Supremes Tell Police to Step Away From the Vehicle
It was not all bad news for the Fourth Amendment at the Supreme Court yesterday. In addition to signaling that they may approve the strip search of an eighth-grader by public school officials looking for ibuprofen, the justices ruled that police may search the vehicle of an arrested motorist only if they reasonably believe it contains evidence of the offense for which he was arrested or that he may be able to retrieve a weapon from it. The case involved Rodney Gant, who was arrested in Arizona for driving with a suspended license. After he was handcuffed and placed in the patrol car, police searched his vehicle and found cocaine in the pocket of a jacket. The Arizona Supreme Court threw out the resulting drug charge, concluding that rummaging through Gant's car did not qualify as a "search incident to arrest," for which the U.S. Supreme Court has said a warrant is not required, because it did not serve to protect officer safety or preserve evidence. In a decision by Justice John Paul Stevens that was joined by Justices Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, David Souter, and Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed.
The line-up is interesting, especially given the (largely undeserved) reputations Scalia and Thomas have acquired for supporting the erosion of civil liberties. When it comes to students' Fourth Amendment rights, Thomas would say they have none that public school officials need respect, and Scalia is only slightly less dismissive. It will be surprising if they do not approve the Advil strip search. But when it comes to adults, Scalia and Thomas are much less inclined to side with the government in Fourth Amendment cases. In this case, Scalia wrote a concurrence that is even less generous to police than the majority opinion:
It is abundantly clear that [traditional standards of reasonableness] do not justify what I take to be the rule set forth in New York v. Belton and Thornton [v. United States]: that arresting officers may always search an arrestee's vehicle in order to protect themselves from hidden weapons. When an arrest is made in connection with a roadside stop, police virtually always have a less intrusive and more effective means of ensuring their safety—and a means that is virtually always employed: ordering the arrestee away from the vehicle, patting him down in the open, handcuffing him, and placing him in the squad car….
Justice Stevens acknowledges that an officer-safety rationale cannot justify all vehicle searches incident to arrest, but asserts that that is not the rule Belton and Thornton adopted….[Stevens says] that officers making a roadside stop may search the vehicle so long as the "arrestee is within reaching distance of the passenger compartment at the time of the search." I believe that this standard fails to provide the needed guidance to arresting officers and also leaves much room for manipulation, inviting officers to leave the scene unsecured (at least where dangerous suspects are not involved) in order to conduct a vehicle search. In my view we should simply abandon the Belton-Thornton charade of officer safety and overrule those cases. I would hold that a vehicle search incident to arrest is ipso facto "reasonable" only when the object of the search is evidence of the crime for which the arrest was made, or of another crime that the officer has probable cause to believe occurred.
Meanwhile, Justice Anthony Kennedy, described as a quasi-libertarian in a recent book on his jurisprudence, joined the dissenters who would have upheld the search of Gant's car.
Flex Your Rights comments on the case here. I discuss Scalia's libertarian tendencies here and here. Cathy Young, Mark Moller, and Radley Balko discuss his statist tendencies here, here, and here.
[Thanks to Mark Lambert for the tip.]
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No one ever listens, but I keep telling people Scalia is not an enemy of rights. He just reads the Constitution as it was written. The downside of that is that he doesn't strike down a lot of stupid laws. The upside is that he reads the Consitution to mean what it says whether he likes it or not.
Next thing you know cops won't be able to shoot the dogs.
Justices Scalia and Thomas tend to be pretty absolutist on rights. If a right is written down and they believe it exists, they go farther than most judges and justices in implementing it without "balancing" it with unwritten rights. OTOH, if they don't think that it exists, then they won't consider it at all. They also tend to approve of bright line rules, where it's all or nothing depending on what side of the line you fall on.
In these particular cases, it can mean that adults get maximum 4th Amendment protection, but kids get no protection from state school officials. (OTOH, at least they're both pro-voucher and tax credits, one way to escape stupid state schools.)
I remember reading the search incident to arrest cases in law school and being appalled. I am shocked this case went the way it did. I am happy but still surprised.
Justice Stephen Breyer is probably the least civil libertarian judge of all. He always finds some practical, utilitarian reason why a right has to be balanced away.
Not to be a statist or contrarian here, but if they took the guy away in handcuffs, wouldn't they also have impounded his car? And wouldn't the car have been searched at the impound lot? And so wouldn't he have gotten the drug charge then, anyway?
This story also illustrates a bit of wisdom imparted to me long ago: never commit more than one crime at the same time.
PapayaSF-- yes, searches of impounded cars are allowed, even for cars impounded for things like illegal parking. The justification is to inventory the car and its contents, and since it's necessary to demonstrate that nothing was stolen from the car anyway.
However, there are cases where there are passengers in a car, or where the arrestee is not the driver, and this would be significant there. A car is not always immediately impounded upon an arrest.
David Souter continues to be (mildly) underapreciated by libertarians, IMO, as he has the most expansive view of free speech, 4th Amendment protections, and privacy rights of anyone on the Court. Breyer continues to be the most deferential, at least among the liberals, to the ability of government officials and police to self-regulate.
Now to read the opinion. I actually did considerable research on this case, so I'm interested to read it, and hopefully will have something to contribute.
By the way, here's an image of the house driveway and house:
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PapayaSF--
In this particular case I believe that the driver's car was actually in his own driveway at the time when he was arrested for driving without a license. I don't think that it follows that the car would be automatically impounded.
When it comes to students' Fourth Amendment rights, Thomas would say they have none that public school officials need respect, and Scalia is only slightly less dismissive.
How bizarre. IANAL and can only imagine the contortions needed to arrive at that conclusion. I understand that minors are regarded differently under the law than adults, but it would seem that the at the very least the question of the proportionality of intrusion via searching a person's body or belongings would have to be considered in the strip search case. Giving school administrators- bureaucrats who probably don't care to distinguish between ibuprofen and, say, a narcotic- carte blanche to strip search students based on evidence that is flimsy at best just can't be a good idea. Imagine the potential for abuse.
Look, there's your problem right there. Justices Scalia and Thomas are formalists who don't believe too much in "proportionality." It's a right, or it's not a right. Only somewhat exaggerating, and let's remember that the ibuprofen case isn't decided.
I will have to go back and say that one possible outcome of this case is police departments encouraging more impounding of cars in order to search them. I'm not sure that they could justify seizing a car because someone didn't have license, but I'm sure some somewhere will try.
re: Scalia's civil rights correctness - wasn't he on the opposite side of Thomas in Raich?
Scalia has actually written about this before in Thornton v. US. It was pretty obvious that he was going to decide this way.
In that case, Scalia (joined by Ginsburg) concurred in he judgement (just as he did here), but the majority opinion specifically rejected Scalia's alternative opinion.
Basically his opinion is that the rule for searches incident to arrest is a legal fallacy that is unnecessary. Scalia thinks that all searches should be governed by probable cause, or officer safety.
If you're pulled over for speeding, there is no probable cause that there will be evidence of speeding in your car. If the driver of the car is in the backseat of a police cruiser, there's also no need to search under Terry to protect the officer either.
The only real surprise member of the majority here is Thomas, who didn't join Scalia and Ginsburg in Thornton, but signed onto the majority in their opinion that a search very similar to this one was in-fact acceptable.
Re: Scalia in Raich
Yeah, he was on the opposite side of Thomas in that one. Scalia loses his principles in cases involving drugs (and a few other topics, actually).
Brian, re: Scalia & drugs--
It's true, but in this case even though drugs were found, Scalia stuck to his previously articulated principle.
The majority also liked Justice Scalia's idea from his Thornton concurrence, where he argued that "searching for evidence related to the arrest" was an acceptable principle, though "searching for random whatever no matter what the arrest" was not.
One of those cases where a concurrence becomes the majority a few years later... which is of course why the Justices write separate concurrences.
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If a right is written down and they believe it exists, they go farther than most judges and justices in implementing it without "balancing" it with unwritten rights.
Because obviously the Ninth Amendment was not written down (with words, even!), in a constitution that they ought to be expounding.
What?
I'm so depressed Scalia and Thomas are on the right side a 4th amendment issue.Not much consolation that Ginsburg was the only progressive to join them.I'll probably stop by an interstate rest stop and blow a bunch of guys before I go home to the wife.I'll drown my sorrows in alcohol and anonymous semen.
Was it just me, or was Scalia skeptical of the school's line of thinking on the Advil strip search?
Maybe it was just me.
re: Scalia's civil rights correctness - wasn't he on the opposite side of Thomas in Raich?
Person most surprised by a Justice's decisions: The president that appointed him.
...or of another crime that the officer has probable cause to believe occurred.
ARRRGGGHHHHH! So close. So very close and yet... so far away. If the officer has probable cause to believe another crime has occurred then he should get a search warrant.
Look a right, right there, written down with words and everything.
Bah, I'm going home getting drunk on used motor oil.
OK, Elemenope, what rights does the Ninth Amendment explicitly protect? Whichever ones you and I want to find there? Or positive liberties that other people want to find there? (That is of course the actual intended meaning when it's been called an "inkblot;" think Rorschach test.)
If the Ninth Amendment only protects whatever rights whoever's reading it finds that it "obviously" protects, then in the end it's no different from majority rule. It provides no check upon the legislative power, since as generally interpreted a majority will always read into it whatever rights that they like and read out the ones that they don't like.
This is unlike, say, the Second Amendment, where the explicit wording has forced some liberal law theorists to accept that it means what it says, even if they don't like the policy implications.
OTOH, I've never heard anyone, ever, argue that the Ninth Amendment obviously protects some right if they don't like the policy implications of that right. And a Constitutional guarantee is meaningless (especially as a check on the legislative power) unless it sometimes prevents policies that would otherwise meet with general approval.
So please, find me of an example of someone saying "I really wish government could do this, but it goes against my concept of what the Ninth Amendment means."
If you read Breyer's dissent he says that he does not like the Belton rule either but for stare decisis reasons he did not find this the right case to overule. Roberts and Alito are predictably pro-police. Kudos to Scalia and Thomas for being on the right side on this case.
And Nooge, re your spoof post of me, uh, Souter and Stevens are supposed to be progressives and they, along with Ginsburg, ruled on the right side. Breyer's position I discussed supra. So you pretty much had only a nice right wing sandwich on the pro-police side (Roberts-Alito-Kennedy [yes, Kennedy is reliably conservative on police matters, he was a fricking Reagan appointee for goodness sakes])
MNG, that wasn't me that spoofed you.
"OK, Elemenope, what rights does the Ninth Amendment explicitly protect? Whichever ones you and I want to find there?"
That's my beef with the Ninth. It's about as useful as tits on a boar.
Actually I think cases like Griswold and Roe v. Wade were about the best one can do in making the Ninth useful in a reasonable way: you say look it says there are other rights out there, and you find the contours of that right in the "penumbras and emanations" of explicitly provided rights. It's about the best you could do there I think...
Yeah right Nooge, and I didn't bang your mom last night.
I mean, I understand a lot of kids hate their step-dads, but you do know that is just a euphemism she refers to me by when you're around?
I'm not arguing that the ninth is particularly useful. I'm arguing that the ninth is literal text in the Constitution, thus textualists are full of shit when they say they cannot consider unenumerated rights.
Full of shit, I say. The text is right there. Now whether such consideration is helpful for forming a consistent jurisprudence is another question entirely. It just bothers me when a person says "I only consider the text" when the text says: "go beyond the text!".
Ouch, MNG. It really wasn't me.
I'm no legal eagle, but
If you're pulled over for speeding, there is no probable cause that there will be evidence of speeding in your car.
Makes the most sense to me. Simply being pulled over for speeding shouldn't automagically give the police the right to search your vehicle. Maybe if you were brandishing a weapon or something? I dunno.
BTW-In the case that laid this stinky precedent down, NY v. Belton, the liberals on the court, Brennan and Marshal, dissented along with White (kind of a liberal). The majority was made up of Rehnnquist, Steward, Powell, Blackmun and Burger (the fairly conservative members of the court [remember, Blackmun was a Nixon appointee, one of his "law and order" picks]). Stevens concurred.
LMNOP
Sorry, I misunderstood. Your point is a good one.
The 9th carries about as much weight as the 2nd.
So please, find me of an example of someone saying "I really wish government could do this, but it goes against my concept of what the Ninth Amendment means."
I'd have to say this is somewhat common on abortion and the right to privacy. That judges don't evoke the Ninth Amendment enough against the will of the majority is more the fault of judges not doing their jobs than the fault of the amendment itself. For instance, it's absurd to argue that drug prohibition doesn't violate the right to privacy when abortion prohibition does, but the court would never strike down the drug laws.
Simply being pulled over for speeding shouldn't automagically give the police the right to search your vehicle.
It doesn't. That exact case was decided years ago. 9-0, IIRC. I guess I have enough ambition to go look for it...
http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/95-891.ZS.html
Sorry, it was actually 8-1.
"So please, find me of an example of someone saying 'I really wish government could do this, but it goes against my concept of what the Ninth Amendment means.'"
I wish that the federal government could pass a law saying, "People can't walk around naked on interstate highways", but that goes against my concept of what the 9th amendment means.
The 9th and 10th amendments are mostly reminders that the legitimate powers of the federal government are strictly limited to its enumerated powers. Any power not enumerated is either a state issue or an individual right. Since regulating the wearing of clothes is not an enumerated power of congress, the federal government cannot "deny or disparage" my legal right to walk around naked. Of course, it would anyway. Most of what the government does today is unconstitutional.
I also would favor a law that says "Only Clarence Thomas or clones of Clarence Thomas may serve on the Supreme Court", but that wouldn't be constitutional either.
Paul Clement, the former Solicitor General, said the real division on the court is not between conservatives and liberals, but between idealists and pragmatists. The line up of justices in this decision shows you which justices are the idealists and which are the pragmatists.
Chapter 95-891.
In which we learn that Justice Stevens is an asshole.
See, this I agree with. If the government stuck to enumerated powers, there wouldn't be the problem. Reviving the doctrine of enumerated powers seems more plausible than arguing that the 9th Amendment preserves whatever rights seem obvious to enough people.
The 9th Amendment is otherwise so vague that by the time you get a large enough majority of people to agree that it means government can't do a certain thing, that that same majority could prevent government from doing that thing. If enough people really thought that economic liberty was an obvious enough right to be protected by the 9th Amendment, we wouldn't need the 9th Amendment to protect it. It would be as unnecessary as the 3rd Amendment-- which is reflective of a definite right nonetheless, but one that's so widely shared that no US government has really tried to violate it.
All that's a direct consequence of the 9th Amendment being so vague.
"""Justices Scalia and Thomas are formalists who don't believe too much in "proportionality." It's a right, or it's not a right."""
It don't think that was Scalia's approach to Heller.