter, Reges met with his Computer Science and Engineering 143: Computer Programming II (CSE 143) class in an online session. This introductory course is required for certain majors and included roughly 500 students. During the session, students accessed Reges's syllabus, which contained the following statement: "I acknowledge that by the labor theory of property the Coast Salish people can claim historical ownership of almost none of the land currently occupied by the University of Washington." Although Reges briefly mentioned the statement during class, it appears most students did not notice it at the time.

This led to an uproar, which is described in much more detail in the opinion. That in turn led to the university's "opening a lengthy disciplinary investigation (during which a merit pay increase was withheld), reprimanding Reges, and threatening him with further discipline—plainly qualifies as adverse employment action under our precedents."

Reges sued, claiming that this constituted unconstitutional retaliation based on his First-Amendment-protected speech. The panel concluded that the First Amendment presumptively protects a university professor's speech while teaching (it had settled that general question in Demers v. Austin (9th Cir. 2014)). And while such speech, like other government employee speech that's presumptively protected by the First Amendment, could be restricted under the so-called "Pickering balancing test" (named after Pickering v. Bd. of Ed. (1968)), that test had to be applied in an especially speech-protective way in a public university:

Read More

Donate to the Institute for Justice

|

I've just donated to the Institute for Justice, one of the top libertarian public interest law firms in the country, and a weekly contributor to this blog: IJ's John Ross writes the excellent Short Circuit feature. If you want to support libertarian litigation, donating to IJ is a great way to do that. Here's John's pitch:

Friends, please give us money. We'll use it to publish the Short Circuit newsletter and also to sue the government when it shuts down soup kitchens without warning or cause, arrests a grandma at gunpoint on a decades-old warrant for a different person, falsely declares property blighted (so it can be taken via eminent domain), confiscates a $95k airplane over a six-pack of beer, raids construction sites and detains innocent citizens because they appear Latino, extorts people who want to build an addition on their home, and many other dastardly and irrational deeds. Help IJ protect the constitutional rights of all Americans today at ij.org/donate.

Politics

Short Circuit: An inexhaustive weekly compendium of rulings from the federal courts of appeal

Horseracing integrity, beneficial owners, and bills of attainder.

|

Please enjoy the latest edition of Short Circuit, a weekly feature written by a bunch of people at the Institute for Justice.

New cert petition: In 2014, federal task force officers beat up an innocent college student whom they'd mistaken for a suspect. But the Sixth Circuit has twice ruled that the case, which has never gotten to a judgment, cannot proceed because of the Federal Tort Claims Act's judgment bar. We're asking SCOTUS to resolve a circuit split (on Rule 60(b)(6)) and let the case proceed. Click here to learn more.

New on the Short Circuit podcast: A couple Master Thespian attorneys explain how being a good actor makes for being a good lawyer.

New on the Unpublished Opinions podcast: Sure, federal officials may have absolute immunity for violating the Constitution, but Congress has already told state legislators there's another path to accountability.

  1. In 2025, Congress wrote a law that withholds Medicaid funding from certain abortion providers—specifically, providers that have the characteristics of Planned Parenthood (and basically nobody else). A bill of attainder? First Circuit: The law may single out Planned Parenthood, but it doesn't single them out for punishment, so no. Read More

When Courts of Appeals Decide Issues Pending Before the Supreme Court

The practice is not consistent.

|

On October 7, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in Chiles v. Salazar. This case will decide the constitutionality of Colorado's ban on conversion therapy. A decision in that case is expected at some point by the end of June.

As the Supreme Court deliberates on this issue, conversion therapy laws are still on the books in other states. For example, Catholic Charities of Jackson v. Whitmer presents a challenge to Michigan's ban on conversion therapy. The District Court upheld the law, and an appeal was docketed at the Sixth Circuit in February 2025. The Supreme Court granted cert in Chiles on March 10, 2025. In a joint motion, the Defendants asked the Sixth Circuit to put the case on hold, while the Plaintiffs asked the Sixth Circuit to move forward in the ordinary course.

The case was argued before the Sixth Circuit on October 23, about two weeks after the Supreme Court heard argument in Chiles. And two days ago, on December 17, a divided panel of Sixth Circuit found the conversion therapy law was unconstitutional. Judge Kethledge wrote the majority opinion, which Judge Larsen joined. Judge Bloomekatz dissented. I will put aside the merits for now.

Judge Kethledge explained why the majority was deciding the case, even as Chiles was pending. He frames his decision in terms of the federal court's unflagging duty to exercise jurisdiction:

The defendants also argue that we should forbear from deciding this appeal and instead simply await the Supreme Court's decision in a pending case that presents the same issue as the one here. But the Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed that "a federal court's obligation to hear and decide cases within its jurisdiction is virtually unflagging."

Moreover, this case involves a request for a preliminary injunction, which is time sensitive:

And orders granting or denying a preliminary injunction are by definition time-sensitive. Their effect is immediate, because they set the status quo during the case's pendency—only to be superseded months or years later by the court's final judgment. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court's decision could come as late as the end of June 2026; and the plaintiffs make a strong claim that the status quo here—they wish to speak in a certain way, but cannot—violates the federal Constitution.

Finally, Judge Kethledge suggests his opinion might actually help the Supreme Court's deliberations:

Nor would our decision intrude in the slightest upon the Supreme Court's work; to the contrary, the Court prefers to have more circuit-court opinions before deciding an issue, rather than fewer. We see no reason to sit on our jurisdiction in this appeal—so we proceed to exercise it.

Judge Bloomekatz's dissent addressed the abeyance in depth.

I am aware of no case where we have raced to decide an appeal when the Supreme Court has argued essentially the same case before we have. I would not make this the first. In forging ahead despite Chiles, the majority opinion appears to break new ground. Our general practice is to wait for the Supreme Court's guidance when it is slated to decide a case that will govern our analysis, especially when the Supreme Court's review is further along than ours. [FN2] Our sister circuits do the same. [FN3] The majority opinion does not cite to a single example where we pushed forward and resolved an appeal in circumstances like these.

Bloomekatz writes further that previous courts that held cases in abeyance did not violate their unflagging duty to exercise jurisdiction:

Is the majority opinion saying that each time we held a case pending a Supreme Court decision we abandoned our "unflagging" duty? That is quite an indictment of our well-settled practice, our sister circuits' practice, and our broad power to order abeyance.

I have been tracking this issue for some time. In short, federal courts of appeals have adopted inconsistent practices. Here are several examples I have written about.

First, let's consider the Obamacare litigation. On August 12, 2011, the Eleventh Circuit found that the individual mandate was unconstitutional. The cert petition in NFIB v. Sebelius was filed on September 28, 2011. At that point, there was a circuit split between the Eleventh Circuit and the Sixth Circuit, so everyone knew this case was headed to the Supreme Court. Yet other courts plowed on. On September 8, the Fourth Circuit dismissed the challenges to the ACA. Two weeks later, on September 23, 2011, the D.C. Circuit heard oral argument in Seven Sky v. Holder. This panel, which included Judges Laurence Silberman and Brett Kavanaugh, decided the case on November 8, 2011--again, after the cert grant. As I explained in my first book, Unprecedented, Judge Kavanaugh's opinion in that case helped shape the government's taxing power argument before the Supreme Court, and ultimately influenced Chief Justice Roberts's saving construction.

Second, a similar dynamic occurred in the confederate license plate case. On March 23, 2015, the Supreme Court heard oral argument in Walker v. Texas Division, Sons of Confederate Veterans. This case considered whether Texas could deny a special vanity plate to the Sons of Confederate Veterans. On December 11, 2012, the Second Circuit heard oral argument in Children First Foundation, Inc. v. Fiala. This case presented a very similar case, in which New York denied a "Pro Life" vanity plate. On May 22, 2015, the Second Circuit ruled for New York. The Supreme Court ruled on June 18, 2015. Ultimately, Justice Alito's Walker dissent cited Fiala. At the time, I was critical of the Second Circuit's post-cert decision. Here, this case was argued by the Second Circuit after the Supreme Court oral argument, and decided before the Supreme Court rule.

Third, there was overlap between the Supreme Court and the Fourth Circuit in the travel ban litigation. On February 15, 2018, the en banc Fourth Circuit declared Travel Ban 3.0 unlawful. But the Supreme Court had already granted cert in Trump v. Hawaii on January 19, 2018. Argument would be held on April 25, 2018. Perhaps the Fourth Circuit's opinion offered some of the Justices alternate arguments to consider. Indeed, one commentator praised this aspect of post-cert circuit opinions. At the time, I described this decision as a judicial "amicus brief." That is, another document to influence the Supreme Court justices.

Fourth, the Fifth Circuit has adopted inconsistent abeyance practices in abortion cases. Roe's "ad hoc nullification machine" affects all facets of federal court jurisdiction. Consider the lower court litigation in Dobbs. The Fifth Circuit panel heard oral arguments on October 7, 2019 (Higginbotham, Dennis, and Ho). Three days earlier, certiorari had been granted in June Medical from Louisiana. One of the questions presented in the Louisiana case was whether third-party standing was permissible. In the Mississippi Case, the Plaintiffs included "Jackson Women's Health Organization, the only licensed abortion facility in Mississippi, and one of its doctors." Dobbs case raised the same third-party standing issues that were presented in June Medical. There were no individual plaintiffs in Dobbs. The Fifth Circuit Dobbs panel did not hold the case in abeyance. Instead, it resolved the case barely two months later on December 13, 2019. June Medical would be argued on March 4, 2020.

Fifth, the Fifth Circuit found the CFPB unconstitutional on the same day Seila Law was argued. What a coincidence! On Tuesday, March 3, at 10:00 a.m., the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in Seila Law v. LLC. That case considered the constitutionality of the CFPB's structure. (I analyzed the arguments here.) At some time that same day (I am not sure the exact time), a divided Fifth Circuit panel (Higginson and Higginbotham, with Smith in dissent) decided CFPB v. American Check Cashing. This case upheld the constitutionality of the CFPB's structure. At the time, I wrote:

Now, the Justices can consider the Fifth Circuit opinion, without any substantive response. Issuing the decision the day of arguments, and before the Justices' conference, is the worst possible option. It would have been better to drop the opinion last week, so the parties could at least talk about it before the Court.

A few week later, the en banc Fifth Circuit sua sponte vacated American Check Cashing, so it had little impact on Seila Law.

***

To summarize, the practice here is inconsistent. In the Obamacare litigation, the D.C. Circuit decided the case after the Supreme Court had already granted cert in NFIB, but before Supreme Court oral argument. In the license plate case, the Second Circuit argued the case before the Supreme Court, and decided it after Supreme Court oral argument. In the travel ban litigation, the en banc Fourth Circuit ruled after the Supreme Court had already granted cert, but before Supreme Court oral argument. In in Dobbs, the Fifth Circuit heard oral arguments after the cert grant in June Medical, and argued the case before Supreme Court oral argument. In the CFPB case, the Fifth Circuit upheld the structure of the agency on the same day as Supreme Court oral argument.

I am not aware of another case where the lower court argued and decided an issue  after a Supreme Court cert grant and oral argument.

Please email me if I'm missing any other relevant cases.

Update: There is another precedent involving the Voting Rights Act. Nairne v. Landry (24-30115) is a VRA case. The panel issued an opinion on August 14, 2025, after the Supreme Court had ordered re-argument in Callais. The very next day, the Louisiana SG asked the panel to stay all the briefing schedules pending Callais. On August 25, the panel (Dennis, Haynes, Ramirez) denied the request to stay the briefing schedule. On October 27, Louisiana filed a petition for rehearing en banc. Apparently, that petition jostled the panel, which stayed all briefing on November 26.

Appellants' Motion for Abeyance of Appeal and Suspension of Deadlines is GRANTED, pending the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in No. 24-109, Louisiana v. Callais. The hold on the mandate remains in effect. The petition for rehearing en banc remains pending. * Judge Dennis joins the order because the panel is not unanimous in opposing abeyance.

More