The Volokh Conspiracy

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The Volokh Conspiracy

The Judicial Misconduct Complaint Against Judge Ryan Nelson: What Happens Next?

Another guest post from Professor Arthur Hellman.

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I am happy to pass along this guest post from Professor Arthur Hellman about Judge Nelson's case:

On Tuesday, the New York Times and NPR published reports on what the Times called the "parking lot confrontation" involving Judge Ryan D. Nelson of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. Bloomberg Law has published a more in-depth account. These stories followed in the wake of the initial report the preceding Friday in the Idaho State Journal. In a guest post on Sunday evening, I explained how Judge Nelson's actions might lead to an investigation of possible judicial misconduct under the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980 (JCDA or Act). The Act defines misconduct as "conduct prejudicial to the effective and expeditious administration of the business of the courts." I won't repeat that discussion here, but some of it has been overtaken by later developments, and it will be useful to report on those.

The basic facts can be quickly stated. The "confrontation" took place in a parking lot in Idaho Falls, Idaho, on April 2. It appears to have begun when another man (who has not thus far been publicly identified) said (twice) to Judge Nelson: "Learn how to park." A video published by the Idaho State Journal shows Judge Nelson apparently knocking off the man's glasses, running after him, and then stomping on the glasses. Judge Nelson has now been charged with misdemeanor battery and malicious injury to property, also a misdemeanor.

In the Sunday evening post, I said that "the first step is for Ninth Circuit Chief Judge Mary Murguia to identify a complaint" against Judge Nelson and thereby initiate the investigatory process under the Act. That has now happened. On Monday, Judge Murguia issued an order identifying a complaint based on media reports about Judge Nelson's conduct and her own "limited inquiry of currently available information."

Ordinarily, judicial misconduct proceedings are confidential until the proceedings have concluded. That is what happened in the proceeding involving Atlanta District Judge Eleanor Ross; the public knew nothing about the investigation until the reviewing committee of the Judicial Conference of the United States issued its final order affirming the private reprimand issued by the Eleventh Circuit Judicial Council. But a provision in the Rules for Judicial-Conduct and Disability Proceedings (JC&D Rules), initially adopted in 2008, allows the chief judge to "disclose the existence of a proceeding under these Rules when necessary or appropriate to maintain public confidence in the judiciary's ability to redress misconduct or disability."

Judge Murguia relied on this provision as authorizing immediate disclosure of her Monday order. But she made clear that there will be no further interim disclosures: "All subsequent misconduct proceedings will be confidential pursuant to [the statute and the Rules]." Unless something unexpected happens, we will have to wait until final disposition to know what steps she and the Judicial Council of the Circuit have taken to resolve the complaint.

I have suggested elsewhere (pp. 371-74) that this disclosure provision appears to conflict with the confidentiality requirement of the statute. But as long as the Judiciary is willing to make some interim orders public, there is no reason why it should not disclose certain others. Here, for example, Judge Murguia may request that the Chief Justice transfer the proceeding to another circuit. If that request is granted, it would be appropriate, in my view, to make public the order of transfer.

Judge Murguia took pains to note that all of the information that prompted her order "was only very recently received." Given that the criminal charges were filed on April 22 (according to the Idaho State Journal), it is fair to conclude that Judge Nelson did not convey the information to the Chief Judge before she learned of it from the media reports.

It would have been prudent as well as courteous for Judge Nelson to have "self-reported" the episode early on. That would have enabled Chief Judge Murguia to carry out an informal inquiry, without necessarily identifying a complaint, before public scrutiny began.

Late Sunday evening, David Lat discussed the episode on his "Original Jurisdiction" Substack blog. He reported that he had reached out to Judge Nelson for comment and had received a statement from Judge Nelson's counsel. That statement read: "Mr. Nelson is embarrassed by this incident. It is out of character and does not represent how he behaves. Immediately afterwards, Mr. Nelson reached out and offered an apology and full compensation for the sunglasses. He intends to work through the proper process."

So Judge Nelson has not only offered an apology; he has also offered full compensation. Judge Murguia could well find that these actions constituted "voluntary corrective action." If so, the Act and the Rules permit her to "conclude the proceeding" without the need to determine whether Judge Nelson engaged in misconduct. That is an established practice, and I believe it is fully consistent with the forward-looking perspective of the Act.

One caveat: Judge Murguia would probably not take that course unless she had some confidence that the parking lot altercation was an isolated episode and did not reflect a pattern of behavior that might constitute misconduct. In that regard, David Lat reported that two former clerks had contacted him to say that the conduct seen in the video does not reflect the person they had come to know.

To be sure, that is not conclusive. Former Second Circuit Chief Judge Dennis Jacobs, whose analysis of a similar episode I quoted in my prior post, also said that the ultimate question is whether the judge's extrajudicial behavior "create[s] in reasonable minds a perception that the Judge's ability to carry out judicial responsibilities with integrity, impartiality, and competence is impaired." (Emphasis added.) That is the question that Chief Judge Murguia will have to address in the first instance, taking into account the apology that Judge Nelson has already offered.

Free Speech

No Heckler's Veto Allowed at School Board Meetings

The case arose when a public commenter "attempted to express her views regarding the school district's alleged teaching of critical race theory."

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An excerpt from yesterday's Sixth Circuit decision (which I think is generally quite correct) in Boddy v. Grech, written by Judge Richard Allen Griffin, joined by Judges John Bush and John Nalbandian:

During a public comment period of a Xenia School Board meeting, plaintiff Darbi Boddy attempted to express her views regarding the school district's alleged teaching of critical race theory. In prepared remarks, delivered in a calm and deliberate manner, Boddy took issue with the "cowardice" of the school district's superintendent and characterized the Board as "failing."

Displeased with the speech, Board president Mary Grech threatened to turn off Boddy's microphone. Forty seconds later, as some in the audience became disruptive in reaction to Boddy's remarks, defendant Grech abruptly seized Boddy's microphone and recessed the meeting. Boddy was denied her allotted five minutes of public comment, and she was not offered any additional time to address the Board when the meeting resumed….

[Boddy] addressed the Board calmly and deliberately:

My name is Darbi Boddy and I live in West Chester. I am a previous Board of Education member for the Lakota School District; I am on the board of Protect Ohio Children and represent the southern part of Ohio and the organization responsible for the heat map. I am also a leader for Moms for America in Butler County. I recently heard about the failing Xenia Board of Education and the cowardice [sic] superintendent who cannot perform adequately in his role ….

After speaking for only twenty-eight seconds, president Grech interrupted Boddy, shouting "Excuse me!" Boddy, however, continued. Quickly, Grech again yelled, "Ma'am, excuse me I will cut your mic." Undeterred, Boddy continued to methodically read from her prepared remarks:

This superintendent reprimanded the one good board member who was doing [his] due diligence and asking questions so he could better understand the teaching environment, make educated decisions to determine what is best for the students of Xenia and therefore help create an educational environment free of racism and division, as is his job per ORC and school policy. It appears quite obvious this board and superintendent do not advocate for transparency and want to continue pushing racist and divisive ideologies to the children of Xenia and indoctrinate them into an anti-American agenda ….

At this point, some in the crowd began to heckle Boddy with loud boos, which continued for approximately fifteen seconds.

About a minute and twenty seconds into Boddy's remarks and amid loud boos, Grech moved to recess the meeting, which another Board member quickly seconded. Yet Boddy continued to speak. A few seconds later, Grech walked up to the podium and took the microphone away as Boddy was speaking. Some in the crowd cheered; others jeered and booed. Boddy continued speaking, without a mic, as the Board shuffled out of the room. Although Boddy was prevented from using her allotted five minutes of public comment, the Board did not offer Boddy any additional time to finish her remarks after the recess.

The court concluded that Boddy's speech didn't fall within any First Amendment exception:

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Some Question for Todd Blanche's Upcoming Confirmation Hearing

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It's hard to think of a better illustration of the dramatic changes that our President has wrought in the world of law and lawyering than the (still-very-much-unfinished) Todd Blanche story.  Blanche's actions since being named Acting A.G. – the risible Comey indictment ("SeashellGate"?)[1], the "Anti-Weaponization" slush fund for Trump's cronies and January 6 insurrectionists that even Trump's long-time supporters couldn't stomach,[2] the waiver of claims against the President of the United States (his boss) that he forgot to include in the Settlement Agreement the DOJ had negotiated[3](!) – would surely, in earlier times, have gotten him fired, and possibly sanctioned or worse for having perpetrated a fraud on the court.[4]

Instead, it earned him a promotion.  To paraphrase Vince Lombardi, loyalty isn't everything, it's the only thing.

But the good news is that the nomination will allow the Senate Judiciary Committee to ask Blanche some questions at his confirmation hearings.  Here are some questions that I'd like Blanche to answer: Read More

Blockbuster NYT Reveal About Judge Ross Scandal

The Times spoke to three of Judge Ross's clerks and obtained the "offensively vague" apology letter.

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For several weeks now, I have been surprised that the major newspapers have not covered the Judge Ross scandal. In particular, I was shocked to see nothing from the New York Times and the Washington Post. I even noted how Bloomberg Law was winning the coverage.

Well, it seems the Times was working on something big. Nicholas Bogel-Burroughs and Mattathias Schwartz published a story this morning about Judge Ross. And we learn a lot. They got three law clerks to speak, plus they got a copy of the "apology" letter.

The New York Times confirmed it was Judge Ross through interviews with three of her former clerks and two people familiar with the matter, and obtained a signed apology letter that she wrote as part of a judicial reprimand.

First, this "secret" was passed down from year-to-year among law clerks:

For years, Judge Eleanor Ross's secret was passed down from law clerk to law clerk.

They whispered about the sultry jazz music that emanated from her chambers when a uniformed police commander, a man they called her "visitor," disappeared into her private office. The clerks could sometimes hear the unmistakable sounds of sex from behind the door.

They chalked it up as one of the burdens of working for Judge Ross, who routinely rubber stamped their draft orders and added little else before issuing them as rulings. But the clerks in the Atlanta courthouse felt helpless: Do you report your married boss, a federal judge no less, for having a clandestine in-office affair with a law enforcement officer?

One day last year, a clerk did exactly that.

Second, Judge Fogel—unlike Judge Wood—stated the obvious. The punishment handed down was woefully inadequate.

Jeremy Fogel, a retired federal judge who consults with judges on ethics questions, said some in the judiciary disagreed with how Judge Ross's case had been resolved. "Many of the sitting judges with whom I've spoken believe the findings as a whole warranted a more significant sanction," he said.

Another judge who shall remained unnamed wrote to me, saying that my post about Judge Wood was out of line, and demanded and I should apologize. I added an update to my post, but my criticism stands even stronger in light of the correction.

Third, we get more details about her chambers:

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Supreme Court

Upcoming National Constitution Center Annual Supreme Court Review

Three different VC bloggers are among the speakers: Jonathan Adler, Keith Whittington, and myself.

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NCC

The National Constitution Center's annual Supreme Court Review event is being held on July 7 in Philadelphia. I wanted to highlight it here, because three different regular Volokh Conspiracy bloggers will be among the speakers: Jonathan Adler, Keith Whittington, and myself. There are lots of other speakers - many of them highly prominent - as well. Loyal VC readers will surely want to attend, or at least watch online!

Additional information and free registration available here. You can watch either online or in person.

Remembering Gordon Wood

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Gordon Wood was a towering scholar in every way. He was the best historian of the American Revolution and of the writing of the Constitution and, in general, of the period from 1760 to 1826, of all time. No-one else in the 237 years since the Constitution went into effect even comes close.

Gordon's two biggest contributions were (1) in expanding our understanding of the American Revolution by defining it as a moment of radical political and societal transformation where an older world rooted in hereditary privilege was rejected in favor of republicanism and the equality of all human beings, and (2) in explaining how Americans came to put their faith in our written and amended Constitution. Gordon knew each of the Framers vividly, and he wrote about all of their lives. He described their virtues and vices with perfect precision. He was as institutionally honest an historian as one will ever find. He did not write hagiographies, but instead painted an accurate portrait of the great men he wrote about. He was as great an historian as Herodotus and Thucydides, which is high praise indeed.

Gordon was also a brave man—a public intellectual who was not afraid to challenge popular errors. He led the effort to denounce the New York Times' 1619 Project, which argued that the Framers were all about slavery and the triumph of racism. Gordon earned some heated criticism for his courageous stance against the DEI effort to paint the founders as racist villains. To Gordon, the abolition of slavery, women's right to vote, and the civil rights movement of the 1960's followed from the founding principles in the Declaration of Independence.

He was equally outspoken in criticizing Vice President J.D. Vance for arguing that Americans were defined by their bloodlines and not, as Gordon believed, by their devotion to the principles of the Declaration of Independence and of the Constitution. In a speech within the last year, and an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal, Gordon wrote that the United States has always been a creedal nation. He saw us all as from the start of our history as being defined by believing in the idea that all human beings are created equal and have an inalienable right to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness. We are Americans because we believe in that idea whether our ancestors were English, French, German, Italian, Irish, Polish, Jewish, or of African or Asian dissent. Gordon was just as adamant in denouncing nativism as he was in denouncing the 1619 Project. Gordon also never overstated or understated his case on any point or person of historical interest.

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Free Speech

Google Isn't a Common Carrier, Ohio Court of Appeals Rules

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From State ex rel. Yost v. Google, LLC, decided Monday by the Ohio Court of Appeals (Judge Andrew J. King, joined by Judges Craig R. Baldwin and Robert G. Montgomery):

On June 8, 2021, the State filed a complaint against Google out of a concern that Google prioritized the information it provided that best boosted its bottom line instead of providing the most useful and relevant information to the public…. [It] sought a declaration that Google was a … common carrier under Ohio common law….

The court concluded:

Google Search is not a common carrier under Ohio common law. It fails under either prong of our traditional test. While the Attorney General points to facts such as monopoly power and suggests a more robust judicial intervention is required, we decline to depart from our precedent. Among other reasons, the apparent preemption and free speech issues, together with the expressive character of search outputs under the Munn framework, counsel against departing from our traditional two-prong test.

This conclusion is consistent with the historical limits of the common carrier doctrine, the practical mismatch between traditional rate regulation and modern platform economics, and the judiciary's proper role in deferring complex policy choices involving speech and technology to the legislative branch….

The court began with a broad historical outline; an excerpt:

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Legal Ethics

Prof. Michael Broyde (Emory) on "When Judges Stop Behaving Well"

"Article III life tenure is not a shield for misconduct in chambers. It is a constitutional trust conditioned on good behavior."

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I'm delighted to pass along this item from Prof. Broyde, who teaches legal ethics at Emory and who has written about judicial ethics in particular:

A federal judge does not lose life tenure merely by becoming embarrassing. Nor should Congress threaten judges because it dislikes their opinions, their interpretive methods, or their politics. Judicial independence is one of the central achievements of the Constitution.

But independence is not impunity. The Constitution does not say that federal judges hold office for life no matter what they do. It says they "shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour." That phrase is not an ornament. It is the condition attached to the extraordinary protection of life tenure.

The recent Eleventh Circuit judicial misconduct matter shows why that condition still matters. According to the judicial misconduct materials, an unnamed district judge engaged in an extramarital relationship with a high-ranking law-enforcement officer, including sexual activity in chambers during business hours and within hearing distance of court staff.

The judge initially denied the relationship to judicial investigators, later admitted it, created a deeply uncomfortable workplace, and generated serious concerns about conflicts of interest and vulnerability to blackmail. The judge also attended a partisan political event.

The sanction was a private reprimand, apology letters to former law clerks, and commitments not to seek certain leadership roles. News organizations have identified the unnamed judge as U.S. District Court Judge Eleanor Ross of the Northern District of Georgia. Resolutions of impeachment were introduced by two Georgia Members of Congress.

That identification, and the resulting calls for impeachment, should not obscure the underlying constitutional issue. Some commentators have treated the case mainly as a question of criminal law: whether the judge's initial denials constituted a federal false-statement offense, or whether the misconduct fits neatly within the familiar impeachment phrase "high Crimes and Misdemeanors." Those questions are not trivial. But they are too narrow.

The deeper question is whether a judge who uses chambers this way has continued to satisfy the constitutional condition on which judicial tenure rests for good behavior. I do not think so.

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Free Speech

Magistrate Judge Declines to Recuse Herself in Trump v. BBC Libel Lawsuit

The judge had, before she was appointed a judge in 2024, represented an adverse party in a different lawsuit brought by Trump in 2022.

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From today's opinion by Magistrate Judge Enjoliqué A. Lett (S.D. Fla.) in Trump v. BBC:

On December 15, 2025, Plaintiff initiated this action, and the Clerk of Court assigned the matter to Judge Roy K. Altman stating, "U.S. Magistrate Judge Enjolique A. Lett is available to handle any or all proceedings in this case." Shortly thereafter, on January 12, 2026, the parties voluntarily elected to have the Undersigned preside over discovery matters in this action. On February 11, 2026, Judge Altman referred this case to the Undersigned for all pretrial non-dispositive and discovery matters….

Plaintiff now seeks—over 160 days after the Undersigned's involvement in this case—the Undersigned's recusal, on the eve of the Undersigned setting a discovery hearing. Specifically, Plaintiff asserts the Undersigned's prior representation of Orbis Business Intelligence, Ltd. in Trump v Clinton (S.D. Fla. filed March 24, 2022), warrants recusal and a stay of discovery….

Under the catch-all provision of the federal recusal statute on which Plaintiff relies, "[a]ny justice, judge, or magistrate judge of the United States shall disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his impartiality might reasonably be questioned." "[W]hat matters under § 455(a) 'is not the reality of bias or prejudice but its appearance.'" "This inquiry is an objective one, made from the perspective of a reasonable observer who is informed of all the surrounding facts and circumstances." …

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Free Speech

No Pseudonymity for Accountant Challenging Public Company Accounting Oversight Board Disciplinary Proceedings

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From yesterday's D.C. Circuit decision in Doe v. Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (Judges Karen LeCraft Henderson, Justin Walker, and Bradley Garcia):

Plaintiff John Doe—an accountant facing disciplinary proceedings before the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board—brought suit in district court, raising wide-ranging challenges to the Board's structure and operations. As part of that action, Doe sought leave to proceed under a pseudonym. The district court denied the motion. We affirm….

Doe asserts a privacy interest in the fact that he is the subject of a Board disciplinary proceeding because disclosure of that fact would harm his professional reputation by "brand[ing] him an outlier—'damaged goods'—among accounting professionals." Doe's privacy concerns are different in kind from those that "traditionally warrant pseudonymity," which typically involve " 'intimate issues such as sexual activities, reproductive rights, bodily autonomy, medical concerns, or the identity of abused minors.'" …

[And, a]s the district court explained, Doe relied only on general statements about the potential harms of public charges, and he did not submit any declarations to support those claims. The district court's approach is consistent with our precedents, which underscore that movants must make a "colorable showing of injury to a privacy interest" by offering something "concrete to establish that revealing [their] identity would cause" some "cognizable harm." That showing could take the form, for instance, of a declaration explaining the "substantial risk" that a "privacy injury" "would occur." The district court reasonably concluded that Doe's motion was insufficient on this front, as Doe "merely asserted" he would suffer a privacy injury without "specifically explain[ing] why harm was likely to result." …

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Supreme Court

My New Lawfare Article on "Why Callais Doesn't Justify Court-Packing"

Court-packing would cause great harm, including by boosting power-grabbing presidents like Trump. Callais's flaws are better addressed by other means.

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Today, Lawfare published my article "Callais Doesn't Justify Court-Packing." Here is an excerpt summarizing key points:

The Supreme Court's recent decision in Louisiana v. Callais—barring nearly all use of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) to create majority-minority congressional districts—has been met with outrage by many on the political left and led to renewed calls for court-packing. For example Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) has said that "[w]e need to expand this morally bankrupt court from nine to 13." House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) has said that "everything should be on the table," presumably including court-packing. Former vice president and 2024 Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris has expressed similar sentiments. A number of other Democrats advanced court-packing plans even before Callais.

The Callais decision has some flaws. And the conservative majority on the Supreme Court has made some serious errors in other cases, such as the Trump presidential immunity decision. But court-packing remains a dangerous idea that Americans across the political spectrum should reject. Callais is not without merit, and—at the very least—not as bad as its most strident critics claim. More generally, the Supreme Court is far from being a pure "MAGA" Court and has, in fact, constrained the Trump administration's abuses on several important fronts, and has allowed lower courts to constrain it elsewhere. Court-packing would create a slippery slope to the destruction of judicial review, thereby benefiting power-grabbing presidents like Trump, and imperiling constitutional rights, particularly those of minority groups. To the extent Callais is a problem, it can be better addressed by steps such as banning gerrymandering. There are also better remedies for various other shortcomings of the Court, such as enacting term limits and imposing an ethics code.

The rest of the article covers these issues in greater detail.

By coincidence, this is my second popular media article this week that is likely to annoy the left more than the right (along with yesterday's Washington Post article critiquing NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani's badly flawed and unconstitutional housing policy). I'm sure I will get back to the business of annoying the right soon enough!

Free Speech

"Desire to Undo the Past" Can't Justify Libel Claim Over "Indisputably Truthful" Articles About Criminal Charges + Expungement

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An excerpt from Sunar v. Gray Local Media, Inc., decided today by Judge Kenneth Bell (W.D.N.C.):

Defendants Gray Local Media, Inc. and Gray Media, Inc., (together, "WBTV") accurately reported on Dr. Sunar's arrest and then, at the request (and with the approval) of his lawyer, on the dismissal and expungement. WBTV declined, however, to delete its reporting, preserving the historical record.

Claiming that he has been defamed by WBTV's coverage, Dr. Sunar filed this action seeking tens of millions of dollars in damages and removal of the WBTV articles from its archives…. While Dr. Sunar's desire to undo the past is understandable, his legal claims against WBTV fail … because the articles are indisputably truthful and well within the long-established privilege of the media to accurately report on criminal proceedings…..

On September 11, 2024, Dr. Sunar, who has been practicing dentistry in Charlotte since 2002, was arrested and charged with misdemeanor child abuse and communicating threats. The next day, WBTV published an article to its website regarding the arrest titled "Charlotte dentist charged with child abuse, records show." In relevant part, the text of the article read:

A Charlotte dentist is facing child abuse charges after he was arrested last week, court records show. Jail records revealed 61-year-old Ramesh Kumar Sunar was arrested on Tuesday, Sept. 10, and was charged with misdemeanor child abuse and communicating threats. An arrest warrant said Sunar 'inflicted physical injury' on a child younger than 16 years old. The injury allegedly caused bruising on the child's torso and neck, and was not caused by 'accidental means.' The warrant further stated that Sunar told a man 'he would beat the [expletive] out of him.' According to the warrant, both incidents happened on Sept. 2…. Sunar is listed as the lead doctor on Charlotte Dental Implant Center's website.

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Office of Legal Counsel Concludes That Disparate Impact Liability Under Title VII Is Unconstitutional

Two decades after Justice Scalia's Ricci concurrence, the "war between disparate impact and equal protection will be waged" very soon.

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In 2009, the Supreme Court decided Ricci v. DeStefano. The Justices reversed Judge Sonia Sotomayor's indefensible ruling against the Frank Ricci and the other firefighters. But the Court stopped short of deciding whether New Haven's attempt to avoid liability for disparate impact violated the Equal Protection Clause. Justice Scalia concurred to explain the Court was merely postponing the inevitable question:

But the war between disparate impact and equal protection will be waged sooner or later, and it behooves us to begin thinking about how—and on what terms—to make peace between them.

Nearly two decades later,  with a very different Supreme Court, this question is now primed for resolution.

Today the Office of Legal Counsel issued an opinion finding that the EEOC's Title VII guidelines are unconstitutional.

EEOC's existing interpretations, including the Uniform Guidelines on Employee Selection Procedures ("Guidelines"), embrace an unconstitutional reading of Title VII. Rather than treating disparate impact as an evidentiary mechanism to smoke out intentional discrimination—imposing liability only when disproportionate adverse effects give rise to a strong inference of intentional discrimination—EEOC's historic interpretations contemplate liability based on disproportionately adverse effects alone, without regard to an employer's likely intent. Because EEOC's historic approach divorces liability from circumstances giving rise to a strong inference that intentional discrimination occurred, it functions as a qualified racial-proportionality mandate and spurs employers to engage in race-based decisionmaking to avoid liability. That approach is unlawful and unconstitutional.

The opinion relies on Allen v. Milligan, which declared for the first time that our Constitution is "color-blind."

Three corrections to that approach are necessary "to resolve the ten-sion between [disparate-impact] claims under [Title VII] and our color-blind Constitution." Allen v. Milligan, No. 25A1314, 2026 WL 1552756, at *1 (U.S. June 2, 2026) (per curiam).

As I observed, this emergency docket opinion may become more significant than Callais, a theme that the Wall Street Journal picked upAllen made clear that Callais applies to the Equal Protection context. Indeed, the Opinion links Callais back to the Justice Alito's TJ dissental.

Even facially race-neutral actions, when mo-tivated by the purpose of altering racial balance, constitute intentional discrimination against the members of the racial group who are balanced down. After all, "if race played a role in a decision made by a govern-ment actor," or at the behest of a government actor, then race discrimi-nation has occurred and "strict scrutiny applie[s]." Louisiana v. Callais, 146 S. Ct. 1131, 1146 (2026); see also Coal. for TJ v. Fairfax Cnty. Sch. Bd., 146 S. Ct. 541, 545 (2024) (Alito, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari).

This opinion is earth-shattering. The Department of Justice ruled that disparate-impact compels employers to engage in unconstitutional race discrimination.

Just as "the Federal Government is prohibited from discriminating on the basis of race," so too is it "prohibited from enacting laws mandating that third parties—e.g., employers, whether private, State, or munici-pal—discriminate on the basis of race," unless those laws survive strict scrutiny. Ricci, 557 U.S. at 594 (Scalia, J., concurring) (first citing Bol-ling, 347 U.S. at 500; and then citing Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60, 78–82 (1917)). And just as it is unconstitutional for the federal govern-ment to "force[] States to engage in the very race-based discrimination that the Constitution forbids," Callais, 146 S. Ct. at 1142; see also Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900, 926–27 (1995), so too it is unconstitutional for the federal government to coerce employers to adopt employment policies or make employment decisions motivated by race. Disparate-impact liability does not just raise constitutional doubt in occasional cases; unless narrowly circumscribed, it structurally compels the very racial discrimination that the Constitution forbids.

In the same way that Callais "updated" Gingles, this opinion calls on the Court to "update" Griggs:

Reading Griggs in context and together with the Supreme Court's more recent precedent requires "updat[ing] the framework" for dispar-ate-impact liability "to ensure a constitutional reading and application of" Title VII. Callais, 146 S. Ct. at 1157, 1161 (updating the framework for claims under section 2 of the Voting Rights Act). As Justice Scalia suggested in Ricci, a properly tailored disparate-impact scheme might constitutionally operate as "an evidentiary tool" to "smoke out" practices that present a significant likelihood of intentional discrimination. 557 U.S. at 595 (Scalia, J., concurring); see also City of Rome v. United States, 446 U.S. 156, 177–78 (1980).

This is a similar approach to the one that the Supreme Court took in Callais, which held that section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, Pub. L. No. 89-110, 79 Stat. 437, "imposes liability only when the circum-stances give rise to a strong inference that intentional discrimination occurred." . . . Applying Griggs, Wards Cove, Inclusive Communities, and Callais, we identify three limiting principles on disparate-impact liability that prevent a constitutional collision under current Supreme Court prece-dent. We emphasize, as the Supreme Court has, that no single limiting principle is wholly sufficient; rather, each caveat is essential to avoid the conclusion

I suspect the EEOC will bring suit against firms that have made race-conscious decisions to avoid disparate impact suits (or more likely because they agree with separating people based on race). At that point, the constitutionality of disparate-impact is squarely teed up.

Kudos to Assistant Attorney General Elliot Gaiser and Deputy Assistant Attorney General Josh Craddock for putting forth this remarkable opinion. I also have to give credit to my Manhattan Institute colleague, Gail Heriot, who is cited throughout the opinion. Gail has been beating this sometimes-lonely drum for decades. And she has been right for decades.

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