The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Crime Victims Rights Act

Judge O'Connor Rules that the Boeing 737 MAX Crashes Victims' Families Cannot Enforce Their Right to Confer with Prosecutors

While expressing great sympathy for the victims' families, Judge O'Connor concludes that no remedy is available for the Justice Department's failure to enforce the families' right to confer under the Crime Victims' Rights Act.

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About two weeks ago, Judge Reed O'Connor of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas ruled that families whose relatives were killed in two Boeing 737 MAX crashes could not enforce their rights under the Crime Victims' Rights Act (CVRA). This is an unfortunate ruling that, in my view, interprets the CVRA much too narrowly. On behalf of the families, I will seek review of the ruling in the Fifth Circuit tomorrow.

I have previously blogged about this case, including a post about the initial CVRA challenge and Judge O'Connor's ruling regarding "victim" status. The case arises from the Justice Department secretly negotiating a deferred prosecution agreement (DPA) with Boeing concerning its crimes connected to the  two Boeing 737 MAX crashes. Both crashes were caused by a new part Boeing built into the 737 MAX--a software system called the Maneuvering Characteristics Augmentation System (MCAS).  Tragically, in the two crashes, MCAS improperly activated and drove the planes down. 346 people died in the crashes.

After the two crashes, the Justice Department began investigating whether Boeing had lied to the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) about the new MCAS system. Ultimately, the Justice Department learned that Boeing had concealed from the FAA how MCAS operated. The reason for the deception was to secure less onerous training requirements for pilots transitioning to fly the MAX from other older 737 models. These less-rigorous training requirements enabled Boeing to earn millions of dollars when selling the plane; as a selling point, Boeing had promised its airline customers that additional flight simulator training would not be required for pilots already qualified to fly the 737 MAX's predecessors.

In late 2020 and early 2021, the Justice Department and Boeing negotiated a DPA. The agreement was swiftly criticized as being one of the worst plea agreements in history. Critics pointed out that the $1.7 billion payment to customers was something that Boeing was already contractually obligated to do; the amount was included in the DPA to inflate the apparent amount of the settlement. Moreover, the agreement contained an unprecedent provision in which the Justice Department stated (without explanation) that "the misconduct was neither pervasive across the organization, nor undertaken by a large number of employees, nor facilitated by senior mismanagement."

But the DPA's worst feature was that it was negotiated secretly.  In the federal criminal justice system, the CVRA requires prosecutors to afford to crime victims the reasonable right to confer about a case and also timely notice of any deferred prosecution agreement. In a case involving the death of a crime victim, a surviving family member can step into a case to assert the rights of the person killed. The families should have been involved in negotiating such a far-reaching agreement. Instead, the families learned about the deal only through media reports.

In December 2021, on behalf of eighteen family members of the crash victims, I filed a CVRA challenge to Boeing's DPA. After briefing and an evidentiary hearing, in October 2022 Judge O'Connor ruled that those killed in the crashes were "crime victims" of Boeing's crime of conspiring to defraud the FAA.  (Yesterday I blogged about my new, co-authored law review article, discussing that important issue of "victim" definition.) Accordingly, because the Justice Department had never conferred with the families, the Department had violated their rights under the CVRA. Judge O'Connor then directed briefing on the appropriate judicial response to that proven violation.

Following briefing by the Department and Boeing--and a response from the victims' families--Judge O'Connor ruled that families could not enforce their rights. Here is the conclusion from the thirty-page opinion:

This Court has immense sympathy for the victims and loved ones of those who died in the tragic plane crashes resulting from Boeing's criminal conspiracy. Had Congress vested this Court with sweeping authority to ensure that justice is done in a case like this one, it would not hesitate. But neither the Speedy Trial Act nor this Court's inherent supervisory powers provide a means to remedy the incalculable harm that the victims' representatives have suffered. And no measure of sympathy nor desire for justice to be done would legitimize this Court's exceeding the lawful scope of its judicial authority.

The Speedy Trial Act gives the Executive exclusive discretion to negotiate deferred prosecution agreements without judicial oversight, even in response to the most heinous crimes. Despite increasing and perhaps legitimate criticism of these agreements, Congress—not the courts—is the appropriate venue to redress the inadequacies of this statutory enactment. In our system of justice, a judge's role is constitutionally confined to interpreting and applying the law, not revising it. For this Court to step outside those constitutional bounds in an attempt to remedy wrongs it has no legitimate authority to correct would compound injustice, not see justice through.

In my view, Judge O'Connor's opinion takes an unduly restricted view of judicial authority to enforce CVRA rights. I will be presenting those arguments tomorrow in a petition to the Fifth Circuit. I'll try and pass along some highlights from the petition after it is filed.

Administrative Law

Can a Federal Court Vacate a Regulation Without First Concluding It Was Unlawful?

A Ninth Circuit opinion concludes that when a federal agency seeks a voluntary remand of a contested rule, that is not enough to vacate the regulation.

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Among the Trump Administration's more controversial regulations was an Environmental Protection Agency rule that narrowed the ability of states to block projects by denying certification under Section 401 of the Clean Water Act. This rule was intended to make it more difficult for states to block infrastructure projects by refusing to certify that granting a federal permit or license would not prevent attainment of a state's water quality standards.

As one would expect, blue states and environmental organizations challenged the Trump EPA's Section 401 rule. Because the rule was not issued until July 2020, the challenges were still pending in district court when the Biden Administration entered office. As one woud also expect, the Biden Administration announced in June 2021 that it would reconsider the Trump EPA's 401 rule.

In light of its plan to reconsider the 2020 rule, the EPA asked the district court for a voluntary remand. As is common with such requests, the EPA also asked the district court to leave the rule in place while it was being reconsidered. The plaintiffs, however, disagreed, and argued that the district court should either deny the remand request or grant it in conunction with an order vacating the rule. The district court adopted the latter course, leading to this appeal. (Also of note, the Supreme Court also stayed the district court's order vacating the rule, by a vote of 5-4, pending the outcome of the appeal.)

Today, in American Rivers v. American Petroleum Institute, a unanimous panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit concluded that the district court exceeded its authority in vacating the rule. Judge Michelle Friedland wrote for the court, and summarized her decision this way:

When a federal regulation is challenged in court, the promulgating agency may ask the court to remand the regulation to the agency for an opportunity to reevaluate it and correct any errors. Courts often grant such voluntary remands without ruling on the lawfulness of the challenged regulation. The question we face today is whether a court granting a voluntary remand may also vacate the regulation without first holding it unlawful, as the district court did here. We hold that courts lack the authority to do so, and we therefore reverse.

As Judge Friedland explained in a clear and concise opinion, the district court lacked the authority to vacate the regulation without first ruling on its lawfulness. There is no shortcut to vacating a rule.

When an agency's action is challenged in court, the agency will sometimes request that the court remand the challenged action—usually a regulation—so that the agency can correct any errors in the first instance. . . . For such a voluntary remand to be granted, "the agency ordinarily . . . need[s] to profess intention to reconsider, rereview, or modify the original agency decision that is the subject of the legal challenge." . . . Voluntary remands conserve judicial resources by allowing agencies to correct their errors before courts reach merits determinations requiring them to do so. . . . Courts retain "broad discretion" in deciding whether to grant a voluntarily requested remand but have "generally grant[ed] an agency's request for voluntary remand unless the request is frivolous or made in bad faith." . . .

Plaintiffs argue that principles of equity support pairing the authority to grant a voluntary remand (which usually occurs without a merits decision) with a corresponding authority to vacate the challenged rule during a voluntary remand. Otherwise, Plaintiffs assert, voluntary remands could lead to inequitable consequences: While an agency reassesses the challenged rule on remand, a plaintiff may be forced to live with a rule that it contends is unlawful. In short, Plaintiffs contend that if voluntary remands before merits determinations exist, so too must the authority to vacate a challenged rule in the interim.

Plaintiffs' argument overlooks that federal courts do not have unlimited equitable authority. As the Supreme Court has explained, the equitable authority of the federal courts extends only so far as that which the courts of equity in England traditionally exercised "at the time of the separation" between the United States and England. . . . Plaintiffs have pointed to no legal precedent or historical examples suggesting that courts of equity were empowered to vacate an executive action not first held to violate the law, and we are aware of none.

Precedent instead suggests that permanent equitable remedies can be awarded against only illegal executive action. And illegality, of course, requires establishing that there has been (or will be) a violation of the law. . . .

Moreover, even if Plaintiffs could point to some precedent supporting a court's authority to vacate executive action without a merits ruling, we read the APA as foreclosing any authority of courts to vacate agency actions not first held unlawful. . . .

By granting courts authority to "set aside" agency actions "found to be" unlawful, . . . the APA not only expressly explains when a court may set aside agency action (upon a holding of unlawfulness), it also implicitly explains when a court cannot (without a holding of unlawfulness). . . .

In addition, the APA defines rulemaking as the "agency process for formulating, amending, or repealing a rule." 5 U.S.C. § 551(5) (emphasis added). The Supreme Court has interpreted that provision as requiring that "agencies use the same procedures when they amend or repeal a rule as they used to issue the rule in the first instance." . . . Endorsing the practice of voluntary-remand-with-vacatur where there is no merits ruling would essentially turn courts into the accomplices of agencies seeking to avoid this statutory requirement, as it would allow agencies to repeal a rule merely by requesting a remand with vacatur in court. Because Congress set forth in the APA a detailed process for repealing rules, we cannot endorse a judicial practice that would help agencies circumvent that process.

On this basis, the Ninth Circuit sent the case back to the district court for further proceedings, leaving the Trump EPA Section 401 rule in place, at least for the time being.

An addendum: This opinion, like other opinions by Judge Friedland that I have read, is quite good. It addresses a complicated subject in a concise and direct fashion, seeking to apply relevant legal rules in a clear and principled fashion. She is definitely one of President Obama's more impressive and effective judicial appointees.

AI Goes off the Rails

Episode 443 of the Cyberlaw Podcast

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This episode of the Cyberlaw Podcast opens with a look at some genuinely weird AI behavior, first by the Bing AI chatbot – dark fantasies, professions of love, and lies on top of lies – and then by Google's AI search bot. Chinny Sharma and Nick Weaver explain how we ended up with AI that is better at BS'ing than at accurately conveying facts. This leads me to propose a scheme to ensure that China's autocracy never gets its AI capabilities off the ground.

One thing that AI is creepily good at is faking people's voices. I try out ElevenLabs' technology in the first advertisement ever to run on the Cyberlaw Podcast.

The upcoming fight over renewing section 702 of FISA has focused Congressional attention on FBI searches of 702 data, Jim Dempsey reports. That leads us to the latest compliance assessment of how agencies are handling 702 data. Chinny wonders whether the only way to save 702 will be to cut off the FBI's access – at great cost to our unified approach to terrorism intelligence, I point out. I also complain that the compliance data is older than dirt. Jim and I come together around the need to provide more safeguards against political bias in the intelligence community.

Nick brings us up to date on cyber issues in Ukraine, as summarized in a good Google report. He puzzles over Starlink's effort to keep providing service to Ukraine without assisting offensive military operations.

Chinny does a victory lap over reports that the national cyber strategy will recommend imposing liability on the companies that distribute tech products – a recommendation she made in a paper released last year. I wonder why Google thinks this is good for Google.

Nick introduces us to modern reputation management. It involves a lot of fake news and bogus legal complaints. The Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) and European Union (EU) and California privacy law are the censor's favorite tools. What is remarkable to my mind is that a business taking so much legal risk charges its customers so little.

Jim and Chinny cover the charm offensive being waged in Washington by TikTok's CEO and the broader debate over China's access to the personal data of Americans, including health data. Jim cites a recent Duke study, which I complain is not clear about when the data being sold is individual and when it is aggregated. Nick reminds us all that aggregate data is often easy to individualize.

Finally, we make quick work of a few more stories:

  • This week's oral argument in Gonzalez v. Google is a big deal, but we will cover it in detail next week, with the benefit of the argument.
  • If you want to know why conservatives think the whole "disinformation" scare is a scam to suppress conservative speech, look no further than the scandal over the State Department's funding of an non-governmental organization devoted to cutting off ad revenue for "risky" purveyors of "disinformation" -- into which category is puts Reason (presumably including the Volokh Conspiracy), Real Clear Politics, the N.Y. Post, and the Washington Examiner – all outlets that can only look like disinformation to the most biased judge. The National Endowment for Democracy has already cut off funding to the NGO that dreamed this up, but Microsoft's ad agency still seems to be dancing to the censor's tune.
  • EU Lawmakers are refusing to endorse the latest EU-U.S. data deal. But it's all virtue signaling.
  • Leaving Twitter over Elon Musk's ownership turns out to be about as popular as leaving the U.S. over Trump's presidency.
  • Chris Inglis has finished his tour of duty as national cyber director.
  • And the Federal Trade Commission's humiliating failure to block Meta's acquisition of Within is now complete. Meta closed the deal last week.

Download 443rd Episode (mp3)

You can subscribe to The Cyberlaw Podcast using iTunes, Google Play, Spotify, Pocket Casts, or our RSS feed. As always, The Cyberlaw Podcast is open to feedback. Be sure to engage with @stewartbaker on Twitter. Send your questions, comments, and suggestions for topics or interviewees to CyberlawPodcast@steptoe.com. The views expressed in this podcast are those of the speakers and do not reflect the opinions of their institutions, clients, friends, families, or pets.

Handsome Debonair Guy v. Family Dollar Store Owner

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Complaint: I, Handsome Debonair Guy, was assaulted by Family Dollar Store employees. While I was shoplifting. They broke my ribs and gouged my throat with 2-inch fingernails. Now I'm suing for (a) $3.5 million, or (b) an out-of-court settlement for $350K and court fees and "(5) single bars of gold - 1 oz each," or (c) $1M cash and court fees.

Judge: Plaintiffs generally can't proceed anonymously. There are some exceptions, but it's up to the plaintiff to show they apply. You're suing "under the pseudonym 'Handsome Debonair Guy,'" but you haven't asked permission to do that. Let me explain how you can ask for such permission.

Response: No, you don't understand. I used to be Maurice Kingwood, but in 2005 I officially changed my name to Handsome Debonair Guy. While I was in jail. See, here's the New York court order so stating.

Oddly, that appears to be a winning argument for Mr. Guy on this point, though I think he's going nowhere with his federal claim (which is for alleged violations of the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments, but those apply only to government action and not to the Family Dollar Store).

crime victims

My Article on Defining the Term "Victim" in Crime Victims' Rights Enactments

The article explains how the federal Crime Victims' Rights Act and other crime victim protections contain a broad definition of the term "victim."

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Today, I posted on SSRN my new, co-authored law review article regarding how to define the term "victim" in the Crime Victims Rights Act and other crime victims' rights enactments.  Here's a summary:

Who qualifies as a "victim" is the critical foundational question for the Crime Victims' Rights Act (CVRA) and other crime victims' rights laws. This article provides the first comprehensive exploration of this "victim" definition question. It traces out how the CVRA (and many states) define the term "victim" as broadly covering anyone who has been harmed as the result of a crime.

This article begins by reviewing how issues surrounding the definition of "victim" have evolved in the criminal justice system since the Nation's founding. In the last several decades, as crime victims' rights protections have proliferated, it has become necessary to define "victim" with precision. The definition of "victim" has gradually evolved from a person who was the target of a crime to a much broader understanding of a person who has suffered harm as the result of a crime.

The CVRA provides a good illustration of the expansive contemporary definition of "crime victim"—a definition whose implications frequently are not fully appreciated by courts, prosecutors, and other actors in the federal criminal justice system. The Act defines victim as a person "directly and proximately harmed" by a crime. This definition extends crime victims' protections to many persons who may not have been the target of a crime. This article also analyzes important categories of crimes—violent, property, firearms, environmental, and government process crimes—where "victim" definition issues often occur. It also takes a close look at a significant recent case involving the CVRA's crime victim definition: the Boeing 737 MAX crashes case.

The article concludes by arguing that legislators should adopt, and courts should enforce, a far-reaching conception of a "crime victim" as anyone who suffers harm from a crime. This conception is needed to ensure that important victims' rights are extended to all who need their protection.

This issue of who qualifies as a "victim" is increasingly being litigated in cases around the country. For example, in my case involving Boeing's two 737 MAX crashes, I prevailed on the "crime victim" issue discussed in this article. As I blogged about earlier, last October, Judge Reed O'Connor of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas found that the families whose loved ones were killed in the crashes were "victims" of Boeing's crime of conspiring to deceive the FAA about the safety of its aircraft. There have been some new developments in the case that I hope to blog about shortly.

If you are interested in cases reviewing who qualifies as a "victim," you can download and read the whole article here.

Student Loans

My New SCOTUSblog Article on the Loan Forgiveness Cases Currently Before the Supreme Court

The article explains the broader issues at stake in these cases, and why the Court would do well to rule against the administration.

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Today, the SCOTUSblog website published my new essay on the loan forgiveness cases currently before the Supreme Court. It's part of a symposium on this litigation. Here's an excerpt:

President Joe Biden's massive student-loan forgiveness plan. Because of the vast sums at stake – estimated at $400 billion or more – the fate of this policy is important in its own right. And if Biden prevails, it would set a dangerous precedent for presidential abuse of emergency powers and usurpation of Congress' power of the purse. In these respects, Biden's plan has much in common with Donald Trump's effort to divert military funds to pay for his border wall…

The Justice Department's legal rationale for the plan relies on a provision of the 2003 HEROES Act, enacted in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, which gives the secretary of education the authority to "waive or modify any statutory or regulatory provision applicable to the student financial assistance programs" in order to ensure that "recipients of student financial assistance … who are affected individuals are not placed in a worse position financially in relation to that financial assistance because of their status as affected individuals."

The statute defines "affected individuals" as anyone who "(A) is serving on active duty during a war or other military operation or national emergency; (B) is performing qualifying National Guard duty during a war or other military operation or national emergency; (C) resides or is employed in an area that is declared a disaster area … in connection with a national emergency; or (D) suffered direct economic hardship as a direct result of a war or other military operation or national emergency.  The administration claims most beneficiaries of the loan-forgiveness plan come under D, in the sense that they have suffered "direct economic hardship" as a result of the national emergency of the COVID-19 pandemic…."

But even for "affected individuals," loan forgiveness is permissible only if the pandemic put them "in a worse position financially in relation to that financial assistance." For the overwhelming majority, there is no proof that COVID is preventing them from paying back their loans or even making it significantly harder to do so.

The administration's ultra-broad interpretation of the HEROES Act runs afoul of the Supreme Court's recent rulings on the "major questions" doctrine, which requires Congress to "speak clearly when authorizing an [executive branch] agency to exercise powers of vast economic and political significance." If the statute is ambiguous, courts must presume that Congress have not given the agency the power in question….

Biden's loan-forgiveness plan is not the first time a president has tried to leverage emergency powers to raid the federal treasury for purposes denied by Congress. In 2019, Trump used a dubious emergency declaration to try to divert funds to build his border wall, despite the fact Congress had repeatedly refused to authorize any such expenditure…

Unfortunately, Biden is now trying to repeat Trump's heist on a larger scale, diverting some 40 times more federal funds. As with Trump, the use of emergency powers here is a pretext for achieving an unrelated policy objective rejected by Congress.

Elsewhere, I have explained why Biden's abuse of emergency powers – like Trump's – will probably cause more harm than good…

But, regardless of policy considerations, it is dangerous to allow the executive to hijack the Treasury for projects not authorized by Congress.

If the administration prevails, it will empower future presidents to use emergency declarations to divert federal funds to their pet projects. Unfortunately, it is very easy for the president to declare an emergency under the National Emergencies Act, and there is a vast array of spending that could be tapped under the highly permissive standards advocated by the administration in this case. No one person should have unilateral control over the nation's public funds. Even if you trust Biden with such power, you likely do not have similar faith in whoever the next Republican president might be.

In addition to the substantive questions at issue, the cases also involve standing issues, about which I have written here, here, and here.

First Reference to ChatGPT in a Judicial Opinion?

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From Hernandez v. San Bernardino County, decided Jan. 26 by Judge Jesus Bernal (C.D. Cal.):

The FAC [First Amended Complaint] veers between conclusory allegations that merely parrot the legal standard and specific examples of training that do not apply to the instant case, likely because they were copied and pasted from other civil rights cases brought by Plaintiff's Counsel. Plaintiff alleges that the County "knew that a second racial riot was imminent as a result of not moving the racially diverse inmates after the first riot. Given the known limitations of the County jail, it was obvious that County jail detention staff, including the individual defendants[,] would need special training in order to seriously address threats of violence among detainees, and ensure that inmates were not housed with other racially diverse detainees following the first racial riot." (FAC ¶ 60.) Having alleged that the failure to train was thus "obvious," Plaintiff alleges that the County "had either actual or constructive knowledge" of the problems alleged, "condoned, tolerated and through actions and inactions thereby ratified such policies," which means that "Defendant also acted with deliberate indifference to the foreseeable effects and consequences of these policies with respect to the Constitutional rights of Plaintiff, and other similarly situated." ( Id. ¶ 63.) Plaintiff proceeds to allege 15 areas of deficient training, most of them seemingly unrelated to the case at hand: "[f]ailing to adequately investigate the background, training and experience of correctional deputies and their propensity to support and facilitate violence," "[f]ailing to control the conduct of its deputies who have a known propensity of supporting and facilitating violence," and "[s]anctioning, condoning, and approving a correctional deputy-wide custom and practice of a code of silence, cover-up and dishonesty," to cite just a few. ( Id. ¶ 62.)

The problem with these allegations is not that there are too few of them, or even that they lack detail. The problem is that they read like what an artificial intelligence tool [footnote: See, e.g., OpenAI, ChatGPT, https://chat.openai.com] might come up with if prompted to allege training violations in a jail according to Twombly-Iqbal pleading standards; in other words, a result that appears facially sufficient provided one does not read very carefully.

Free Speech

S. Ct. Denies Review of Eighth Circuit En Banc Case Upholding Arkansas "Anti-BDS" Statute

The statute required no-boycott-of-Israel terms in Arkansas government contracts; the Eighth Circuit had held that the law doesn't violate the First Amendment.

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This isn't a judgment on the merits by the Supreme Court, and doesn't set a nationwide precedent; the result may end up being different in other circuits, and the Court might yet revisit the question in the future, especially if some other circuit does disagree with the Eighth. (A similar case is now pending in the Fifth Circuit.) Still, this is practically something of a victory for the anti-BDS forces; I quote below my post from last year on the Eighth Circuit case:

[* * *]

From [the] Eighth Circuit en banc opinion in Arkansas Times LP v. Waldrip, written by Judge Jonathan Kobes (I think it's basically correct, for reasons given by Profs. Michael Dorf and Andrew Koppelman and me in our amicus brief in the case, and see Prof. Dorf's follow-up post):

Arkansas Act 710 prohibits state entities from contracting with private companies unless the contract includes a certification that the company "is not currently engaged in, and agrees for the duration of the contract not to engage in, a boycott of Israel." The statute defines "boycott of Israel" as "engaging in refusals to deal, terminating business activities, or other actions that are intended to limit commercial relations with Israel, or persons or entities doing business in Israel or in Israeli-controlled territories, in a discriminatory manner." The Act exempts contracts if a company provides goods or services for at least 20% less than the lowest certifying business, or if the contract has a total potential value of less than $1,000.

The court held that boycotts, in the sense of refusals to engage in commercial dealings, generally aren't protected by the First Amendment, and therefore imposing a no-boycott requirement as a contractual provision isn't unconstitutional, either:

The government imposes an unconstitutional condition when it requires someone to give up a constitutional right in exchange for a government benefit. This includes making government benefits contingent on endorsing a particular message or agreeing not to engage in protected speech.

The basic dispute in this case is whether "boycotting Israel" only covers unexpressive commercial conduct, or whether it also prohibits protected expressive conduct. Arkansas Times points us to N.A.A.C.P. v. Claiborne Hardware Co. (1982), which held that expressive conduct accompanying a boycott is protected by the First Amendment.  The State, on the other hand, argues that Rumsfeld v. Forum for Academic & Institutional Rights, Inc. (FAIR) (2006) controls. There, the Supreme Court held that First Amendment protection does not extend to non-expressive conduct intended to convey a political message.

Read More

Gonzalez v. Google Liveblog, in Progress

Moderated by Kate Klonick, with Mary Anne Franks, Mike Godwin, James Grimmelmann, Gus Hurwitz, Jeff Kosseff, Emma Llanso, Alan Rozenshtein, Benjamin Wittes, Jonathan Zittrain, and me.

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From the Institute for Rebooting Social Media, right here and right now! (It's all text, so if you arrive in the middle of the argument, or after it, you can see all that had been said.)

Politics

No First Amendment Problem with Searching Records of E-Mail Account "PedoZack82@gmail.com,"

when the user had also posted a Match.com entry saying "MAP 4-10," and there was police testimony that "MAP" means "minor attracted person" and "4-10" was the age of the children in whom he was interested.

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From Christensen v. Commonwealth, decided Thursday by the Kentucky Supreme Court:

After the Kenton Circuit Court denied his motion to suppress, Keram Christensen entered a conditional guilty plea to 313 counts of possessing matter portraying a sexual performance by a minor, eight counts of distributing matter portraying a sexual performance by a minor, one count of promoting a sexual performance by a minor (victim under 18), one count of promoting a sexual performance by a minor (victim under 16), and one count of using an electronic communications system to induce or procure a minor to commit a sexual offense. He was sentenced to seventy years' imprisonment ….

On August 20, 2019, Detective Austin Ross of the Covington Police Department received a Cyber Tipline Report from the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC) that a user of the online dating website Match.com had recently posted information potentially expressing a sexual interest in children. In particular, the user's biography described himself as:

Quirky Bisexual Nudist. [MAP 4-10]. Seeking friends and dates, spend the evening together. I like baseball, hockey, NASCAR, basketball. Also like travel and the performing arts, or just staying in and cuddling to a good show. When I say I want kids, I mean it.

The user was identified as "Zack" from Covington, Kentucky, and the email address associated with the account was "pedozack82@gmail.com." Detective Ross was able to obtain the subscriber information associated with the email address and traced it to a physical address in Covington which was Christensen's residence.

The following day, Detective Ross applied for and was granted a warrant authorizing a search of Christensen's house…. The affidavit sought permission to search the residence for multiple items, including electronic devices, but did not seek authority to search the devices themselves. {Additional search warrants were subsequently issued authorizing the search of Christensen's computer and other electronic devices. No challenge has been raised relative to those warrants.}

The search came up with lots of stuff, which led to the prosecution; and the court rejected the argument that the search violated the First or Fourth Amendments. It concluded that the search was backed by probable cause:
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Religion and the Law

Maryland CAIR (Council on American-Islamic Relations) on Public School Restrooms

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An interesting press release from last Thursday:

The Maryland office of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the nation's largest Muslim civil rights and advocacy organization, today called on Maryland's Montgomery County Public Schools (MCPS) system to amend its new school bathroom guidelines in response to privacy complaints reported to the organization in recent weeks.

Earlier this month, CAIR's Maryland office sent a letter with a list of recommended changes to MCPS Superintendent Monifa McKnight and the Board of Education.

Among other recommendations, the civil rights and advocacy group is calling for the following changes to be implemented to protect student privacy:

  • Privacy doors for each individual stall in multi-occupancy public school bathrooms.
  • Closing off of urinals in each multi-occupancy bathroom in public schools from use unless and until privacy curtains or doors are installed around each individual unit.
  • Mirrors installed on the inside of at least one stall door of each multi-occupancy bathroom so students who wear hijab (Islamic head scarf) and others can adjust their clothing in private.
  • Signage on multi-occupancy bathroom doors reflecting the school system's guidelines on unisex and gender-neutral[ ]bathrooms so students are informed, prepared and aware of the changes before entering bathrooms, and have a reasonable opportunity (and additional accommodations/time if necessary) to seek out single occupancy bathrooms in school if they choose to do so.
  • New construction of public schools featuring plans exclusively for single occupancy bathrooms versus multi-occupancy bathrooms.

Read More

"Strangers on the Internet" Podcast Episode 23: A Rationalist Guide to Dating

Volokh Conspiracy blogger Prof. Ilya Somin gives tips on taking a scholarly approach to achieve dating success

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The twenty-third episode (Apple Podcasts link here and Spotify link here) of Strangers on the Internet with co-host and psychologist Michelle Lange is a Presidents' Day bonus feature with Volokh Conspiracy's very own Prof. Ilya Somin!

Once upon a time, Ilya decided to put his scholarly chops to use in the romantic arena to increase his odds of success. He turned to both the academic and popular literatures to develop his rationalist approach to dating and shares his wisdom with listeners looking for love. How should one cope with rejection while trying to find a mate? What do many women want when it comes to men planning dates? And what did Ilya say when a woman asked to go on a first date at Arlington National Cemetery?? Come hear about Ilya's journey that ultimately led to finding happiness with his now-wife Alison!

Ilya Somin

Seattle Considers Banning Caste-based Discrimination

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AP reports:

[Seattle City Council member Kshama] Sawant has proposed an ordinance to add caste to Seattle's anti-discrimination laws. If her fellow council members approve it Tuesday, Seattle will become the first city in the United States to specifically outlaw caste discrimination….

The national debate in the United States around caste has been centered in the South Asian community, causing deep divisions within the diaspora. Dalit activist-led organizations such as Oakland, California-based Equality Labs, say caste discrimination is prevalent in diaspora communities, surfacing in the form of social alienation and discrimination in housing, education and the tech sector where South Asians hold key roles….

Suhag Shukla, executive director of the Hindu American Foundation, called Seattle's proposed ordinance unconstitutional because "it singles out and targets an ethnic minority and seeks to institutionalize implicit bias toward a community."

"It sends that message that we are an inherently bigoted community that must be monitored," Shukla said.

Caste is already covered under the current set of anti-discrimination laws, which provide protections for race, ethnicity and religion, she said.

Two comments:
(1) It's not at all clear to me that current antisdiscrimination laws cover caste discrimination. And it's almost certainly not unconstitutional for a city to ban discrimination based on caste simply because Indian Americans are disproportionately likely to be both the perpertrators and victims of such discrimination.
(2) This is yet one more example of America's absurd racial classification system. India is an extremely internally diverse of 1.5 billion people, with many different ethnic groups, languages, and religions, and of course a longstanding caste system. Yet when Indians immigrate to the US, they become generic "Asian Americans" by government fiat, and when university consider their "diversity" goals, any Indian American, regardless of appearance, religion, caste, language and so on, is not only considered indistinguishable from any other Indian American, but also from a Chinese, Filipino, or Vietnamese American.

Guns

Private Gun Carriers' Self-Defense Against Public Shooters

The El Paso incident from a few days ago, the FBI 2021 statistics, and more.

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I had written about this in past years, but I thought I'd update it to reflect the El Paso incident from last week. According to the El Paso Police Department (see also CNN [Andy Rose]), a confrontation between two groups of teenagers at a mall "escalated into a physical fight" and then into a 16-year-old fatally shooting a member of the other group and seriously wounding another member, as well as injuring a member of his own group. Then,

As soon as the shooting ended, the 16-year-old suspect began to run and was pointing the gun towards the direction of bystanders, including 32-year-old Emanuel Duran, a Licensed to Carry Holder. As the suspect ran towards Duran and bystanders, Duran drew his handgun and shot the suspect.

At that time, one off-duty El Paso Police Officer arrived at the area of the shooting and together with Duran rendered aid to the 16-year old suspect and the others that were injured. Investigators found that there were at least two other legally armed citizens in the area of where the shooting took place, but were not involved.

Now in this case, the suspect didn't seem to have planned a mass shooting; he seems to have had a beef with the other teenagers. On the other hand, he appears to have been pointing his gun towards the bystanders, so it's hard to know what would have happened. And something similar could easily have happened with an intended mass shooting as well; for an incident like that from last year, see this WCHS-TV story:

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Do Hospitals That Drop Mask Requirements Risk Liability?

Prof. Nina Kohn and I argue that they do

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Prof. Nina Kohn and I have a new piece up on the Harvard Law Petrie-Flom Bill of Health blog that examines the question of liability in cases in which patients contract COVID-19 in hospitals that no longer require masks. Here is an excerpt:

Hospitals have a common law duty to act reasonably. If they unreasonably expose patients to risk, and the patients are harmed as a result, hospitals may be liable for damages. The result: patients who can show that it is probable that they were infected with COVID-19 in a hospital, and that they would not have been if the hospital had taken reasonable measures to protect them, may be able to successfully sue hospitals for damages.

The big question is what does it mean to act "reasonably" in a world in which COVID-19 abounds and remains a leading cause of death, including for children. Over the past century, courts have developed a variety of approaches to figuring out the bounds of reasonableness. In determining whether a precaution is "reasonable," modern courts commonly consider the relative costs and benefits of taking that precaution. Where an individual causes harm because they fail to take a cost-justified precaution, they may be found negligent and required to pay for the damages they have caused.

Requiring masks in direct patient care settings is a prime example of a cost-justified precaution. Masking is a simple, effective, and low-cost measure that hospitals can take to substantially reduce the spread of COVID-19. And the benefits are significant in hospital settings. Hospitals concentrate people who, as reflected in the conditions that bring them to the hospital, are both more prone to infection and more likely to face serious consequences if infected. Moreover, both healthcare providers and patients are known vectors of transmission in healthcare institutions.

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