The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Politics

Paul Taylor's Six-Part Substack Series: Where Did the Racial Boxes People Check on Forms Come From?

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If you don't have the time or inclination to read my book, Classified: The Unknown Story of Racial Classification in America, attorney Paul Taylor provides a thorough summary, along with some commentary, at his (excellent) Substack.

Part 1 The illogical and politically-motivated process that led to the creation of official U.S. government racial classifications.

Part 2 The origins of America's arbitrary racial classification systems.

Part 3 (the very strange case of the "Hispanics" Classification)

Part 4 White Ethnic Groups and Black Immigrants

Part 5 How Are Children of Multi-Racial Parents Classified

Part 6 When arbitrary racial categories are used in unscientific ways, science suffers.

Nikki Haley and Donald Trump

Could the race go on until the Convention?

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Suppose that Nikki Haley loses to Donald Trump by 15% in New Hampshire and also loses her home state of South Carolina by a big margin.  Will she necessarily drop out of the race?  It seems unlikely.

A number of states that will vote on Super Tuesday offer Haley much friendlier territory then do New Hampshire or South Carolina.  California, Colorado, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Vermont, and Virginia all vote on Tuesday, March 5th.  Haley could very well beat Trump in some or even in all of these states.

Trump, who is 77, might have a sudden health problem or be convicted of one of the 91 felonies he has been charged with.  This could totally upend the race.

In the 1980, Republican primaries George H.W. Bush stayed in the race until May 26, 1980 hoping for a lucky break.  Haley has every incentive to do the same thing.  She has quite rightly promised to pardon Trump of any of the Fake Crimes he has been charged with.  Maybe voters will give her the chance to do that.

Communism

Remembering Lenin - the First Great Communist Mass Murderer

On the 100th anniversary of his death, it's worth recalling that almost all the worst features of communist totalitarianism began under Lenin, not Stalin and other successors.

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Vladimir Lenin (Soviet propaganda poster). (NA)

 

Today is the 100th anniversary of the death of Vladimir Lenin, the first leader of the Soviet Union, the world's first communist state. While Lenin's successor Joseph Stalin has few modern Western defenders (even as the current Russian government has tried to rehabilitate him), Lenin still has many admirers among Western leftists. They tend to ignore the great evil he did or blame it on Stalin.

Nothing can be further from the truth. Most of the cruel oppressive features of Soviet totalitarianism actually began under Lenin. Stalin merely perpetuated them on a larger scale.

Let's take a little history quiz. Which of the following features of the Soviet state were first introduced under Lenin, and which by Stalin:

1. The Gulag system of slave labor camps

2. The Cheka (secret police agency eventually known as the KGB)

3. Collectivization of agriculture leading to mass famines

4. Mass executions with little or no due process

5. A one-party state, with bans on all opposition parties (including socialist ones)

6. Suppression of freedom of speech and religion

7. Confiscation of private businesses, including even small businesses

8. Invading other nations in order to spread communism there

9. State control of the media for purposes of promoting regime propaganda, and preventing distribution of opposition speech

If you answered Lenin, you were correct in every case! And virtually every one of these measures was also supported by Trotsky, Bukharin, and other Bolshevik leaders whom some Western leftists like to trumpet as potentially superior alternatives to Stalin. Had Trotsky rather than Stalin come to power after Lenin's death, he would have happily continued all of the above, and in some cases doubled down on it.

Policies 3 and 7 on this list were partially suspended or reversed under Lenin's New Economic Policy, beginning in 1921. But Lenin and other Soviet leaders were always clear that this was just a temporary expedient they intended to reverse as soon as possible.

The late Harvard historian Richard Pipes has an excellent overview of Lenin's oppressive policies and their consequences in his book Russia Under the Bolshevik Regime.

It's also worth noting that Lenin was the one who elevated Stalin to the position of General Secretary of the Communist Party, thereby greatly increasing the likelihood that Stalin would ultimately succeed him. It's unlikely Lenin would have done that if the two men had major disagreements on ideology and policy.

Did Stalin engage in any new forms of repression? Yes, as a matter of fact, he did:

1. Deportation of entire ethnic groups (most notably the Crimean Tatars). I doubt Lenin would have had scruples about this if he thought it might be useful. But he didn't actually do it, at least not on a large scale.

2. State-sponsored anti-Semitism. There was no shortage of anti-Semitism in Lenin's USSR. But Lenin didn't actively promote it and probably wasn't an anti-Semite himself. He even occasionally condemned anti-Semitism. On this issue, Stalin was much worse.

3. Large-scale purges of loyal communists. Lenin never did this, and Trotsky probably would not have had he come to power. This is the Stalinist policy that most alienated many Western leftists. How dare Stalin kill communist heroes like Trotsky, Bukharin, and others? But it was among the least of Stalin's crimes. Many of Stalin's communist victims were actually brutal oppressors themselves, and arguably got what they deserved (albeit, for the wrong reasons, and without due process). In fairness, Stalin also purged a lot of communists who weren't actively involved in repression, but just joined the Party to advance their careers (you can say the same thing about many Germans who joined the Nazi Party after it came to power).

If you add it all up, Lenin was the one who initiated the policies that caused about 90% of the repression and death in the Soviet Union. And these ideas weren't idiosyncratic to Lenin. They were backed by the vast majority of other communist leaders, as well, which is why later communist regimes tended to adopt similar policies to those of the Soviet Union and got similar results. Mao Zedong managed to exceed the Soviet Union in sheer numbers of victims  (he had a much larger population to work with). Cambodia's Pol Pot killed a higher percentage of his population in a shorter period of time, and arguably managed to exceed both the Soviets and Chinese in sheer torture and cruelty. But these mass murderers were, on major issues, still largely following the model first established by Lenin.

With a few notable exceptions listed above, Stalin mostly just continued and expanded Lenin's evil policies. Ultimately, the root of the evil here wasn't the personality of any one leader, but the ideology Lenin, Stalin, and their comrades all sought to implement. But Lenin was nonetheless notable for being the first to lead a regime that pursued these policies, and set an example for all that followed. That is how we should remember him.

Can the NYS Thruway Ban Chick-fil-A?

A bill would require fast-food restaurants on the state highway to open seven days a week

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I've never been to a Chick-fil-A. But people love the place. In fact, according to surveys, Chick-fil-A is the most popular fast-food restaurant in America, and has been for a long time. But the company has irritated progressives over the years because of its owners' Baptist convictions, including their once vocal opposition to same-sex marriage. New York Mayor Bill DeBlasio at one point urged city residents to boycott the chain. The controversies have died down--mostly, I think, because Chick-fil-A has backed off some of its less popular public policy stands.

A bill currently under consideration in the NYS Legislature makes clear that progressive irritation with Chick-fil-A hasn't gone away entirely. Chick-fil-A restaurants close on Sundays for religious reasons, including seven Chick-fil-A franchises at rest stops on the NYS Thruway. The bill, sponsored by progressive Assembly Member Tony Simone, would put an end to Chick-fil-A on the Thruway, at least with respect to future concessions. Going forward, contracts for rest-stop concessions would require vendors to open seven days a week.

Simone argues that hungry drivers are on the Thruway every day of the week and need places to stop and eat. That makes sense. On the surface, the bill would seem to be a classic, "neutral and generally applicable" law that wouldn't cause problems under the Free Exercise Clause. Any effect on businesses like Chick-fil-A that close one day a week for religious reasons would be incidental and constitutionally unobjectionable.

But the bill is less neutral than first appears. The text of the bill targets Chick-fil-A's Sunday closing policy specifically, by name. The evil the bill seeks to remedy seems not the fact that some restaurants on the Thruway operate fewer than seven days a week to the inconvenience of motorists, but that one restaurant, in particular, does so, in order to observe the Christian sabbath. Chick-fil-A could argue plausibly that the bill doesn't qualify as neutral, but singles out religious observance--theirs--for disfavored treatment.

If that's the case, the bill would have to survive strict scrutiny, and it's not clear it could. Every rest stop on the Thruway has several fast food concessions, some of which have reduced hours on weekends. And at every rest stop, at least one concession is open 24/7. Hungry drivers thus have an option every day of the week. What would be the compelling state interest in requiring every other concession to be open every day of the week as well?

These are judgment calls and courts could go either way. But I suspect this bill will go nowhere. The state no doubt gets a lot of tax revenue from Chick-fil-As at rest stops, even if they're only open six days a week--and besides, most drivers would probably prefer having the option of Chick-fil-A six days a week to not having it at all. But, like I say, I've never been to Chick-fil-A.

Are You a Librarian in a Public or School Library? Or Do You Know One Who Might Be Willing to Talk with Me?

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I'm writing up a longish blog post about some controversies related to the "weeding" of books in public libraries and in public school libraries—which is to say, removal of books from library collections—and I'd love to talk to librarians who actually have some experience with this process.

I've reviewed Rebecca Vnuk's The Weeding Handbook and various online resources, such as CREW: A Weeding Manual for Modern Libraries. and the California Department of Education's Weeding the School Library: The Counterpart to Selection. I've also reached out to the American Library Association and some other groups that have expressed views on the subject.

But I'd also like to talk to people who actually do weeding themselves, or have seen it done, and ask them some questions about the process. If you or a friend of yours would be willing to chat by Zoom, phone, or e-mail, please e-mail me at volokh at law.ucla.edu.

Also, if you have some comments about how the weeding process actually operates—based on your personal knowledge or reliable second-hand knowledge—or recommendations for other publications I can review or groups I can ask, please post them in the comments. But please focus on such information, rather than debating what the process ought to be or criticizing particular kinds of weeding decisions or policies. You'll have plenty of opportunity to debate these matters when I put up my post, likely within the next week or two. At this point, I'm just trying to gather information that will help make my post as accurate, informative, and balanced as possible. Thanks!

Race Discrimination

Oklahoma Bill Would Specially Target Hispanic Gang Members

No, you can't do that.

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From HB 3133, introduced Tuesday by Oklahoma state Rep. Justin Humphrey:

Any person who:
1. Is of Hispanic descent living within the state of Oklahoma;
2. Is a member of a criminal street gang as such term is defined in subsection F of Section 856 of Title 21 of the Oklahoma Statutes; and
3. Has been convicted of a gang-related offense enumerated in paragraphs one (1) through sixteen (16) of subsection F of Section 856 of Title 21 of the Oklahoma Statutes, shall be deemed to have committed an act of terrorism as such term is defined in Section 1268.1 of Title 21 of the Oklahoma Statutes.

Any and all property, including real estate and personal property, conveyances, including aircraft, vehicles or vessels, monies, coins and currency, or other instrumentality used or intended to be used, in any manner or part, by said person shall be subject to forfeiture as provided in Section 1738 of Title 21 of the Oklahoma Statutes.

Though I don't think it's particularly helpful to conflate "criminal street gang" membership (bad as it is) with terrorism, a state may indeed do so, and may authorize forfeiture of instruments of crime as well (subject to the usual procedural constraints applicable to forfeiture). But a state certainly may not set up different rules for criminal street gangs run by Hispanics, by whites, by blacks, by Asians, or by any other ethnic or racial group.

Rep. Humphrey has apologized, and said he would change the language to "undocumented illegals." But it's hard to see the explicit ethnic classification in the original bill as just an innocent mistake.

Free Speech

High School Football Coach Isn't a "Public Official" or "Public Figure" For Libel Law Purposes,

even when he "adopted a controversial 'no punt' strategy."

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From Cruce v. Berkeley County School Dist., decided Wednesday by the South Carolina Supreme Court, in an opinion by Justice Hill:

Petitioner Jeffrey L. Cruce became the head football coach and athletic director for Berkeley High School in 2011. For the 2015 season, he adopted a controversial "no punt" offensive scheme for the football team. This strategy stirred intense debate among followers of the team and was covered in local and even national sports pages. The controversy deepened as the team suffered lopsided defeats. In December 2015, the Deputy Superintendent of the Berkeley County School District (the District) sent Cruce a letter advising him he was being relieved as coach and athletic director and reassigned to a position as a middle school guidance counselor because he had failed to meet certain performance goals….

On January 7, 2016, Berkeley High athletic trainer Chris Stevens sent an email to forty-five people, including administrators, athletic department employees, and volunteer coaches, questioning the integrity and completeness of student athlete files Cruce had maintained. In the email, Stevens remarked the filing issues were a potential "liability" to the District….

Cruce sued and was awarded $200K in actual damages; the District appealed, and the S.C. intermediate appellate court concluded that "Cruce was a public official for purposes of defamation law and the District was therefore entitled to immunity because § 15-78-60(17) of the South Carolina Tort Claims Act (2005) (SCTCA) immunizes the District from losses caused by employee conduct amounting to 'actual malice.'" (If Cruce were a public official, then First Amendment libel law would bar him from recovering in the absence of "actual malice," and South Carolina government tort immunity law would bar him from recovering from the government if "actual malice" was shown.) No, said the S.C. supreme court:

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Ideologically Mixed Amicus Brief Stresses Need for S. Ct. to Resolve Merits of the Trump Disqualification Case

"The Court has the power to resolve the question presented, and it must do so now."

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From an amicus brief by Prof. Ned Foley, Ben Ginsberg, and Prof. Rick Hasen in Trump v. Anderson; for more on the amici, see the end of the post:

Amici often do not see eye to eye on matters of law or policy. But they join together in this brief to make a single, urgent point: A decision from this Court leaving unresolved the question of Donald Trump's qualification to hold the Office of President of the United States under Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment until after the 2024 election would risk catastrophic political instability, chance disenfranchising millions of voters, and raise the possibility of public violence before, on, and after November 5, 2024. And the grounds for avoiding the merits are not credible: Colorado manifestly had the authority to determine Mr. Trump's legal qualification for the office he seeks, and this Court has jurisdiction to review that federal-law decision on its merits.

To punt on the merits would invite chaos while risking great damage to the Court's reputation and to the Nation as a whole. The country is more polarized today than at any other time in living memory—certainly more than in December 2000, when this Court last decided a case with a direct impact on the outcome of a presidential election. Controversy over the 2020 election led millions of Americans to doubt the integrity of the electoral system and ultimately culminated in the storming of the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. Political tensions have not eased in the time since. Quite the opposite: political discourse has stoked further public skepticism of the electoral system since January 2021. Amici thus file this brief, not only to demonstrate that the Court can reach the merits of Mr. Trump's qualification under Section 3, but that it should do so, or else risk political instability not seen since the Civil War.

The possible scenarios if the Court fails to resolve the Section 3 question once and for all are alarming. If Mr. Trump wins an electoral-vote majority, it is a virtual certainty that some Members of Congress will assert his disqualification under Section 3. That prospect alone will fan the flames of public conflict. But even worse for the political stability of the Nation is the prospect that Congress may actually vote in favor of his disqualification after he has apparently won election in the Electoral College. Neither Mr. Trump nor his supporters, whose votes effectively will have been discarded as void, are likely to take such a declaration lying down.

Even if Mr. Trump did willingly stand aside, it is wholly unclear who would be inaugurated as President on January 20, 2025—would it be Mr. Trump's running mate, pursuant to the Twentieth Amendment? Would it be Mr. Biden, pursuant to a Twelfth Amendment election in the House? Or would it be some alternate candidate thrown into the mix in the heat of the political battle? The chance that there would be no clear answer come Inauguration Day 2025—and that the country thereby would be thrown into a possibly catastrophic constitutional crisis—is disturbingly high….

Amici take no position on the question whether Mr. Trump is disqualified from the presidency under Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment. Reasonable arguments can be made on both sides of that question, and those issues are amply briefed by the parties and other friends of the Court. Amici offer their views here for a more basic point: The Court has the power to resolve the question presented, and it must do so now….

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Three Former Attorneys General File Amicus Brief in Trump v. Anderson

Other amici include me, law professor Gary Lawson, and Citizens United.

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Three former Attorneys General, Edwin Meese III, Michael B. Mukasey, and William P. Barr, together with me and B.U. law professor Gary Lawson, and with Citizens United, joined an amicus brief that was filed yesterday on Donald Trump's side in Trump v. Anderson.  This is the case which the Supreme Court is hearing on whether former President Donald J. Trump is disqualified from being re-elected as President by Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment.  The brief was written and filed by Gene C. Schaerr and Kenneth A. Klukowski (of Schaerr, Jaffe LLP) working with a first draft written by me.

The brief argues that, whatever one thinks about the events that occurred on January 6, 2021, Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment does not apply to the office of President of the United States.  The brief also argues that Section 3 is not self-executing and requires congressional legislation to take effect.  Finally, the brief argues that upholding the ruling of the Colorado Supreme Court would lead to chaos as multiple candidates for office would be excluded from running for office by judges and state election officials.

The three Attorneys General, on behalf of whom the amicus brief was filed, served under four different Republican Presidents: Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, George W. Bush, and Donald J. Trump.  This is a striking level of consensus among Attorneys General for Republican Presidents, who served at some point between 1985 to 2020,  in favor of overturning the Colorado Supreme Court decision barring Donald Trump from being on the ballot in the current presidential election under Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Overview of Amicus Briefs Supporting Petitioner in Trump v. Griswold

About 30 amicus briefs were filed to reverse the Colorado Supreme Court’s ruling that disqualified President Trump from the ballot.

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[This post is co-authored with Professor Seth Barrett Tillman]

Trump v. Anderson is scheduled to be argued on February 8, 2024. The deadline for topside briefs was yesterday, January 18, 2024. President Trump filed his merits brief. And more than forty amicus briefs were filed. Most of them were filed in support of Petitioner, but a handful were filed in support of neither party. In this post, we will provide an overview of about thirty of the amicus briefs. And we will do so in a fairly expeditious fashion: by reproducing the tables of contents. A good tip for law students: skimming the TOC should provide a precise overview of how a brief will proceed. Of these thirty-odd briefs, about a dozen expressly argue that the President is not an "Officer of the United States." We list the amicus brief in the order in which they were filed.

President Trump's Merits Brief

I. The president is not an "officer of the United States"
II. President Trump did not "engage in insurrection"
III. Section 3 should be enforced only through Congress's chosen methods of enforcement
IV. Section 3 cannot be used to deny President Trump access to the ballot
V. The Colorado Supreme Court violated the Electors Clause and the Colorado Election Code

Filed on 1/9/24

Brief amicus curiae of Professor Seth Barrett Tillman

I. Plaintiffs' Requested Relief is Barred by Griffin's Case (1869)
A. Griffin's Case is persuasive authority that settled the meaning of Section 3
B. Decisions from Louisiana and North Carolina are consistent with Griffin's Case
C. The Colorado Supreme Court engaged in improper speculation about Chief Justice Chase's motives
D. Griffin's Case is consistent with the deeply rooted sword-shield dichotomy in federal courts' jurisprudence
II. In 1788, 1868, and today, "Officer of the United States" in the Constitution extends exclusively to appointed positions and not to elected positions
A. In the Constitution of 1788, the President did not hold an "Office … under the United States"
B. In the Constitution of 1788, the President was not an "Officer of the United States"
C. In 1868, the President was not an "Officer of the United States" in the Constitution
D. There is a tradition of authority from the Judicial and Executive Branches demonstrating that the President is not an "Officer of the United States"

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Remedies Casebook Revision: Chapter 1 ("Introduction")

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This is the second in a series of posts about the revision that is in the works for Ames, Chafee, and Re on Remedies. (The previous post is here.)

Chapter 1 offers a kind of microcosm of the revisions in Ames, Chafee, and Re on Remedies. The introduction lays out different types of remedies, the goal of remedies (the plaintiff's rightful position), and equity as a central idea in the law of remedies.

There are four cases in the first chapter. The first case has the job of introducing the central question of remedies--how do we put the plaintiff in the position he or she would have been in without the legal violation? The last three cases work through different senses of "equity" (Riggs v. Palmer, Cardozo's dissent in Graf, and Weinberger v. Romero-Barcelo).

On the whole, it's a very effective chapter, putting key concepts front and center while leaving the details for later chapters. But the first case, Valco Cincinnati, Inc., needed to be changed. It's a trade secret case, and the remedy is an injunction. That means that all four cases in the introductory chapter are about equity, in one sense or another. (And that was true before I joined the book three editions ago.) So the first case really should be about damages.

I substituted Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey v. Southern Pacific Co., a 1925 U.S. Supreme Court decision in admiralty. It's all about the the value of a ship. In paragraph two it lays out some basic principles: "It is fundamental in the law of damages that the injured party is entitled to compensation for the loss sustained. Where property is destroyed by wrongful act, the owner is entitled to its money equivalent, and thereby to be put in as good position pecuniarily as if his property had not been destroyed."

It has an incisive quotation from Dr. Lushington, the great admiralty judge: "It is the market price which the court looks to, and nothing else, as the value of the property. It is an old saying, 'The worth of a thing is the price it will bring.'" And Standard Oil introduces some of the main themes of damages--the rightful position, evidence that is good enough and not perfect, case-specific evaluation, and the emphasis on pecuniary injuries.

I ran across this case in McCormick's Cases on Damages, published by Foundation in 1935, and think it will be a terrific teaching case. (By the way, litigators, even though there are good recent treatises, like Dobbs and Roberts, don't overlook the value even today of McCormick on Damages, which is the hornbook accompanying McCormick's casebook.)

What else is new in chapter 1? There's a paragraph defining a "remedy" on page 1. There are four sets of "Analysis" notes, guiding the student through the main points on each of the four cases. There is a new topical note on Cardozo and equity, which quotes from work by Jeff Powell and Henry Smith. The note that draws from Learned Hand's student work on remedies is sharpened. The note on the three meanings of "equity" is expanded and refined. And there's a new note on how to explain Riggs v. Palmer, especially since most state courts at the time went the other way (that note quotes from an article in the American Journal of Legal History by William Meyer, who has a very interesting forthcoming book on Riggs v. Palmer).

The bottom line: the structure and aspirations of the chapter remain the same, but there is one new case, which is meant to allow the instructor to more directly teach fundamental principles of remedies; and lots of refinements in the notes to guide students and make the cases as effective as possible.

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Interested in more? Here's the note on the meanings of equity:

Note on Three Meanings of Equity

Aristotle famously described equity as follows:

So when the law speaks universally, and a particular case arises as an exception to the universal rule, then it is right—where the lawgiver fails us and has made an error by speaking without qualification—to correct the omission. This will be by saying what the lawgiver would himself have said had he been present, and would have included within the law had he known. What is equitable, therefore, is just, and better than one kind of justice. But it is not better than unqualified justice, only better than the error that results from its lacking qualification. And this is in the very nature of what is equitable—a correction of law, where it is deficient on account of its universality.

Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics bk. v, ch. 11, 1137b (Roger Crisp ed., 2000).

The word equity has other senses, too. It can refer to a moral reading of the law and its demands. Or, more technically, the word can refer to the doctrines and remedies developed by the English courts of equity. There are thus at least three main senses in which equity is used in this casebook and in other legal sources.

First, equity can refer to the correction of an error that results from the generality of a legal rule, often in a case not anticipated by the maker of the legal rule. This can be called the Aristotelian sense of equity, and it is, more or less, the sense in which the word is used in the excerpt just given.[1]

Second, equity can refer to a moral reading of the law, such as interpreting the law to prevent a person from abusing a legal right against someone else. This moral reading may not be required by, or may even be inconsistent with, the positive law. This can be called the general sense.

Third, equity can refer to the doctrines and remedies originating in the English courts of equity, especially the Court of Chancery. This is the technical sense.

These three senses are not mutually exclusive, for as courts of equity decided cases (equity in sense three), they were influenced by the idea of correcting errors from general rules (equity in sense one) and the idea of preventing opportunistic abuse of legal rights (equity in sense two).

How important is equity in each of these senses? Can a legal system get by without equity in the technical sense? Presumably so, since civil law jurisdictions never had separate courts of equity, and most common law jurisdictions no longer have them.

But can a legal system get by without equity in the Aristotelian sense? Can any legal system that aims for justice really flourish without equity in the general sense? But what problems can you predict will arise if judges are trying to apply equity in the Aristotelian and general senses? Keep these questions in mind throughout this course, as we consider both legal and equitable remedies.

[1] There is more to Aristotle's discussion of equity than presented here, including equity as a virtue. The equitable person, Aristotle says, is someone who is not a stickler for his rights.

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