The FBI Decided Not To Knock Down a Suspect's Front Door Because 'It Was an Affluent Neighborhood'
"This is such outrageous behavior by the FBI," a D.C. Circuit judge says, calling the agency's special treatment of rich people "deeply troubling."
"This is such outrageous behavior by the FBI," a D.C. Circuit judge says, calling the agency's special treatment of rich people "deeply troubling."
That perplexing situation underlines the hazards of police tactics that aim to prevent violence but often have the opposite effect.
An Arkansas police officer used trumped-up charges to punish a man who criticized him for violating the Constitution.
The officer used a "pain compliance maneuver" to force information from the boy's sister, who was recording the encounter.
Brett Hankison's acquittal shows how difficult it is to hold cops accountable for abusing their power.
"You can't treat everyone like a criminal to find the criminals," an outraged driver says. In Jackson, apparently you can.
The defendants unsuccessfully argued that their training was inadequate and that they understandably deferred to a senior officer.
The former detective's trial should not obscure the responsibility of the drug warriors who authorized, planned, and executed the deadly raid.
To "get wanted individuals off the streets," police are stopping drivers without any evidence that they have broken the law.
Banning "no-knock" search warrants is not enough to prevent lethal confrontations between cops and people exercising the right to armed self-defense.
A federal judge declined to issue a temporary restraining order, saying the evidence of legal violations is insufficient at this point.
"Active bystandership" training encourages officers to stop their colleagues from violating people's rights.
Thomas Lane, J. Alexander Kueng, and Tou Thao are charged with federal crimes for failing to stop Derek Chavin from killing Floyd.
The Institute for Justice argues that the seizures violated state law, federal law, and the U.S. Constitution.
Politicians and cops found creative ways to dodge responsibility in 2021.
The Institute for Justice wants the Supreme Court to review the case—and to clarify the proper scope of "investigatory stops."
Keddins Etienne's experience shows that bullies who seize innocent people's property tend to back down when their victims put up a fight.
The Supreme Court's notion of "fair notice," which it says requires blocking many civil rights lawsuits, is based on a demonstrably false assumption.
Cops thought Hoang Vinh Pham, who received a 15-year prison sentence, was suspicious because he stared at a police van full of marijuana.
"We are not eager—more the reverse—to print a new permission slip for entering the home without a warrant," declared Justice Kagan in Lange v. California.
The report from the attorney general's office also found that Aurora paramedics used ketamine illegally to treat "excited delirium."
The 32 charges include manslaughter, criminally negligent homicide, and second-degree assault.
Otis Mallet's ordeal, like the deaths of Dennis Tuttle and Rhogena Nicholas, involved a fictional drug purchase.
A jury convicted the former Minneapolis police officer of murder and manslaughter in April, nearly a year after Floyd's death set off nationwide protests.
Polling shows a sharp partisan divide on the issue, but it also suggests that compromise might be possible.
Plus: On SATs and bias, what changed when Texas lifted its mask mandate, and more...
Cops laugh about “probable cause on four legs” but the damage to innocent lives is real.
SCOTUS will soon decide whether to hear José Oliva’s argument that he should be allowed to sue V.A. officers for violating his Fourth Amendment rights.
The federal charges against Chauvin and three other officers involved in George Floyd's death are more about making a statement than seeking justice.
Bans on dangling objects are just one example of the myriad petty rules that give police the power to stop nearly any driver at will.
The guilty verdicts on all three counts reflect the logical force of the prosecution's case as well as the emotional impact of watching the assault on George Floyd.
"This wasn't policing," the prosecution says. "This was murder."
The defense rested without calling Chauvin to the stand, and closing arguments are expected on Monday.
That was one of several eyebrow-raising claims made by Barry Brodd, who said Derek Chauvin's actions were "objectively reasonable."
The defense will have to cast doubt on at least one of those claims.
Andrew Baker's account, like the testimony of other medical experts, implicates Derek Chauvin in Floyd's death.
The witnesses rejected the defense's suggestion that Floyd might have died from a drug overdose.
A use-of-force expert says the officers who pinned George Floyd to the ground should have recognized the risk of positional asphyxia.
Medaria Arradondo says Chauvin's treatment of George Floyd violated department policy in several important ways.
Richard Zimmerman's testimony contradicts the defense claim that Derek Chauvin "did exactly what he had been trained to do."
If drugs played a role in Floyd's death, the prone restraint only compounded that danger.
The defense will have a hard time showing that Chauvin's conduct was justified by any threat Floyd posed.
“There was no immediate danger,” Sotomayor said, yet the police “decided on their own to go in and seize the gun.”
After gratuitously terrifying a 6-year-old girl, the officers blamed her mother, who also had done nothing illegal.
Art Acevedo responded to a 2019 drug raid that killed a middle-aged couple with reflexive defensiveness and obstinate obfuscation.
But the agreement could complicate Derek Chauvin's murder trial, and it leaves unresolved the question of whether qualified immunity would have blocked the lawsuit.
Like the felony murder charge, it carries a presumptive sentence more than eight years longer than the manslaughter charge.