The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Administrative Law

SEC v. Jarkesy and the Future of Agency Adjudication

An important challenge to the use of agency adjudication to enforce federal regulations.

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Tomorrow the Supreme Court hears oral argument in Securities Exchange Commission v. Jarkesy, a broad challenge to the SEC's authority to use agency adjudication as a means of enforcing the nation's securities laws. This is one of seveal significant adminsitrative law cases before the Court this term, and (despite the arcane subject matter) may be the case that garners the most attention.

Jarkesy presents three separate questions about the constitutionality of administrative adjudication at the SEC:

(1) Whether statutory provisions that empower the Securities and Exchange Commission to initiate and adjudicate administrative enforcement proceedings seeking civil penalties violate the Seventh Amendment;

(2) whether statutory provisions that authorize the SEC to choose to enforce the securities laws through an agency adjudication instead of filing a district court action violate the nondelegation doctrine; and

(3) whether Congress violated Article II by granting for-cause removal protection to administrative law judges in agencies whose heads enjoy for-cause removal protection.

All three questions are at issue because the court below -- the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit -- ruled against the agency on all three grounds. I was not particulary persuaded by two of the Fifth Circuit's conclusions, and explained why here.

By some accounts, Jarkesy threatens the very foundations of the administrative state. In this telling, a victory for the respondents will leave the federal government unable to ensure workplace safety, discourage corporate fraud or protect the environment. Jarkesy is unquestionably an important case, but it's a bit much to suggest it challenges "the legitimacy of the modern federal government." The case is really about the continued viability of agency adjudication as a means of enforcing regulatory schemes. This is a big deal, but is hardly threatens the viability of the administrative state nor "the destruction of the New Deal."

Should Jarkesy win on one or more of his claims (and I think it is likely he will prevail on at least one), this will require significant changes in the operations of some federal agencies. In particular, regulatory agencies that enforce their regulatory edicts before agency adjudicators will have to make changes. What those changes are, and how far-reaching the consequences of these changes will be, depends on which challenges succeed, but little in the case implicates (let alone threatens) the ability of agencies to issue regulations and enforce those regulations in federal court. Indeed, the core of Jarkesy's case is that agencies should be required to enforce their rules in federal court, not that they cannot issue rules or seek to have them enforced.

Although most commentary on Jarkesy has focused on the respondent's claims, and their implications, the more interesting question may be what comes next should Jarkesy prevail. Jarkesy's immediate aim is to prevent enforcement of the SEC's civil penalty order against him, either because the double-for-cause removal of SEC ALJs renders them unconstitutional, or because the SEC should not have been to prevent Jarkesy from defending himself in federal court in the first instance. Going forward, the question would be how to cure these constitutional infirmities (and whether some cures -- such as eliminating for-cause removal protections for ALJs -- would create constitutional problems of their own).

One way to resolve the constitutional questions in Jarkesy, suggested in a forthcoming paper by Christopher Walker and David Zaring, would simply be to allow defendants the option of removing SEC enforcement actions to federal court. This would maintain the current practice of agency adjudications, which can be less costly and time-consuming than the federal court alternative in many cases, but without unduly prejudicing the rights of defendants concerned they will not get a fair shake in front of the SEC's own adjudicators. As Walker summarizes in a post for Notice & Comment:

 In certain circumstances such as here, the regulated party should have a right to remove an enforcement action from an in-house agency adjudication to an Article III federal court. This right to remove would avoid the constitutional issues presented in Jarkesy. It would also, in our view, result in better administrative policy, at least when it comes to the agency adjudications that implicate civil penalties or otherwise get close to the private-rights line. In so doing, the right to remove retains a well-established, effective alternative to federal court litigation—formal adjudication under the Administrative Procedure Act (APA)—if both the government and the regulated entity find that alternative to be preferable, without unilaterally expanding the regulatory authority of the SEC or the workload of the federal courts.

Congress could enact this right to remove by statute. And, we argue, the SEC should adopt it via internal administrative law, even before the Court decides Jarkesy. The SEC could and should certainly explore that option if the Supreme Court invalidates its in-house adjudication scheme on any of the three grounds raised in Jarkesy.

The interesting question is whether this is a resolution the Court could (or should) impose, or whether it is something for Congress or the SEC to do. As they note, the current Court has not been particularly restrained when providing relief in other recent administrative law cases, such as United States v. Arthrex, and some justices might find this to be a suitable remedy. In the alternative, it would be rather easy for Congress to create a presumptive right to remove agency enforcement actions from agency adjudications to federal court provided certain conditions are met (e.g. the agency is seeking certain sorts of penalties). However it is done, allowing a right of removal would leave agency operations largly intact and address the most glaring constitutional concerns Jarkesy is presenting to the Court.

Free Speech

"Protecting People from Their Own Religious Communities: Jane Doe in Church and State,"

a new article of mine, is now available at the Journal of Law & Religion.

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The full text (of 38 J. L. & Rel. 354) is here; the Abstract:

Suppose that people seek confidentiality in what would otherwise be a public process—such as litigating or applying for a firearms license—because they are afraid that identifying them will stigmatize them in their (or their families') religious communities. Should the law allow them to proceed anonymously to better protect their interests and to avoid discouraging their lawsuits or applications? Or would that unduly stigmatize the religious community by branding it as improperly censorious or judgmental—or interfere with religious community members' ability to evaluate for themselves how their coreligionists are using the courts and other government processes?

And the Introduction:

Debates about religious exemptions often involve a religious community seeking protection against secular law. But what should be done when religious community members seek protection against their own community, or at least against parts of that community? In particular, when should the legal system take steps to help such members conceal actions—actions that for the rest of us would have to be public—precisely to avoid the religious community learning about those actions?

Many legal rules require that people be identified in public documents. Litigants must generally litigate under their own names, not pseudonymously (or anonymously, two terms that are generally used interchangeably in these contexts).[1] Firearms licenses and license applications are public records in many states; so are liquor license applications. Public records laws sometimes require disclosing the names of people who have been involved in government actions.

Some of these laws provide for exceptions, for instance when requiring a litigant's "disclosure of his identity in the public record would reveal highly sensitive and personal information that would result in a social stigma."[2] And some courts have read this as authorizing confidentiality for people who might otherwise face special stigma in their religious community.[3]

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The Volokh Conspiracy T-Shirts and Mugs You've Always Wanted (or at least the best of what we've come up with).

No fancy designs or super-clever slogans. Just basic VC merch.

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We're not known for our design savvy or fashion sense at the VC, but we've nonetheless thought it worth offering some basic Volokh Conspiracy merchandise.

Basic t-shirts, mugs and glassware with the VC logo are available here. Should inspiration strike, we may well offer more. With that in mind, feel free to provide recommendations and ideas for potential items in the comments. VC merchandise remains something of an experiment, and we welcome feedback.

Rohrschach AI

Episode 483 of the Cyberlaw Podcast

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The OpenAI corporate drama came to a sudden end last week. So sudden, in fact, that the pundits never quite figured out What It All Means. Jim Dempsey and Michael Nelson take us through some of the possibilities: It was all about AI accelerationists v. decelerationists. Or it was all about effective altruism. Or maybe it was Sam Altman's slippery ambition. Or perhaps a new AI breakthrough – a model that can actually do more math than the average American law student. The one thing that seems clear is that the winners include Sam Altman and Microsoft, while the losers include illusions about using corporate governance to ensure AI governance.

The Google antitrust trial is over – kind of. Michael Weiner tells us that all the testimony and evidence has been gathered on whether Google is monopolizing search, but briefs and argument will take a few months more – followed by years of  fighting about remedy if Google is found to have violated the antitrust laws. He sums up the issues in dispute and makes a bold prediction about the outcome, all in about ten minutes.

Returning to AI, Jim and Michael Nelson dissect the latest position statement from Germany, France, and Italy. They see it as a repudiation of the increasingly kludgey AI Act pinballing its way through Brussels, and a big step in the direction of the "light touch" AI regulation that is being adopted elsewhere around the globe. I suggest that the AI Act be redesignated the OBE Act in recognition of how thoroughly and frequently it's been overtaken by events.

Meanwhile, cyberwar is posing an increasing threat to civil aviation. Michael Ellis covers the surprising ways in which GPS spoofing has begun to render even redundant air navigation tools unreliable. Iran and Israel come in for scrutiny. And it won't be long before Russia and Ukraine deploy similarly disruptive drone and counterdrone technology. It turns out that Russia is likely ahead of the U.S. in this war-changing technology. That's according to China, which is following the field as closely as the Nazis followed air combat in the Spanish Civil War.

Jim brings us up to date on the latest cybersecurity amendments from New York's department of financial services. On the whole, they look incremental and mostly sensible.

Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR) is digging deep into his Golden Oldies collection, sending a letter to the White House expressing shock at his discovery of a law enforcement data program that the New York Times (and the rest of us) discovered in 2013. The program allows law enforcement to get call data but not content from AT&T with a subpoena. The only quasi-surprise here is that AT&T has kept this data for much longer than the industry-standard of two or three years and that federal funds have helped pay for the storage.

Michael Nelson, on his way to India for cyber policy talks, touts that nation's creative approach to the field, as highlighted in Carnegie's series on India and technology. He's less impressed by the UK's enthusiasm for massive new legislative tech initiatives. I argue that this is Prime Minister Rishi Sunak trying to show that Brexit really did give the UK new running room to the right of Brussels on data protection and law enforcement authority.

Download 483rd Episode (mp3)

You can subscribe to The Cyberlaw Podcast using iTunes, Google Play, Spotify, Pocket Casts, or our RSS feed. As always, The Cyberlaw Podcast is open to feedback. Be sure to engage with @stewartbaker on Twitter. Send your questions, comments, and suggestions for topics or interviewees to CyberlawPodcast@gmail.com. Remember: If your suggested guest appears on the show, we will send you a highly coveted Cyberlaw Podcast mug! The views expressed in this podcast are those of the speakers and do not reflect the opinions of their institutions, clients, friends, families, or pets.

The Myth of the Federal Private Nondelegation Doctrine, Part 2

Serial-blogging my recent article in the Notre Dame Law Review

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Yesterday, I started serial-blogging my article, The Myth of the Federal Private Nondelegation Doctrine, which has just come out in the Notre Dame Law Review. I'll continue serial-blogging it here over the next couple of days. This is a timely issue, because of the horseracing case currently pending in the Fifth Circuit (in which I filed an amicus brief on behalf of the Reason Foundation and others). Here's Part I, explaining the variety of different delegation-related doctrines and providing a handy categorization. (Please be sure to refer to the real version if you want all the footnotes!)

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I. Our Many Nondelegation Doctrines

Nondelegation is easy to get wrong because there's more than one nondelegation doctrine.  Everyone knows about the classic doctrine—the one that's usually called the Nondelegation Doctrine, which derives from Article I's Vesting Clause.  But other doctrines also have implications for delegations, and the Supreme Court and others sometimes talk about them using the word "delegation."  This isn't wrong: these doctrines really are relevant to delegations.  But we shouldn't confuse these similar-sounding doctrines.

Here's a way to illustrate the different doctrines:

  • Consider Gary Lawson's "Goodness and Niceness Commission" hypo. Congress passes a Goodness and Niceness Act, where section 1 outlaws transactions not promoting goodness and niceness, and section 2 lets the Commission promulgate regulations defining the content of the statute.  The problem is from the giver's side: Congress has given up too much power.
  • Now suppose Congress creates specialized Article III courts and gives them jurisdiction over cases where plaintiffs lack standing, or that fall outside the Article III jurisdictional categories. Congress hasn't given up too much power; perhaps the set of cases is very narrowly defined (and maybe even there would be no problem with those cases being heard by non–Article III administrative tribunals).  The problem is that Article III courts are constitutionally prohibited from hearing such cases; i.e., the recipient lacks the power to act.
  • Now imagine Congress tells an agency how to conduct adjudications. (The guidance is detailed, so Congress hasn't given up too much power, and the adjudications are within the agency's powers.)  Under that guidance, the parties are deprived of liberty or property interests with no notice or procedural rights.  The problem is that, for rights/‌justice/‌fairness reasons, individuals' rights under the Due Process Clause are being violated, i.e., the use of the delegated power is unconstitutional.  The same would be true with any other due process issue, like if the adjudicators received bonuses when they ruled against a claimant.  More generally, something about the application of the delegated powers would be improper.

This taxonomy divides nondelegation rules into three categories: (1) giver-based, i.e., don't delegate power that you can't grant; (2) recipient-based, i.e., don't delegate power to entities that can't exercise it; and (3) application-based, i.e., don't delegate power where the circumstances of its application will be unjust.  (Perhaps this third category is a residual category for everything not fitting into the other two.)  This Part looks at each in turn.

A. Giver-Based

1. The Article I Nondelegation Doctrine

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Parental Rights

Adoption by Stepmother Doesn't Cut Off Visitation Rights of Paternal Grandmother

An interesting case, decided under an Ohio statute.

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From In the Matter of L.D.R.S., decided last month by the Ohio Court of Appeals (Judge Matt Lynch, joined by Judges John Eklund and Robert Patton), but just noted last week in the Westlaw Bulletin:

L.D.R.S. was born on August 20, 2014, to unmarried parents.

On September 5, 2019, the juvenile court awarded John Snyder, the child's natural father and appellee, legal custody. At the same time, Zadunajsky, L.D.R.S.'s paternal grandmother, was granted companionship rights with the child {pursuant to R.C. 3109.12(A), which provides that "[i]f a child is born to an unmarried woman … the parents of the father … may file a complaint requesting that the court grant them reasonable companionship or visitation rights with the child."}

On December 20, 2021, Snyder filed a Motion for Termination or Modification of Visitation on the grounds that "the child has now been adopted [by his stepmother] and there [is] an intact family."

The lower court agreed that the stepmother's adopting the child cut off the grandmother's visitation rights under Ohio Rev. Code 3107.15(A)(1)(a), which provides:

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Free Speech

Court Denies Plaintiff Pseudonymity in #TheyLied Libel Suit Stemming from Alleged Stealthing by 17-Year-Old

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From a decision last week by Judge Robert Pitman in DL v. JS (W.D. Tex.):

Plaintiff dated ES from September 2021 to January 2022 when they were both in high school. On December 18, 2021, Plaintiff and ES were having intercourse when Plaintiff removed his condom without ES's knowledge. ES, Defendant, and ES's mother filed a civil lawsuit in Utah state court against Plaintiff and his parents in May 2022. The case proceeded publicly for over a year, when the parties agreed to classify the case as private, which sealed the pleadings and filings docketed in the case and renamed the parties with pseudonyms. The Utah civil suit has since settled.

In the instant case, Plaintiff brings claims of libel, public disclosure of private facts, and intentional infliction of emotional distress. Plaintiff alleges that Defendant contacted a member of the board of his fraternity, Phi Gamma Delta Fraternity at the University of Austin at Texas, via email and stated that Plaintiff sexually assaulted his daughter in high school. Plaintiff also alleges that Defendant has sent similar statements to various sororities affiliated with the University of Austin at Texas via the postal service. According to Plaintiff, these mailings contained the unredacted complaint from the Utah civil suit. Plaintiff filed this motion to proceed under pseudonyms concurrently with his complaint.

Plaintiff requests leave to proceed anonymously using the pseudonyms "DL" to refer to himself, "JS" to refer to Defendant, and "ES" to refer to Defendant's daughter, who is not a party to this action, in order to protect his reputation, the reputation of ES, and to avoid further dissemination of details concerning Plaintiff's alleged sexual misconduct against ES. Defendant responds that no public interest is served by allowing the use of pseudonyms and nothing about this case overcomes the presumption against allowing a party to proceed anonymously….

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Second Amendment Roundup: Concessions by the Government in the Rahimi Oral Argument

Misdemeanants don’t fall within the “not law-abiding” category.

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In the November 7 oral argument in U.S. v. Rahimi, the government conceded the fundamental difference between felonies and misdemeanors, which criminal defense and pro-gun attorneys will find useful.  Also, direct references were made by some Justices to the issue of non-violent felons who are not dangerous.  And on the separate state-law issue of whether administrative officials may have discretion to deny the right to bear arms, the government conceded that they do not.

Recall that under N.Y. State Rifle & Pistol Ass'n v. Bruen, a person who is among "the people" has Second Amendment rights, and conduct covered by the plain text of that Amendment is presumptively protected unless the state can satisfy its burden (yes, it's the government's burden) to demonstrate that the current gun control regulation is similar to valid historical analogue laws. In Rahimi, the issue is whether any Founding-era analogue laws exist to justify the federal gun ban against persons under a domestic violence restraining order (DVRO).

To uphold the ban, the government relies on laws that punished affrays, including the brandishing of weapons to terrify others, and laws that required persons who did so to find sureties to keep the peace.  Such laws are not "historical twins" to today's DVRO laws but are argued to be close enough.

A significant concession arising in the arguments would have jumped out at any member of the criminal defense bar, although it was not on the exact issue before the Court. The United States had argued in its briefs that persons who are not "law-abiding, responsible citizens" may be disarmed. Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar began her argument by saying that not being "law-abiding" means having "committed serious crimes defined by the felony-level punishment that can attach to those crimes."  Not being "responsible" "applies to those whose possession of firearms would pose an unusual danger."

Chief Justice Roberts asked whether a person who drives 30 in a 25 mile-an-hour zone is not "law-abiding."  The response was that the term does not include a "misdemeanor or minor criminal conduct under state law," but only "serious crimes."  Prelogar agreed that she was making a "misdemeanor/felony distinction," and that Rahimi did not have a "criminal record that would justify disarmament on that basis," but he was in the category of being a person who is not "responsible."

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The Myth of the Federal Private Nondelegation Doctrine, Part 1

Serial-blogging my recent article in the Notre Dame Law Review

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My article, The Myth of the Federal Private Nondelegation Doctrine, has just come out in the Notre Dame Law Review. I'll be serial-blogging it here over the next couple of days. This is a timely issue, because of the horseracing case currently pending in the Fifth Circuit (in which I filed an amicus brief on behalf of the Reason Foundation and others). Here's the abstract and introduction. (Please be sure to refer to the real version if you want all the footnotes!)

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Abstract

Judges and scholars have often claimed that delegations of governmental power to private parties are constitutionally prohibited.  However, such a "private nondelegation doctrine" is elusive, if not nonexistent.

To understand why, first we need to realize that there are actually several distinct nondelegation doctrines.  I develop a taxonomy that makes sense of these various doctrines by focusing on the different reasons why a delegation might be problematic.  A nondelegation doctrine might be "giver-based" (can Congress delegate this power?), "recipient-based" (can the recipient exercise this power?), or "application-based" (will the application of this power be unjust?).

Once we distinguish these doctrines, it becomes apparent that none of them rules out private delegations.  On the contrary, some doctrines actually facilitate privatization, because they provide that certain private delegations are exempt from certain constitutional requirements.  As for the other doctrines, they do not embody any categorical antiprivate rule.

Private status may be practically relevant in some cases, because the factors that matter to the various doctrines (e.g., how much a delegate is constrained, or the presence of bias) might tend to play out differently between the public and private sectors.  But this is an empirical question; the same factors can in principle also invalidate public delegations; and attentiveness to these factors shows how to structure private delegations so they are constitutionally permissible.  Constitutional law should continue looking to specific objectionable factors rather than the formal public-versus-private question.

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Free Speech

USC Professor Put on Remote Teaching After Saying Hamas Should Be Killed

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The Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) (Jessie Appleby) wrote about this last week (as did the Academic Freedom Alliance):

The University of Southern California has barred economics professor John Strauss from teaching on campus for the rest of the semester in response to anti-Hamas remarks he made to pro-Palestinian protesters last week. Strauss will finish out the semester teaching courses on Zoom.

On Nov. 9, students held a protest on the USC campus as part of a worldwide "Shut it Down for Palestine" movement. While walking past a group of protesters gathered at the Tommy Trojan statue, Strauss engaged with them over what he perceived to be anti-Semitic and anti-Israel sentiments.

The kerfuffle started when protesters accused Strauss of stepping on a printed list of Palestinians killed in Israeli airstrikes. (Strauss says that stepping on it was unintentional.) When Strauss passed the protest again later, he said one of the protesters yelled "Shame on you, Professor Strauss. Shame on you." In response, he yelled "No, shame on you. You people are ignorant. Really ignorant. Hamas are murderers. That's all they are. Every one should be killed, and I hope they all are."

A viral video circulated on social media in which Strauss can be heard saying, "Every one should be killed, and I hope they all are." But the clip was shortened in a way that left out the important context that Strauss's full comment made clear he was referring only to Hamas, not all Palestinians, when he said "every one should be killed."

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Free Speech

Journal of Free Speech Law: "'Dangerous to the Liberties of a Free People': Secret Societies and the Right to Assemble," by Nathan Ristuccia

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This just-published article is here; the Abstract:

Americans in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries often feared that secret assembly threatened republican government. Oath-bound secret societies were allegedly elitist cabals that would establish an imperium in imperio oppressive to ordinary citizens. Yet despite this hostility, many early Americans also insisted that freedom of assembly included the right to gather anonymously. According to this view, laws could not prohibit or excessively burden secrecy. This article, therefore, examines the discourse around secret societies both at America's founding and at the time the Four­teenth Amendment was ratified. It demonstrates that—although there were voices on both sides of the debate—the weight of the evidence indicates that the First Amendment's Assembly Clause originally protected the right to assemble in secret.

And the Introduction:

In the fall of 1875, a convention met in Raleigh, North Carolina, intending to gut the state's 1868 Reconstruction constitution. The convention's Democratic majority would have preferred to repeal the 1868 constitution altogether, written, as it was, by Black freedmen and Northern carpetbaggers and approved as a condition of the state's readmission to Congress. But elections had returned a 61–60 partisan split, so legislation forced the delegates to swear to amend the 1868 constitution, not abolish it. The delegates proposed thirty amendments—ratified the next year—which shifted power from local courts and county governments (often controlled by Blacks) to the securely Democratic General Assembly.

Two amendments, side by side in the final document, targeted the endemic political violence of the Reconstruction era by cutting back on individual rights that dated to North Carolina's original 1776 constitution. First, the delegates added a sentence to the pre-existing right to bear arms stating that "Nothing herein contained shall justify the practice of carrying concealed weapons, or prevent the Legislature from enacting penal statutes against said practice." Second, the state's assembly clause now read "[t]he people have a right to assemble together to consult for their common good, to instruct their representatives, and to apply to the Legislature for redress of grievances. But secret political societies are dangerous to the liberties of a free people, and should not be tolerated."

A present-day reader might assume that these additions were designed to quash the Ku Klux Klan. The opposite was true. During the 1860s and 1870s, North Carolina Democrats repeatedly denounced Republican secret societies such as the Heroes of America and the Union League, which formed to sabotage the Confederate war effort, defend freedmen, and mobilize Republican voters. After the war, these groups shifted from paramilitary activity to political organization, and they met in public when they could. Nonetheless, white southerners feared and hated them. For instance, one ex-Confederate politician maintained that the Republicans "operat[ed] chiefly through secret political societies … particularly among the blacks" although there was "no justification, at this time, for any secret political organization," violent or non-violent. For many Democrats, rumors about the threat of Republican secret societies made both Klan terrorism and the denial of Black assembly rights necessary.

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Free Speech

Race-Based Refusal to Consider Questions at Employer Town Hall / Removal of Posts on Internal Forum May Be Illegal Discrimination

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From Tyree B. v. Raimondo, decided by the EEOC on Oct. 18 but just posted to Westlaw last week:

The Agency framed Complainant's claims [of, among other things, race discrimination  based on his being white] as follows:

  1. Agency officials have ignored, dismissed, disregarded, suppressed, mischaracterized, and mislabeled Complainant's communications and concerns raised about Diversity, Equity and Inclusion since February 2021 and that he has been ostracized as a result. Examples include the following:
    1. Various Agency officials refuse to engage him on the topic of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion;
    2. The questions he has posed in Townhall meetings have been disregarded and/or not asked via the Moderator; and,
    3. On September 22, 2022, he read a NIST Forum open letter posted by another NIST Staff Member on or about March 3, 2021, which referred to a post of his made on the NIST Forums as "racist." Further, his post was labeled as "harassing." NIST has also removed his September 14, 2022 NIST Forum post, as well as other posts, and has unfairly characterized them as "harassing."
  1. The Department of Commerce initiated "heat" against him for comments he made about Diversity, Equity and Inclusion, which resulted in the initiation, and then continuation of this process.
  2. NIST and the Department of Commerce celebrate or otherwise favor people in their programs and events due to certain characteristics but no other groups, such as "whites and men." …

[F]or allegations of reprisal, the Commission has stated that adverse actions need not qualify as "ultimate employment actions" or materially affect the terms and conditions of employment to constitute retaliation…. The statutory anti-retaliation provisions prohibit any adverse treatment that is based on a retaliatory motive and is reasonably likely to deter a reasonable employee from engaging in protected activity.

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Free Speech

Arkansas AG's Opinion on Government Entities' Moderation of their Social Media Comments

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From Arkansas AG opinion 2023-034, issued two weeks ago:

[T]he content-moderation policies for the Arkansas Department of Transportation's "official social media account(s) (such as Twitter, IDRIVE, Arkansas Instagram, Facebook, etc.)" …, which describe the Department's social-media accounts as "limited public forums," authorize the Department to "remove or reject" "user generated posts … when the content:

  • contains obscenity;
  • contains offensive terms that target protected classes;
  • is threatening, harassing, or discriminatory;
  • incites or promotes violence or illegal activities;
  • contains information that reasonably could compromise someone's safety;
  • advertises or promotes a commercial product or service, or any entity or individual; [or]
  • promotes or endorses social causes, political campaigns, or candidates." …

The question presented here is not whether a personal social media account operated by an elected official constitutes government action under the First Amendment. Rather, the question here is what First Amendment limitations apply to comment moderation on an official government run social-media account….

The AG notes that constitutionally unprotected "obscenity" and "incitement" can be removed, but as to other matters concludes:

[T]he Department's interactive social media pages are best classified as limited public forums … [and thus] the Department's regulation of the comment sections in its social-media platforms "must be reasonable and viewpoint neutral." …

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Free Speech

Want Freedom to Criticize China, Palestine, Mexico, etc.? Protect Criticism of Israel

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After the Oct. 7 murders, the first attempts to punish speakers focused on those who defended Hamas's murders. But, unsurprisingly, things have turned to trying to suppress criticism of Israel more broadly, including criticism of Israel's attacks on Gaza. (The slippery slope is a real phenomenon, in a culture where people reason by precedent and analogy in developing both laws and social norms.) The firing of actress Melissa Barrera from Scream 7, in response to her accusing Israel of "genocide and ethnic cleansing" and of "[distorting] the Holocaust to boost the Israeli arms industry," is just one prominent example. The production company's explanation:

We have zero tolerance for antisemitism or the incitement of hate in any form, including false references to genocide, ethnic cleansing, Holocaust distortion or anything that flagrantly crosses the line into hate speech.

Attempts to place outright advocacy of murder beyond the pale have thus morphed into punishments for what is seen as "false" characterization of a foreign government's actions. Likewise, the Ingber v. NYU lawsuit claims NYU violated federal law by tolerating not just discrimination against specific Jewish students and anti-Semitism but also speech "denying Jews the right to self-determination"; and the lawsuit argues for adopting a definition of prohibited anti-Semitism as including, among other things,

  • "Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor";
  • "Applying double standards by requiring of [Israel] a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation"; …
  • "Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis" ….

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Law & Government

Michael Stern Responds to Kurt Lash on The Legislative History of Section Three

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As has been noted here already, earlier this month a Colorado District Court concluded that although Donald Trump engaged in the January 6 insurrection, he was not officer of the United States and so he was not covered by Section Three of the Fourteenth Amendment. The judge particularly cited a draft article by Kurt Lash about the legislative history of Section Three which argues that the presidency was either deliberately not covered, or at best that Section Three is ambiguous on this score.

Michael Stern has posted a lengthy analysis of this issue and of the legislative history that is definitely worth reading. Here is one paragraph beginning an analysis of the legislative history and especially of a statute drafted by Representative Samuel McKee:

The weight the court places on the fact that an early draft of section 3 explicitly lists the presidency and vice presidency also appears to be misplaced. A reader of the court's opinion would get the impression that a proposed amendment was introduced with those offices expressly included and then that proposal was modified to remove them. The actual drafting history of section 3 was more complex. . . .

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