The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Two Sentences I Never Thought I'd Write

How to pick your poison.

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The first sentence: "I hope the Yankees win the World Series."

I was born in 1951 in Brooklyn, and grew up there, leaving for college in 1968.  I was a very passionate Dodgers fan, as was pretty much everyone else I knew. Several Dodger players lived in our neighborhood, including the great Gil Hodges, after whom my elementary school, formerly PS 193, is now named. The Dodgers in the '50s were easy to love: Hodges, Jackie Robinson, Roy Campanella, PeeWee Reese, Duke Snider . . .  a fabulous squad that made the World Series four times in the 50's ('52, '53, '55, and '56), winning their first and only title, gloriously, in the thrilling 7-game 1955 Series versus the Yankees.

I was devastated when the Dodgers abandoned Brooklyn after the 1957 season. Though I was only six years old, I remember it vividly; it was the first time in my life that I understood that the world could be a cruel, cruel place. I swore never to forgive them for the betrayal, and I never have.

There's the famous story of Jimmy Breslin and Pete Hamill, two hard-boiled New York City news reporters hailing from Queens and Brooklyn, respectively, having drinks at a bar when they consider the question: who were the three most evil people in human history?  Each writes down his choice on a napkin out of sight of the other, and when they look at the two napkins they're in total agreement: Hitler, Stalin, and Walter O'Malley, the Dodgers' owner who took the Dodgers out to the West Coast.  Exactly how I felt.

Loving the Dodgers in the '50s meant hating, with all your heart, the Yankees. The Yankees were the implacable foe, having beaten the Dodgers in the World Series in six of their seven meetings ('41, '47, '49, '52,'53, and '56). While the Dodgers were building their formidable squad in the late '40s/early '50s, the Yankees were, alas, a step (or two or three) ahead of them, far and away the best team on the planet; between 1949 and 1961 they won eight World Series titles, with a awe-inspiring lineup - Mantle, Berra, Moose Skowron, Whitey Ford, Roger Maris, Tony Kubek, etc. etc. - all of whom I detested with every bone in my young body. The idea of switching allegiance to them - they were, after all, the only team left in NYC after the Giants followed the Dodgers out west in 1958 - was absurd, and I can't remember a single person from my childhood who did so.

In 1941, the Germans invaded Russia.  So, given the choice between Hitler and Stalin, who do you root for?  We chose Stalin - clearly, at the time, the lesser of two evils.  So I'm going for the Yankees; their crime - being spectacularly good for an amazingly long period of time - does not reach the depths of the Dodgers' immorality.

Predictably enough, given that the baseball gods have rarely been kind to me, the one time I'm rooting for them, they stink, having apparently forgotten how to hit.

The second sentence (in a more serious vein): "Tens of millions of my fellow-citizens  - perhaps even a majority - appear to be poised to elect, as President, a man who tried to overthrow the constitutionally-elected government of the United States."

I cannot wrap my mind around it. As anyone who has read my postings in the past is well aware, I'm no fan of Donald Trump. For any number of reasons - the compulsive lying, the hate-infused rants, the fact that he was the first President since Herbert Hoover to have left office with a net job loss during his four years as President, the shameful kissing-up to Putin and Kim Jong Un, his tariff policy, the threats to pull out of NATO, . . . - I think he was a terrible President during his first term and would almost certainly be a terrible President the second time around.

But put all of that aside.  I get it - people have divergent views about all of those things. That's just politics.

But I would have thought that the vast majority of Americans would view attempting to overthrow the government through unconstitutional means as a total disqualification for holding the highest office in the land, and would not countenance casting their vote for anyone who participated in such an attempt.

Do the folks pulling Trump's lever not believe that he was a willing and active participant in the overthrow scheme, involving, as it did, the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, the pressure on Vice-President Pence to single-handedly overturn the election results, the "fake elector" schemes, the threatening phone calls to State election officials? Or do they view all that as not being of sufficient moment to disqualify someone from getting their vote for President - perhaps formally, via Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, or just as a matter of common sense and a sense of duty to their fellow-citizens?

Like I said, I don't understand it. I'm hopeful that one of my readers can explain to me which of those possibilities is closer to the truth of the matter, and why, in either case, we shouldn't be terrified about that.

Free Speech

Texas Public University Restrictions on Anti-Israel Speech Likely Violate First Amendment

So holds a federal court (correctly, I think), considering restrictions that were prompted by Texas Governor Abbott's General Order GA-44.

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From today's decision by Judge Robert Pitman (W.D. Tex.) in Students for Justice in Palestine v. Abbott:

GA-44 begins with a preamble detailing events of the Israel-Palestine conflict and related protests that had recently occurred on university campuses. The preamble includes the provision:

WHEREAS, multiple protests and walkouts have been staged by universities' student organizations, with students chanting antisemitic phrases such as "from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free," which has long been used by Hamas supporters to call for the violent dismantling of the State of Israel and the destruction of the Jewish people who live there;

Then, GA-44 directs all Texas higher education institutions to do the following:

  1. Review and update free speech policies to address the sharp rise in antisemitic speech and acts on university campuses and establish appropriate punishments, including expulsion from the institution.
  2. Ensure that these policies are being enforced on campuses and that groups such as the Palestine Solidarity Committee and Students for Justice in Palestine are disciplined for violating these policies.
  3. Include the definition of antisemitism, adopted by the State of Texas in Section 448.001 of the Texas Government Code, in university free speech policies to guide university personnel and students on what constitutes antisemitic speech.

That definition of antisemitism in Section 448.001 of the Texas Government Code is:

"Antisemitism" means a certain perception of Jews that may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. The term includes rhetorical and physical acts of antisemitism directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals or their property or toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities. Examples of antisemitism are included with the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's "Working Definition of Antisemitism" adopted on May 26, 2016.

Two of the "examples of antisemitism" included in the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's "Working Definition of Antisemitism," relevant here, are:

  1. Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Isr[ae]l is a racist endeavor;
  2. Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis.

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Free Speech

Journal of Free Speech Law: "The First Amendment Meets the Virtual Public Square," by Allison Stanger

A new article from the Daedalus (Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences) Future of Free Speech Symposium.

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The article is here; the Introduction:

On January 6, 2021, with the encouragement of President Donald Trump, a motley crew of "Stop the Steal" zealots stormed the U.S. Capitol, destroying lives and property. In response, Twitter, YouTube, and Facebook took the unprecedented step of deplatforming a freely elected U.S. president. Twitter permanently suspended Trump's account, Google's YouTube shut him down indefinitely, and Facebook closed his account but referred its decision to Facebook's newly assembled Global Oversight Board for review. Yet two years later, in January 2023, Twitter's new owner Elon Musk reinstated Trump's Twitter account, and Facebook announced the lifting of Trump's ban, without any public explanation. There was no public outcry.

At the time of Trump's social media silencing, there had been considerable public debate over whether such dramatic action had been warranted. For liberal elites, it had happened far too late. For red-state America, the very idea of censoring a freely elected president was unacceptable. Both sides of this discussion had a point but were asking the wrong questions, and in doing so, lost the plotline of the real story. Things had gone too far so that every choice at the time was a bad choice. Rather than asking if Big Tech should have silenced Donald Trump after January 6, we should instead be asking: how and why did we reach the point at which that Hobson's choice had to be made in the first place? The short answer to that question is that while the world's attention was focused elsewhere, Big Tech came to be the gatekeeper of our virtual public sphere, supplanting media institutions and national social norms, the latter of which no longer exist.

Whereas governance and civic engagement used to emerge from deliberation framed by the marketplace of ideas under the protection of the First Amendment (unless the speech incited violence), online harassment and cancel culture today, fueled by social media and framed by recommender algorithms, undermine reason-based public deliberation. For many younger people, freedom of speech has become the rallying cry of white people in red states. The Republican Party's attack on what it calls "wokeness" and its repeated calls for defending free speech feeds that perception.

While those on the extreme left and extreme right argue about their respective trampled free speech rights, they both overlook that the First Amendment protects citizens from government encroachment on freedom of speech and assembly; the First Amendment is mute on corporate suppression of free expression. If we want each and every voter to have an equal voice in public deliberation, the Constitution alone will no longer get us there.

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Free Speech

Court Vacates Order That Apparently Called for Vanishing of My (and Others') Posts About Hyman v. Daoud

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From today's Order Vacating in Part and Clarifying Order of Mar. 13, 2024 (responding to a motion filed Friday on my behalf by Marc Randazza and Kylie Werk of the Randazza Legal Group, PLLC):

ORDER VACATING IN PART AND CLARIFYING ORDER OF MARCH 13, 2024

This action came before the Court on NON-PARTY EUGENE VOLOKH'S MOTION [D.E. 48] TO INTERVENE AND FOR RECONSIDERATION OF ORDER.

The Motion is granted. The order docketed March 13, 2024 is hereby vacated to the extent it can be read or interpreted to apply to anyone other than the parties to this action. It is expressly vacated to the extent it purports to order Mr. Volokh to take any action -- or to refrain from taking any action. The order shall be interpreted to only apply to Defendant Arnold Daoud, or anyone acting at his direction. The order does not apply to anyone who is not a party to this action; to be clear, this includes any non-party who has or may write about this action or the filings docketed in this action, or both.

The March 13 order had said, among other things,

1. This order requires the taking down or deletion or deindexing the following links on the internet:

 http://conlinpa.com/2016/04/03/hyman-v-daoud/
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/community/miami-dade/miami-beach/article

Attempt to Vanish My Article About Attempt to Vanish My Article About Attempt to Vanish Other Articles


https://www.cbsnews.com/miami/news/notorious-father-faces-eviction-by-daughter/

Hyman v. Daoud: A family feud over corporate ownership and control


[Many more URLs, including several of mine. -EV] …

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Free Speech

More on the Diploma Questions in Adams v. Gulley, the Case Where a Judge Ordered the Removal of Reddit Criticisms of a Public Commentator

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The order: As readers may recall, I've written about a recent California court order that restricted online criticism of one Sarrita Adams. Adams runs Science On Trial, Inc., which "provides forensic consultation services across the United States and the United Kingdom." Adams drew public attention by publicly criticizing the evidence in the 2023 English trial of nurse Lucy Letby, who was convicted of murdering seven infants. Her claims were mentioned in, among other publications, The Times (London), the New York Post, and most recently The New Yorker.

Adams' criticism, however, itself drew criticism, including on Reddit's r/scienceontrial ("This community exists to fact check claims about Science on Trial, its creator Sarrita Adams, and various statements that can be credited to her."). The main poster there has been the pseudonymous Reddit user MrJusticeGossipGirl, apparently a reference to Mr. Justice Goss, the judge in the Letby trial. The posts generally criticize Adams' credentials, views on the Letby trial, responses to critics, and more. (There's also a reddit r/sarritaadams, which points the reader to r/scienceontrial.)

But on June 7, San Francisco County Superior Court Maria Evangelista issued a temporary harassment restraining order (Adams v. Gulley, PDF pp. 42-47) ordering defendant Gulley—who appears to be MrJusticeGossipGirl—

Do not make any social media posts about or impersonating plaintiff and her company Science on Trial on any public or social media platform. All harassing posts shall be removed.

This was done based on a restraining order request filed June 6; it appears that Gulley wasn't given an opportunity to appear in court to oppose the order (this is known in this context as an "ex parte" proceeding). The order was extended for over four months, until mid-October, when the court ultimately vacated it on the grounds that the California courts lack jurisdiction over Gulley, a Pennsylvania resident. I argued here that the order also violated the First Amendment and the California restraining order law.

The diploma: But in the litigation over the order, Gulley's lawyers (at the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression) alleged that the filings on Adams' side included a seemingly inauthentic diploma:

At the time I posted about that (Oct. 18), I had asked the Cambridge administration (on Oct. 6) whether the diploma was authentic but hadn't gotten an answer. But I finally did get an answer, and here's what the Cambridge people reported that "The attached certificate has not been issued by the University of Cambridge." They specifically noted:

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Free Speech

Another Attempt to Vanish My Posts About Kelly Hyman v. Alex Daoud—Seemingly Backed by Court Order

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[UPDATE 10/28/2024 3:57 pm: The business day after the motion below was filed, the court vacated the Mar. 13 order in relevant part.]

Kelly Hyman is a lawyer, frequent FoxNews.com contributor, and a media and Twitter commentator in this year's presidential campaign. She had also (in Hyman v. Daoud) sued her father, a disgraced former Miami Beach mayor, over a real estate transaction. And, for several years, there have been attempts to vanish from the Internet various materials related to that dispute—including attempts to vanish news stories about it, including my own articles.

On Oct. 17, I got an e-mail related to the latest such attempt:

[Subject] Request for Link Removal as per Court Order

Hello,

I am reaching out to request the removal of the following link from your website, as per a court order:

  • https://reason.com/volokh/2020/11/24/an-odd-response-from-one-of-the-lawyers-in-the-kelly-hyman-v-alex-daoud-case/
  • https://reason.com/volokh/2023/12/14/attempt-to-vanish-my-article-about-attempt-to-vanish-my-article-about-attempt-to-vanish-other-articles/

I've attached a copy of the court order for you to look over. Please proceed with removing the links at your earliest convenience.

Thank you for taking the time to look into this matter.

Sincerely,

Angelina

The court order, issued in the initial Hyman v. Daoud case in March of this year, specifically states, "This order requires the taking down or deletion or deindexing the following links on the internet:," followed by several links, including those on sites run by (among others) CBS News, Miami Herald, the Daily Mail, and me.

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Free Speech

Recent Political Candidate Is Public Figure for Libel Law Purposes

The allegedly libelous claims about the candidate were made three months after he lost the election; a Magistrate Judge had held the candidate was no longer a public figure, but the District Court disagreed.

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From Tallman v. Miller, decided yesterday by Judge Michael Simon (D. Or.):

Tallman … lives in the city of Boardman, Oregon, in Morrow County. He owns and operates a coffee shop in Boardman called, "The Farmer's Cup." In November 2020, Tallman ran for election for the office of Mayor of Boardman but did not win. In May 2021, Tallman ran for election for a seat on the Port of Morrow Board of Commissioners but did not win. In November 2022, Tallman ran for election for a seat on the Boardman City Council but did not win. In May 2023, Tallman again ran for election for a seat on the Port of Morrow Board of Commissioners but did not win.

Miller … grew up in Boardman. In approximately April 2019, she began working at The Farmer's Cup, as a server. She was 16 years old. Tallman hired Miller and was her supervisor. Shortly after she began working for Tallman, Miller "experienced what [she] now know[s] to be highly inappropriate behaviors from a 40-year-old man toward a 16-year-old girl." [Note that these are just the plaintiff's allegations at this point, which the court is taking to be true solely for dealing with defendant's motion to dismiss. -EV] She describes that behavior in detail in her declaration.

She adds that "Tallman would only engage in these behaviors when there wasn't another adult present" and that she "did not feel safe working with Tallman." She also witnessed a friend and co-worker experience similar behavior from Tallman. In August 2019, Miller and her friend were at sports practice. They discussed Tallman's behavior and were overheard by their coach, who was a mandatory reporter under Oregon law. The coach reported what he had heard to the Boardman Police Department. Shortly thereafter, Miller, accompanied by her parents, was interviewed by the Boardman Police, who prepared a report. No charges were ever brought against Tallman. In 2022, Miller left Boardman and moved to Washington.

Another local resident (Nuñez) "either posted or shared the police report on Facebook" in August 2023, and Miller in turn reposted the material. Tallman sued for libel, and the Magistrate Judge recommended that the Court deny Miller's anti-SLAPP motion (which sought to promptly dismiss the case): Tallman, the Magistrate Judge concluded, wasn't a public official or a public figure at the time Miller wrote her Facebook post, so Tallman only had to allege that Miller's speech was negligently false, which he had sufficiently done.

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Election 2024

Dispatch Symposium on Immigration and the Election

The Dispatch asked four immigration policy specialists (including myself) to write pieces on the pros and cons of the presidential candidates' immigration policies.

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Yesterday, the Dispatch published a symposium on the pros and cons of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris's immigration policies. The participants were David Bier (Cato Institute), Mark Krikorian (Center for Immigration Studies), Alex Nowrasteh (Cato) and myself. Alex, David, and I are obviously strongly pro-immigration, whereas Krikorian is a pretty hard-core restrictionist.

This may be the first time three different Cato-affiliated analysts participated in the same immigration symposium. For what it's worth, I did not know ahead of time that Alex and David were also participating, and we did not coordinate our contributions in any way.

Here's an excerpt from my piece:

For people who value free markets and limited government, this presidential election is a choice of evils—but one of the evils is much greater than the other. Trump's terrible immigration policies are massive. And, unlike Kamala Harris' worst policies, they can largely be implemented through executive power alone….

Trump's mass deportation proposal would cause immense damage to both immigrants and U.S. citizens. It would create disruption, increase prices, and cause shortages. It also destroys more American jobs than it creates… Drastic cuts in legal immigration would exacerbate the economic damage. Cutting migration would also worsen the federal government's dire fiscal situation.

Harris does have some flawed immigration policies of her own, such as her endorsement of President Joe Biden's badly flawed Trump-lite asylum restrictions. She would do better to emphasize the expansion of options for legal migration. But Trump's immigration plans are vastly worse…..

In their contributions (which I largely agree with), David Bier and Alex Nowrasteh both emphasize the dangers of Trump's plans to greatly reduce legal migration. This aspect of his agenda hasn't gotten as much attention as it deserves, even though - as Alex and David note - the president has vast discretion in this field.

For his part, Mark Krikorian fears that Trump might actually expand legal migration. I wish he were right. But that goes against both Trump's stated plans now, and his first-term record, when he massively cut legal migration, far more than the illegal kind.

Politics

Short Circuit: A Roundup of Recent Federal Court Decisions

Aspiring thieves, conquesting marketers, and derivative sovereign immunity.

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Please enjoy the latest edition of Short Circuit, a weekly feature written by a bunch of people at the Institute for Justice.

New cert petition: Friends, it was unreasonable and unconstitutional for a SWAT team to raid 593 Eighth Street when it had a warrant to raid 573 Eighth Street, and indeed the SWAT commander concedes as much. (What else can you do when you were meant to look for contraband in a garage, and the house you raided doesn't have a garage?) Sadly, however, the Fifth Circuit ruled that the commander's "deficient" efforts to identify the correct house were enough to get him qualified immunity. In other words, he was reasonably unreasonable. We're asking the Supreme Court to step in. Click here to learn more.

New on the Short Circuit podcast: Our biennial election law special! Foreign contributions, voter rolls, "ballot harvesting," the right to not run for office, and "learned in the law."

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How To Reform Law Schools: Boycott Law Clerks Or Divest Funding?

Judges Ho and Thapar favor different approaches.

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On Wednesday, I was honored to hear Judge Amul Thapar deliver the Story Lecture at the Heritage Foundation. The theme of his lecture is that originalists courts need originalist classrooms. I couldn't agree more. At most law schools, originalism is taught, if at all, as something of a strawman. Professors will introduce it, briefly, and then spend the bulk of time explaining why the doctrine is incoherent. I can count on two hands the number of originalist constitutional law professors in the United States. Law schools are derelict in not hiring more of these scholars. Even if faculties reject originalism, they must recognize that courts are receptive of these arguments, and students need to be trained on originalism.

However, it seems that a different facet of Judge Thapar's remarks made headlines. Judge Thapar offered a proposal of how to ensure that law schools promote originalism.

"Make no mistake: money talks. Only when the taxpayers and donors alike demand it will law schools start to change," Thapar said. "When law schools do change, the hefty price paid for a law degree might actually be worth it, because lawyers will leave law school equipped to practice in today's courts."

Indeed, many legislatures in conservative states are taking a closer look at university curriculums. And several states have established classical institutes within colleges, some of which can confer degrees, to provide students with a different approach to knowledge. But these alternative institutions are unlikely to affect the actual curriculums of accredited law school. Moreover, many conservative donors have halted donations to universities--especially in the wake of October 7.

And to be fair, there are costs to these approaches. If a legislature, or donor, withholds money from a law school, that will have a negative impact on many innocent actors. Law students have little control over what is taught, yet they will likely feel the brunt of any cut in funding. Even originalist professors, a discrete and insular minority, may feel the burn of reduced funding. Still, Judge Thapar seems to support this divestment from institutions that do not teach originalism.

In addition to divestment, there is another approach to fostering change: boycotts. I speak, of course, about the boycotts promoted by Judges Ho, Branch, and others. These judges have declined to hire law clerks from certain law schools based on their policies concerning free speech and anti-semitism. These boycotts are prospective, and only apply to students who choose to go to a school after the boycott is announced. The boycotts are a far more narrowly tailored approach than divestment. Rather than cutting funding throughout a law school, these judges are only withholding a very specific prestige point: federal clerkships. To be sure, both divestment and boycotts harm innocent people. But I think boycotts are far less harmful than divestment, because of their targeted nature.

During the Q&A session, Judge Thapar was asked about the boycotts by Judges Ho and Branch. Here is his answer, roughly transcribed (42:!5):

Thapar: … I appreciate that that's the tack they've taken and that every judge should choose what tact is best for them. I think for me I think speaking out about it's important putting pressure through donors and taxpayers as I mentioned I think is critical the reason is is I don't think as much as you know we may think.

I don't think kids in the military that are going to law school right now are paying attention to what Amul Thapar is saying or any of my colleagues. I think they have much bigger things to worry about about and I don't know that those students should be excluded.

I worry that there's kids like myself that went to law school. I didn't even know what a clerkship was. I'm still the only person in my extended family that went to law school I had no guidance. And I just showed up.  I wasn't even a conservative then. I was a nothing right. I was a normal college kid that enjoyed College, played Sports, had fun, probably drank a little too much, and and went to law school.

And I got there and I thought I was going to be interpreting text interpreting law that's just kind of logically, if you have no idea you think that's what you're going to do and then you get there. And it's craziness and a lot of those kids I think either quietly or vocally moved to the right during law school.

And so I struggle with excluding a whole group of essentially students that believe in originalism or want to do originalism to punish their law school now. I'm not saying it might not be effective. I'm not saying the Jim [Ho] and Lisa [Branch] haven't made great strides. I'm saying it's just not the tact I and others have taken because we want to encourage the schools to change we're very vocal about it at the same time we don't want to punish the very students that uh believe in originalism as a result.

Thankfully, as Hamilton explained, judges do not have the power of the purse, so they have no power over the budgets of the states. But judges do have authority over who they hire. Both divestment and boycott will hurt innocent bystanders. If Judge Ho refuses to hire originalist students at Yale, a small number of those elite students will lose a particular line on their sterling resumes. If the Kentucky legislature defunds the University of Kentucky Law School for not hiring originalists, all originalist students at Kentucky would suffer. At this point, then, the only question is about which means you prefer.

Free Speech

Massive Campaign of Online Insults Can Lead to Intentional Infliction of Emotional Distress Liability

The court also concluded defendant had libeled plaintiff, but the court held that even the nonlibelous expressions of opinion could lead to emotional distress liability. The total verdict of $6.8M.

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From Shanley v. Hutchings, decided earlier this year by Judge David Barlow (D. Utah); later in the year, a jury awarded plaintiff $1.15M in economic damages, $1.15M in noneconomic damages, and $4.5M in punitive damages:

… Plaintiffs Tera Shanley and her publishing company Wicked Willow Press, LLC ("Wicked Willow") sued Defendant Robyn A. Hutchings for defamation per se, defamation, injurious falsehood, false light, tortious interference, and intentional infliction of emotional distress. Now, Plaintiffs move for summary judgment. Ms. Hutchings did not respond to Plaintiffs' Motion….

This case arises from voluminous statements Ms. Hutchings posted on various social media platforms concerning Ms. Shanley. Both Ms. Shanley and Ms. Hutchings are writers who primarily publish paranormal romance fiction novels. Ms. Shanley writes under her given name along with a penname, T.S. Joyce. Ms. Hutchings publishes under pennames Terry Bolryder and Domino Savage.

From around early July 2022 to at least August 29, 2022, Ms. Hutchings made hundreds of social media posts on various platforms accusing Ms. Shanley of various acts, including: rape, child sexual abuse, human trafficking, adultery, sexual coercion, blackmail, white supremacy, plagiarism, and abusing fans. Specifically, Ms. Hutchings explicitly accused Ms. Shanley of rape or rape of a child at least 13 times and alluded to such acts at least another 10 times. Ms. Hutchings then accused Ms. Shanley of human trafficking at least twice; adultery, "homewrecking," or "coercion" at least six times; plagiarism at least three times; white supremacy at least once; stalking at least once; and being abusive at least twice. Ms. Hutchings claimed to have proof of her accusations on several occasions.

More generally, Ms. Hutchings simply harassed and insulted Ms. Shanley. And on several occasions, Ms. Hutchings alluded to physically harming Ms. Shanley. Indeed, Ms. Hutchings suggested that "she had been planning this for years." Notably, in her Answer, Ms. Hutchings admits to making a number of the posts at issue in Ms. Shanley's Motion. Ms. Shanley has submitted a declaration denying the acts of which Ms. Hutchings accused her.

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DOJ Files Petition for Rehearing in the Fifth Circuit on Geofence Warrants

Filed this week in United States v. Smith.

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Back in August, I had two very long posts about the Fifth Circuit's remarkable decision in United States v. Smith on geofence warrants, which ruled not only that geofencing requires a warrant but that geofencing warrants are categorically unconstitutional.   I had this post strongly criticizing the decision on August 13, and this follow-up debate with the ACLU on August 16th.

I thought I would flag that this week the Justice Department filed its petition for rehearing.   It begins:

The U.S. Attorney's Office for the Northern District of Mississippi seeks rehearing en banc because the panel's decision conflicts with the decisions of multiple other courts of appeals, misreads applicable Supreme Court precedent, and presents far-reaching implications that could prohibit the government's use of important investigative techniques. Every other U.S. Attorney's Office in the Fifth Circuit joins this petition.

As you might guess from my earlier posts, I hope rehearing en banc is granted. As always, stay tuned.

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