The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Supreme Court

Supreme Court Dismisses ADA Tester Standing Suit as Moot

The Supreme Court's first decision of the term does not decide very much.

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Today the U.S. Supreme Court issued its first decision in an argued case this term: Acheson Hotels v. Laufer. In an opinion by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, the justices concluded that the case had become moot due to the plaintiff's decision to voluntarily dismiss her suits. Accordingly, the Court vacated the judgment below and remanded the case back to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit with instructions to dismiss the case as moot. The Court was unanimous, but Justices Thomas and Jackson each wrote separately concurring in the judgment.

Acheson Hotels had the potential to be a significant standing case. Here's how Justice Barrett described the case at the outset of her opinion.

Deborah Laufer has sued hundreds of hotels whose websites failed to state whether they have rooms accessible to the disabled. As the sheer number of lawsuits suggests, she does not focus her efforts on hotels where she has any thought of staying, much less booking a room. Instead, Laufer systematically searches the web to find hotels that fail to provide accessibility information and sues to force compliance with the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA), 104 Stat. 327, 42 U. S. C. §12101 et seq. Ordinarily, the hotels settle her claims and pay her attorney's fees. But some have resisted, arguing that Laufer is not injured by the absence of information about rooms she has no plans to reserve. Only plaintiffs who allege a concrete injury have standing to sue in federal court. Laufer, these hotels have argued, is suing to enforce the law rather than to remedy her own harms.

Laufer was a serial suit filer. Indeed, as Justice Barrett noted, Laufer "singlehandedly generated a circuit split" on whether she satisfied the requirements for standing.

The case became moot after Laufer voluntarily dismissed her pending claims after her lawyer, Tristan Gilespie, was sanctioned by a federal court for alleged unethical conduct in his handling of these cases.

Although the Court could have proceeded to resolve the standing question presented in the case -- standing, like mootness, is jurisdictional -- a majority of the Court concluded dismissing the case on mootness grounds was the more prudent course. While Acheson Hotels raised the prospect that dismissing the case could invite strategic behavior, the Court gave Laufer the benefit of the doubt, while cautioning it might not exercise its discretion in the same way in a future case. It also vacated the judgment below, erasing Acheson Hotel's loss below.

Justice Thomas concurred in the judgment, arguing that the Court should have instead dismissed the case on standing grounds. As he summarized at the close of his separate opinion:

Standing ensures that courts decide disputes over violations of a person's rights, not a defendant's compliance with the law in the abstract. Because Laufer has not asserted a violation of a right owed to her, she has no standing to bring her Reservation Rule claims. The Court should not have avoided reaching that conclusion due to Laufer's eleventh hour tactics. I respectfully concur in the judgment because I would vacate and remand, with instructions to dismiss for lack of standing.

Justice Jackson also concurred in the judgment, but on different grounds. She agreed with the majority that the case should be dismissed as moot, but suggested the Court was wrong to vacate the decision below. While acknowledging that the Courts disposition was "consistent" with the Court's "established practice" of vacating the decision below when a case becomes moot due to the unilateral action of the party that prevailed below, she expressed her disagreement with the practice. Contrary to the presumption underlying the Court's approach to vacatur under United States v. Munsingwear, Justice Jackson noted that, in her view, "there is nothing inherently inequitable about not being able to pursue an appeal." Thus, Justice Jackson explained, she "would ordinarily not agree to the imposition of the vacatur remedy that was not fully discussed, much less established."

The Court's disposition in Acheson Hotel leaves open some significant questions of standing law. In recent years the Court has adopted a more restrictive approach to standing, most notably in TransUnion v. Ramirez, but there is no unanimity among the Court's conservative justices about how far to go on cutting back the scope of Article III standing, or on the theoretical basis for limiting judicial review. Addressing such questions, and related concerns about whether states should receive special solicitude under Article III, will be left to future cases.

There Ought to Be a Country / Western Song About This

The father's heirs "dispute the distribution of a 1978 Ford pickup truck."

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From Estate of Kemmer, decided today by the Montana Supreme Court, in an opinion by Justice Beth Baker:

The surviving adult children of decedent Ronald Glen Kemmer—Travis, Becky,
Collette, and Ronda—dispute the distribution of a 1978 Ford pickup truck ….

"Evidence shows … several Heirs had sentimental attachment" to the pickup:

Ronda and Collette testified that at the August 2019 gathering [three months after Ronald Kemmer's death] there was an offer from the PR [the Personal Representative of the Estate, namely Travis,] to Collette to purchase the truck for $10,000, which would be deducted from her share of the estate. The Heirs dispute whether they reached agreement about the disposition of the truck. They submitted various e-mail and text messages between them to support their respective positions. All agree, however, that no written agreement for Collette to purchase the truck for $10,000 was made or signed at the August 2019 gathering.

When the disposition of the truck had not been resolved, the PR held an auction among the Heirs. Collette and Becky both bid on the truck; Collette submitted the highest bid of $21,120. Because Collette then failed to timely respond to the PR on the potential distribution, however, the PR distributed the truck to Becky for the second highest bid amount of $21,000. After Becky made payment, the PR made final distribution of the truck to Becky and filed a verified petition to close the Estate.

Collette and Ronda petitioned the District Court to remove Travis as the personal representative and to void the PR's distribution of the truck to Becky.

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Israel

Court Rejects Lawsuit Seeking to End American Aid to Israel

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From Friday's decision by Magistrate Judge Virginia DeMarchi in Nguyen v. U.S. (N.D. Cal.):

Ms. Nguyen alleges that after hearing about the Hamas attacks on Israeli civilians on October 7, 2023, she did "some research" on the internet and "learned that Israel is an apartheid government" and that "the U.S. government … has been supporting this apartheid government of Israel by sending them at least $3 billions [sic] of military aid each year." She claims that U.S. aid to Israel violates the "Preamble of the Declaration of Independence," the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986, and the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Ms. Nguyen requests "$5 trillion[ ] if a WWIII erupts; however since America is in debt of $31 trillion[ ], I'll take a letter of apology [and end of U.S. aid to Israel] or $25,000 for turning in this lawsuit….

A court may authorize the commencement of a civil action in forma pauperis if it is satisfied that the applicant cannot pay the requisite filing fees. In evaluating such an application, the court should grant or deny IFP status based on the applicant's financial resources alone and then independently determine whether the complaint withstands review under § 1915(e)(2)(B).

A court must dismiss a case filed without the payment of the filing fee whenever it determines that the action "(i) is frivolous or malicious; (ii) fails to state a claim on which relief may be granted; or (iii) seeks monetary relief against a defendant who is immune from such relief." A complaint must include facts that are "more than labels and conclusions, and formulaic recitation of the elements of a cause of action will not do." "Threadbare recitals of the elements of a cause of action, supported by mere conclusory statements, do not suffice." A complaint is frivolous if "it ha[s] no arguable substance in law or fact." …

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What Is "Human Intelligence," in Proposed Initiative Ballot Title, as Opposed to "Computer or Artificial Intelligence"?

An interesting opinion by the Arkansas AG's office, rejecting a proposed popular name and ballot title for a draft initiative.

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In Arkansas, as in many other states, proposals for initiatives' popular names and ballot titles must be submitted to the state AG's office, which must evaluate them to make sure they fairly and accurately summarize the initiative's legal effect. The AG's office may then accept the popular name and ballot title, revise it, or reject it.

An Arkansas AG's opinion released last week (No. 2023-108) rejects the following proposal:

Popular Name

An amendment to the Arkansas Constitution to conduct all elections by paper ballots containing inherent security features which protect the integrity and authenticity of an official ballot, with vote selections marked by hand using permanent ink placed directly on the ballot by the voter (except when otherwise required by federal law), permitting the counting of election day votes only after the polls close on election day, requiring the vote count to be verified by human intelligence before certification of the vote, requiring that all elections in this State be conducted by voters selecting only one candidate or issue per race with the winner determined by which candidate or issue receives the majority plus at least one vote of the total votes, preserving the special runoff system, ensuring that elections cannot be conducted in this state using an internet, Bluetooth, or wireless connection, and allocating funding to ensure free, fair, and secure elections.

Ballot Title

An amendment to the Arkansas Constitution that repeals Amendment 50, § 4 and amends Amendment 50, § 2 to remove the language that permits elections to be conducted by voting machines, modify the language of Amendment 50, § 2 as well as adding new sections to Amendment 50 which effectuate a policy and practice that all elections in this State must be conducted with paper ballots containing inherent security features designed to prevent unauthorized duplication, with vote selections marked by hand using permanent ink placed directly on the ballot by the voter in a manner which ensures the secrecy of the votes cast on the ballot and the anonymity of the voter casting the ballot, requiring that no election day votes be counted or tabulated before the close of the polls on election day, requiring that the tabulation of votes be verified by human intelligence before certification of the vote, requiring that all elections for government positions or issues in this State be conducted by voters selecting only one candidate or issue per race with the winner determined by which candidate or issue receives the majority plus at least one vote of the total votes, ensuring that elections cannot be conducted in this state using an internet, Bluetooth, or wireless connection, and allocating funding to ensure free, fair, and secure elections….

The AG gives several reasons for rejecting the proposed name and title (laid out in detail here), but here are some that struck me as especially interesting:

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Making the rubble bounce in Montana

Episode 484 of the Cyberlaw Podcast

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In this episode, Paul Stephan lays out the reasoning behind U.S. District Judge Donald W. Molloy's decision enjoining Montana's ban on TikTok. There are some plausible reasons for such an injunction, and the court adopts them. There are also less plausible and redundant grounds for an injunction, and the court adopts those as well. Asked to predict the future course of the litigation, Paul demurs. It will all depend, he thinks, on the Supreme Court's effort to sort out social media and the first amendment in the upcoming term. In the meantime, watch for bouncing rubble in the District of Montana courthouse. (Grudging credit for the graphics goes to Bing's Image Creator, which refused to accept the prompt until I said the rubble was bouncing because of a gas explosion and not a bomb. Way to discredit trust and safety, Bing!)

Jane Bambauer and Paul also help me make sense of the litigation between Meta and the FTC over children's privacy and the Commission's previous consent decrees. A recent judicial decision has opened the door for the FTC to modify an earlier court-approved order – on the surprising ground that the order was never incorporated into the judicial ruling that approved it. This in turn gave Meta a chance to make an existential constitutional challenge to the FTC's fundamental organization, a challenge that Paul thinks the Supreme Court is likely to take seriously.

Maury Shenk and Paul analyze the "AI security by design" principles drafted by the U.K. and adopted by an ad hoc group of nations that showed a split in the EU's membership and pulled in parts of the Global South. As diplomacy, it was a coup. As security policy, it's mostly unsurprising. I complain that there's little reason for special security rules to protect users of AI, since the threats are largely unformed, though Maury pushes back. What governments really seem to want is not security for users but  security from users, a paradigm that diverges from decades of technology policy.

Maury requests listener comments on his recent AI research and examines Meta's divergent view on open source AI technology. He offers his take on why the company's path might be different from Google's or Microsoft's.

Jane and I are in accord in dissing California's aggressive new AI rules, which appear to demand a public notice every time a company uses spreadsheets containing personal data to make a business decision. I predict that it will be the most toxic fount of unanticipated tech liability since Illinois's Biometric Information Privacy Act.

Maury, Jane and I explore the surprisingly complicated questions raised by Meta's decision to offer an ad-free service for around $10 a month.

Paul and I explore the decline of global trade interdependence and the rise of a new mercantilism. Two cases in point: the U.S. decision not to trust the Saudis as partners in restricting China's AI ambitions and China's weirdly self-defeating announcement that it intends to be an unreliable source of graphite exports to the United States in future.

Jane and I puzzle over a rare and remarkable conservative victory in tech policy: the collapse of Biden administration efforts to warn social media about foreign election meddling.

Finally, in quick hits,

  • I cover the latest effort to extend section 702 of FISA, if only for a short time.
  • Jane notes the difficulty faced by Meta in trying to boot pedophiles off its platforms.
  • Maury and I predict that the EU's IoT vulnerability reporting requirements will raise the cost of IoT.
  • I comment on the Canadian government's deal with Google to implement the Online News Act

Download 484th Episode (mp3)

You can subscribe to The Cyberlaw Podcast using iTunes, Google Play, Spotify, Pocket Casts, or our RSS feed. As always, The Cyberlaw Podcast is open to feedback. Be sure to engage with @stewartbaker on Twitter. Send your questions, comments, and suggestions for topics or interviewees to CyberlawPodcast@gmail.com. Remember: If your suggested guest appears on the show, we will send you a highly coveted Cyberlaw Podcast mug! The views expressed in this podcast are those of the speakers and do not reflect the opinions of their institutions, clients, friends, families, or pets

Free Speech

"Interfering with the Scent"

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From State v. Gardiner, decided Wednesday by the Oregon Court of Appeals (Judge Jacqueline Kamins, joined by Judges Douglas Tookey and James Egan):

A woman reported that a man knocked on her door, stabbed her in the face, and ran away. Hillsboro Police Officers and medical and fire department personnel responded to that call. In order to find the assailant, the officers deployed a K-9-unit tracking dog.

Defendant approached the area on foot and began filming. At one point, while defendant was present, a bicyclist rode through the area after being told to wait 30 seconds by an officer. Defendant had some interactions with officers, and each of them told him to stay clear of the "dog track." {According to officer testimony, the police dog is "trained for [tracking] fresh human odor" through footprints or air scent. Each dog track is never "exactly the same" because factors like weather temperature and wind direction affect a track. During a track, the dog-handler's primary focus is to observe the dog's behavior as it searches for scents, while other officers provide cover for the dog-handler.} Defendant was arrested after he disobeyed Edwards' order to leave the area because defendant continued to walk parallel to the dog track, thereby "interfering with the scent" and interfering with the duties of the police officers….

Defendant claimed this "violate[d] his constitutional right to film police activity," but the court disagreed. First, the court applied the Oregon courts' framework for dealing with free speech challenges under Article I, section 8 of the Oregon Constitution:

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Free Speech

College Student's Claim Alleging Baseball Coach Violated First Amendment Can Go Forward

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From Chief Judge Michael Urbanski's opinion posted yesterday in Peyton v. Kuhn (W.D. Va.):

[The Amended Complaint alleges the following:] Peyton was recruited to play baseball for Radford University ("Radford") by Radford's former baseball coach, Joe Raccuia, who was replaced by Kuhn prior to Peyton's matriculation. Peyton found many of Kuhn's actions objectionable, such as: grouping the lockers of minority players, such as Peyton, together; informing all players that they were required to stand during the national anthem in order to remain in good standing; directing only the players of color to get haircuts prior to team pictures; prohibiting players from attending a racial justice rally on campus; referring to an Asian American player on the team as "Kim Chi," rather than by his name; and assisting white players in finding summer league placements, but not assisting Peyton. Kuhn did not play Peyton in any baseball games during the 2020–2021 season.

Peyton was directed to inform Kuhn of his ongoing mental health concerns and believed Kuhn responded inappropriately to his disclosure. Peyton then reported this and the previous incidents to Radford's athletic department. Kuhn subsequently asked Peyton whether Peyton had lodged a complaint against him. When Peyton's parents became involved, Kuhn urged them to disenroll Peyton from Radford and stated, in front of others, that "these parents want me fired." Several days later, Kuhn took the players out of earshot of other athletic staff members to "curse them out."

Despite assurance from Radford's athletic director that Peyton would not face retaliation for raising concerns about Kuhn, Peyton was taken off the active lineup, prohibited from participating in live batting practice, and prevented from traveling with the team.

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Free Speech

"Hate Nickels Because They Are Not Dimes"

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In MCAD v. Kahalas, decided Nov. 17 by Massachusetts Commission Against Discrimination Hearing Officer Jason Barshak, complainant Ambroise claimed she was racially harassed and then fired because of her race and because of her complaints about the harassment. (Ambroise was a paralegal at Kahalas's law office; she had graduated from law school, but hadn't passed the bar, in four tries. Ltayf, Ellison, Calloway, and Clancy were other support staff, and Welsh and Bongiorno were lawyers.) Here are the hearing officer's findings of facts:

"HATE NICKELS BECAUSE THEY ARE NOT DIMES COMMENT"

On or about November 3, 2017, Ambroise was working late in the paralegals' room. Kahalas saw her and said to Ambroise that he was going to call her nickels, because she hates nickels, because they are not dimes, and asked if she was trying to get ahead ("hate nickels because they are not dimes comment"). I credit Kahalas' testimony that he was making a joke that he had made for years. Kahalas explained its meaning. The joke was that one who hates nickels because they are not dimes is a person who wants to make more money. Based on Kahalas' credible testimony concerning what he said to Ambroise, I do not credit Ambroise's testimony to the extent it implies Kahalas only said that he was going to call her nickels.

Ambroise did not know what Kahalas meant by his comment. After speaking to a friend, she had an understanding that it was a term relative to the value of an enslaved black person. Ambroise then performed a Google search and one of the results was the Urban Dictionary, a website where people submit their own definition of cultural slang. She searched the Urban Dictionary and found about a page and a half of definitions of "nickels" with five to ten definitions per page. Nowhere under the definitions of "nickels" was there a definition with racial connotation. None of the definitions of "nickels" stated that it meant "nickels n-word" or referenced the n-word. {Witnesses used the term "n-word" to reference the word "nigger" and it is used herein to connote the same.} After the definitions of "nickels", there were words containing the term "nickel(s)" like "nickels n-word" and "nickel dollar" which had their own definitions. According to Urban Dictionary, "nickels n-word" meant a poor black person who pays in change.

At the time Ambroise heard Kahalas' comment, she did not associate it with "nickels n-word." At hearing, Ambroise admitted that she had no reason to believe that Kahalas has ever used the Urban Dictionary. It was only after speaking with a friend, and looking up the term "nickels" on Urban Dictionary that she concluded the comment had racial connotations….

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Final Post on Moore v. United States

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First, the government and the Wall Street Journal are trying to persuade the Supreme Court to decide this case extremely narrowly after very publicly calling into question the ownership by private homeowners and stockholders of the unrealized gains on their assets thus limiting the ability of owners to borrow against those gains.  This is completely unfair because word that this case was pending in the Supreme Court caused those assets to be less highly valued than would otherwise be the case.  Justice should be done to all the millions of homeowners and owners of small amounts of stock who never knew that the federal government claimed a power to tax unrealized capital gains or to impose a direct wealth tax.  The Supreme Court owes 330,000,000 Americans a clear affirmation of their right not to have unrealized capital gains or wealth directly taxed.

Second,  the Constitution requires the rule of apportionment for all "direct taxes" and not merely for "land taxes", which are a subset of the general term "direct tax."  A direct tax is a tax that falls straight on an individual and not on a transaction.  A wealth tax is such a tax.  Taxes which fall on transactions include: tariffs, sales taxes, income taxes, inheritance taxes, gift taxes, and value added taxes. Transactional taxes are indirect and need only be uniform among the states.

Third, the best evidence that wealth taxes are direct taxes are Chief Justice John Marshall's statement to the Virginia Ratifying Convention and Chief Justice Oliver Ellsworth's statement to the Connecticut Ratifying Convention to that effect.  Even Alexander Hamilton, himself, said in his brief for the United States in Hylton v. United States, 3 U.S. (3 Dall.) 171 (1796) that:

"The following are presumed to be the only direct taxes.

Capitation or poll taxes.
Taxes on lands and buildings.
General assessments, whether on the whole property of individuals, or on their whole real or personal estate; all else must of necessity be considered as indirect taxes."

In other words, even Alexander Hamilton himself said that wealth taxes were direct taxes in Hylton.  Now to be fair, it is true that Hamilton sometimes said that direct taxes were only capitations or land taxes, but Hamilton was also the most nationalist member of the Philadelphia Constitutional Convention.  He favored a President and a Senate that served for life; the abolition of the states; and the federal appointment of "territorial" governors.  Alexander Hamilton was the most nationalist of the Framers at Philadelphia, and even he admitted that a wealth tax was a direct tax in his brief in Hylton v. United States.

In any event, the history of the Philadelphia Convention was deliberately kept secret so that the Constitution's meaning to the 13 State Ratifying Conventions would be the controlling original public meaning.  What happened at Philadelphia was indicative ONLY of the original intent of Framers such as Justice Patterson.  It was NOT indicative of the original public meaning of the phrase "direct tax" at all. Originalists long ago eschewed arguments from original intent in favor of arguments about the original public meaning of words.  General constitutional language like "direct taxes", "commerce among the States", laws that are "necessary and proper", "freedom of speech and of the press", and "privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States" are always construed expansively because it is after all "a constitution, which we are expounding."  Of necessity, "it lacks the prolixity of a legal code."

Originalism

How Originalist Is the Supreme Court?

More than you might think—and it’s getting better all the time.

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At last month's Federalist Society National Lawyers' Convention, which had the theme of "Originalism on the Ground," I got to speak on a panel addressing the question "How Originalist Is the Supreme Court?" My answer was an optimistic one: "more than you might think—and it's getting better all the time." As I argued,

Despite occasional denunciations from its perceived critics on the bench, originalism remains still the coin of the realm of legal argument. As Judge Posner (no friend to originalism) wrote decades ago, originalism was and is the orthodox mode of legal justification.

And despite occasional betrayals from the perceived friends of originalism on the bench, they too are doing better than one might think. But to see this we need to recognize three distinctions:

  • The distinction between a rule, and its applications;
  • The difference between pursuing the original law, and merely the original meaning;
  • And the difference between originalism as a standard or as a method of interpretation—as a destination, or as a route.

When we draw these distinctions, we can see that originalism is in fact central to the practice of American courts, including the Supreme Court—and that they're no worse at it than at anything else they do.

Like the person who's a vegetarian not because they love animals, but because they hate plants, I take this view not because I'm an optimist about originalism, but because I'm a pessimist about everything else done by our courts.

For the rest (and a video of the event), see below!

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Free Speech

Court Rejects Attempt to Block Media from Reporting Name of Pseudonymous Litigant

The court required the university defendants to keep plaintiff's identity confidential (common in pseudonymous Title IX cases), but refused to extend this to media, students, and others.

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In Doe v. U.N.C. Sys., decided Tuesday by Chief Judge Martin Reidinger (W.D.N.C.), the court allowed plaintiff to proceed pseudonymously (in a case challenging a Title-IX-based expulsion), and ordered the university to keep Doe's name and records confidential (and thus barred it from responding to a state public records request).

[1. T]he Plaintiff has presented evidence in the form of his Verified Complaint that UNC-CH's investigatory and adjudicatory processes were procedurally flawed, and that he was found responsible for sexual misconduct based on insufficient and unreliable evidence. Moreover, the Plaintiff has presented evidence suggesting that the investigation involved significant procedural irregularities, some of which violated UNC-CH's own Title IX policy. While these procedural deficiencies "may appear insignificant in isolation, taken together they warrant concern that Doe was denied a full and fair hearing." The Plaintiff further has presented evidence that UNC-CH lacked sufficient evidence to find him responsible for sexual misconduct, and that the evidence that UNC-CH did have was unreliable. This evidence, when coupled with procedural irregularities, cast significant doubt on the accuracy of UNC-CH's determination that the Plaintiff engaged in sexual misconduct. The Defendants have not produced any evidence at this stage to the contrary….

[2.] As to … [evidence of] circumstances suggesting gender bias motivated the erroneous outcome[,] the Plaintiff's Verified Complaint establishes that UNC-CH has faced significant public pressure over its handling of sexual misconduct complaints, has been found to have violated Title IX by the Department of Education, and has responded by changing its policies and creating new staff positions. This evidence tends to show that UNC-CH was aware of, and responding to, public pressure regarding its handling of sexual misconduct. Additionally, the Plaintiff has presented evidence that the actions of Defendants Enlow and Hall, in investigating and adjudicating the complaints, evidenced gender bias. This evidence is sufficient for a factfinder to determine that UNC-CH reached an erroneous outcome in the Plaintiff's matter because of gender bias. Accordingly, this Court concludes that the Plaintiff's evidence is sufficient to show a likelihood of success on the merits of at least a portion of his Title IX claim.

[T]he Plaintiff contends that the premature disclosure of his name and disciplinary record would be "devastating and incurable[,]" as it would forever link him to acts of sexual misconduct that he claims he did not commit. This association would undoubtedly damage the Plaintiff's reputation in the community and hamper his job prospects. Indeed, as this Court noted in its order allowing the Plaintiff to proceed pseudonymously, "the mere accusation of [sexual misconduct], if disclosed, can invite harassment and ridicule." This Court cannot remedy these harms after litigation with a monetary award. As such, Plaintiff has established that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm absent injunctive relief.

But the court refused to extend the injunction to students, the media, and others:

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Free Speech

Plaintiff Sues Defendant, Alleging Defendant's "Niche Is Cancel Culture"

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From Couture v. Noshirvan, decided Thursday by Judge Sheri Polster Chappell (M.D. Fla.):

This case stems from a dozen TikTok videos…. [According to the Complaint,] Defendant Noshirvan is a TikTok creator. He makes money through TikTok gifts, tips, and subscription fees. His niche is cancel culture. Noshirvan finds a video of someone messing up. He then edits and reposts the video. In the edited video, Noshirvan overlays himself doxing the person depicted in the video—that is, he provides the person's name, contact information, employer, and other personal information. He targets the person as an antagonist, in need of accountability. Many of his millions of followers then harass the person. People pay Noshirvan for this doxing service.

That's what happened here. Someone recorded Plaintiff Jennifer Couture during an argument. And someone then provided that video to Noshirvan and paid his fee. Noshirvan went to work. He edited the video and reposted his version targeting Couture. Many of his followers berated Couture by text and phone call. They found her family, the schools her children attended, and employers and contacted them. Over the next several months, Noshirvan posted twelve videos about Couture. He encouraged his followers to report Couture to Southwest Florida Crimestoppers. And he falsely reported to the Florida Department of Children and Families that Couture had harmed her child.

Noshirvan did not target only Couture. He also targeted Garramone Plastic Surgery (her employer and family). Garramone similarly received calls, texts, emails, and negative online reviews. Garramone responded to a negative review by stating that it was not from a former or current patient. Noshirvan then accused Garramone of slander and questioned why Garramone took out a PPP loan. Noshirvan's videos forced Garramone to terminate contracts with surgeons who worried about reputational harm. Patients canceled scheduled procedures.

Garramone sued Noshirvan for, among other things, tortious interference with business relations; the court rejected these claims, but left open room for plaintiffs to amend their complaint:

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Free Speech

#TheyLied Case Filed by Elected Official Over Allegations of Sexual Assault Can Go Forward

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From Anderson v. Senthilnathan (Colo. Ct. App.), decided Sept. 28, in an opinion by Judge Katharine Lum, joined by Judges Jerry Jones and Steve Bernard:

At various times in 2021, while Anderson served as an elected Director on the Board of Education for Denver Public Schools (DPS), [Defendants] BLM [Black Lives Matter 5280, a chapter of the national Black Lives Matter] and [BLM co-founder] Brown, Brooks-Fleming, and Senthilnathan published separate statements alleging that Anderson had sexually assaulted one or more people. Each of the defendants was familiar with Anderson through participation in community politics.

An investigation [by ILG Legal Services] commissioned by DPS was unable to substantiate the allegations of sexual assault raised by Brooks-Fleming and by a third party who had allegedly reported her assault to BLM. The results of the investigation were released before Senthilnathan made her statements.

Anderson sued for defamation and related claims, and the court held that Anderson had sufficiently alleged falsehood and actual malice as to defendants Brooks-Fleming and Senthilnathan that the case could go forward:

[The ILG] report revealed inconsistencies in Brooks-Fleming's own account of the events underlying her allegations that Anderson committed sexual assault or other sexual misconduct against sixty-two DPS students.

ILG interviewed Brooks-Fleming one day after she gave her testimony and follow-up statement. According to the ILG report, Brooks-Fleming claimed that the first two sexual assault victims, both of whom had injuries, came to her in August and September of 2020. Yet, in October 2020, Brooks-Fleming praised Anderson on social media as a "brave and worthy role model." And while Brooks-Fleming claimed that by the end of October 2020, she received sixty-two reports of sexual assault and sexual misconduct by Anderson, she invited Anderson to speak at a political event for DPS in November 2020. Then, five days after Brooks-Fleming's testimony and follow-up statement, she posted the following to social media: "I NEVER SAID HUS [sic] NAME I NEVER SAID HIS NAME I NEVER SAID HIS NAME — TOLD YALL I WAS ON HIS SIDE [three skull emojis]."

The report also detailed how Brooks-Fleming then changed "a number of details" in her chronology in a written statement provided after her initial interview. According to the revised chronology, Brooks-Fleming "received most of the allegations after she publicly praised [Anderson] and asked him to speak at an event to benefit homeless youth." The ILG report noted that the discrepancies in the timeline were not minor and indicated a "serious disassociation between [Brooks-Fleming's] actions and her allegations."

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Moore v. United States: Income must be realized

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A key issue in Moore v. United States is whether income has to be realized to be taxable.  An amicus brief in the case was filed by Professors of linguistics who did a 1913 search of the use of the words "income" and "derived" from the Sixteenth Amendment and found that overwhelmingly Americans thought income has to be realized to be taxable.  The online dictionary of etymology concurs as follows:

Online Etymological Dictionary:

income (n.)

  1. 1300, "entrance, arrival," literally "a coming in;" see in(adv.) + come(v.). Perhaps a noun use of the late Old English verb incuman "come in, enter." Meaning "money made through business or labor" (i.e., "that which 'comes in' as payment for work or business") first recorded c. 1600. Compare German einkommen "income," Swedish inkomst. Income tax is from 1790, introduced in Britain during the Napoleonic wars, re-introduced 1842; in U.S. levied by the federal government 1861-72, authorized on a national level in 1913.

also from c. 1300

The United States should lose this case.  Income literally has to "come in" before it is taxable both as the word was used in 1913 and based on its etymology.

Chief Justice Roberts' Chance to Redeem Himself!

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In 2012, Chief Justice Roberts disappointed conservative and libertarian Supreme Court watchers by upholding the Affordable Care Act's mandate that everyone buy health insurance as a direct tax.  The Chief Justice wrote an excellent opinion -- one of his best -- on why the Commerce and Necessary and Proper Clauses do not allow Congress to mandate that private citizens enter the health career market and buy unwanted health insurance.  But, he held correctly that the health insurance mandate could be view as a direct tax, and he upheld the constitutionality of the mandate on that ground.

It turns out that Chief Justice Roberts was right that the health insurance mandate was a direct tax because it was owed if one had income of $43,000 a year or more.  In short, it was. an income tax, which does not require apportionment according to the census of enumeration because the Sixteenth Amendment excepts income taxes from the rule of apportionment. It turns out that Chief Justice Roberts was the only one of the nine justices to get NFIB v. Sebelius, 567 U.S. 519 (2012)completely right!

There is, however, dicta in his opinion saying that the only direct taxes for which apportionment is required are capitations and land taxes.  That is wrong for the reasons I spelled out in my post on the Volokh Conspiracy last night responding to Professors Akhil Reed Amar and Vikram Amar.  But, it is is harmless error in dicta because the Sixteenth Amendment itself authorizes the insurance mandate tax!

Chief Justice Roberts has a chance to redeem himself with right of center legal pundits in Moore v. United States by holding that a wealth tax or a tax on unrealized capital gains is a direct tax, which requires apportionment unlike the health care mandate, which is directly authorized by the Sixteenth Amendment!

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