Jacob Sullum | April 14, 2010
As Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens "gradually became the leader of the court's liberal wing," The New York Times reports, "he became increasingly skeptical of claims of government power." According to a Washington Post editorial, "his voice was consistently raised on behalf of those vulnerable to government excesses."
Such descriptions of Stevens, which were common after he announced his retirement last week, are based on a highly selective concern about state power. A closer look at Stevens' record shows that he has been anything but consistent in his opposition to government excesses and that in some ways he has become less inclined to protect constitutional rights.
To his credit, Stevens has defended the rule of law in terrorism cases, and he often has resisted the Supreme Court's tendency to facilitate enforcement of the drug laws by whittling away at the Fourth Amendment's prohibition of "unreasonable searches and seizures." Yet Stevens has gone along with more than a few Fourth Amendment compromises, including decisions saying that a sniff by a drug-detecting dog is not a search, that police may search closed containers in cars and observe backyards from the air without a warrant, that a suspected drug smuggler can be detained until she defecates under supervision, and that a driver's unusually long wait at a stop sign justifies stopping him and peering into his car. He dissented from a 2001 decision that said police need a warrant to conduct infrared surveillance of a home, and in 2005 he wrote a decision that allowed police to use drug-sniffing dogs during routine traffic stops.
Stevens' record on First Amendment issues is similarly spotty. He wrote both the 1978 decision that upheld regulation of broadcast indecency and the 1997 decision that overturned regulation of online indecency. He voted to uphold censorship of student newspapers and to overturn censorship of student banners. In 1989 and 1990 he dissented from decisions overturning state and federal bans on flag burning. This year he angrily dissented from a decision that said people organized as corporations, including nonprofit interest groups, have a right to talk about politics, even at election time.
By contrast, Stevens' record on property rights, protected by the Fifth and 14th Amendments, is almost uniformly bad. Although he once agreed that the government owes property owners compensation for a "taking" when its regulations reduce or destroy the value of their land, he later repudiated that principle. In 2005 he wrote the notorious decision that upheld the use of eminent domain to transfer property from one private owner to another in the name of economic development.
Another part of the Constitution that Stevens does not like is the Second Amendment. He dissented from the 2008 decision that overturned the District of Columbia's handgun ban as a violation of the right to armed self-defense.
When it comes to reining in government excesses, the doctrine of enumerated powers, which says Congress needs specific constitutional authority for its legislation, is at least as important as the protection of enumerated rights. Yet Stevens has consistently opposed efforts to define the limits of the power to regulate interstate commerce, treating it as a blank check that Congress can fill in as it pleases. In 2005 he wrote a decision that said even a single marijuana plant grown by a patient in a state that allows medical use of the drug can be treated as interstate commerce.
In many of the cases where Stevens has sided with the government, he has been opposed by Antonin Scalia and/or Clarence Thomas, justices who have undeserved reputations as authoritarians hostile to civil liberties. The truth is that they, like Stevens, have often but not always defended the rights of "those vulnerable to government excesses." If progressives and conservatives paid attention to the whole Constitution, instead of just their favorite parts, they would be in a better position to evaluate both Stevens' legacy and the fitness of his successor.
Jacob Sullum is a senior editor at Reason and a nationally syndicated columnist.
© Copyright 2010 by Creators Syndicate Inc.
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Pingback| 4.14.10 @ 8:16AM
Justice Stevens: Unfaithful Friend of Liberty | Bad Newz links to this page. Here’s an excerpt:
MNG|4.14.10 @ 9:20AM|#
It's interesting, I'm betting this thread doesn't get many posts because whatever else one can say about Stevens he hasn't captured the publics attention like Scalia, Thomas or even Ginsburg. I imagine most Americans don't even know who in the world he is...
Zenmaster|4.14.10 @ 10:07AM|#
Actually, Radley Balko already scooped this story.
The Libertarian Guy|4.14.10 @ 10:14AM|#
Fuck Ginsburg.
Then again, MNG probably would, literally.
New World Dan|4.14.10 @ 10:23AM|#
What I have enjoyed about Justice Stevens is that he's never been afraid to be the lone outcast on an 8-1 decision. Even among the liberals, I have to give him a lot of credit for a distinctly independant mindset. Instead of bitching that he wasn't liberal enough on the 4th amendment, perhaps we should be focusing on what he did right.
|4.14.10 @ 11:50AM|#
Personally, I'd like more attention paid to Ring, Apprendi, Booker, Arizona v. Gant, Melendez-Diaz, etc., but the consistent Stevens-Souter-Ginsburg-Thomas-Scalia coalition just isn't interesting to people.
|4.14.10 @ 11:52AM|#
Also Blakely and Crawford.
|4.14.10 @ 12:49PM|#
Arbitrary stubbornness is hardly a virtue.
My take on his positions is that he was usually in favor of federal power over state or individual rights, but in state vs individual cases would occasionally rule for the individual.. as adjudicated by the federal SCOTUS of course.
Short answer : Good riddance.
|4.14.10 @ 1:25PM|#
Instead of bitching that he wasn't liberal enough on the 4th amendment, perhaps we should be focusing on what he did right.
Don't forget that he has little use for the 2d Amendment or the 1st (as shown by his M-F votes).
Sharla|4.14.10 @ 9:42AM|#
Stevens is just another old white guy. The sooner he is gone, the better.
|4.14.10 @ 10:09AM|#
Hear, hear.
|4.14.10 @ 12:26PM|#
Nice and racist that remark. Congratulations on being complete douche bags.
short, fat bastard|4.14.10 @ 1:11PM|#
ageist, racist, and sexist -- the trifecta!
|4.14.10 @ 10:07AM|#
MNG,
There is only so much attention people can pay to Justices. And Stevens' membership in the bow tie revolution hasn't helped him.
Xeones|4.14.10 @ 10:08AM|#
I imagine most Americans don't even know who in the world he is...
Psht. He was in Led Zeppelin, of course.
|4.14.10 @ 2:36PM|#
I believe you're thinking of Pope John Paul.
|4.14.10 @ 10:11AM|#
So the left will spew their hagiography for a guy considered to be on their side as he retires, and basically just make up shit about how was a good guy, just like the right does for their side. TEAM RED TEAM BLUE fuck you both.
|4.14.10 @ 10:13AM|#
I can think of a few folks in New London who have heard of this bow tied West Parish Hotel devotee.
|4.14.10 @ 10:14AM|#
All this column does is dispassionately recount the facts. Bo-ring. Where's the sizzle?
Rhywun|4.14.10 @ 11:29AM|#
Just his complicity in the War on Drugs is enough to ensure he'll get no respect from me.
WTF|4.14.10 @ 11:45AM|#
There should be an annual senility test for all members of the high court.
|4.14.10 @ 1:18PM|#
We just need to pass an amendment abolishing stare decicis.
|4.14.10 @ 11:47AM|#
But interestingly, not always. Justice Stevens has been a pretty consistent member of the Formalist Five-- Stevens, Souter, Ginsburg, Thomas, Scalia-- who have upheld the literal Constitution when other Pragmatist justices wanted to balance away rights in favor of other concerns.
See Ring, Apprendi, Booker, Arizona v. Gant, Melendez-Diaz, and others for a entire line of pro-civil liberties cases with this "unusual" lineup. A lineup that is entirely predictable in a certain kind of case, but gets called "unusual" every time.
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See Ring, Apprendi, Booker, Arizona v. Gant, Melendez-Diaz, and others for a entire line of pro-civil liberties cases with this "unusual" lineup. A lineup that is entirely predictable in a certain kind of case, but gets called "unusual" every time.
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