The Volokh Conspiracy
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"Viewpoint Diversity" Requirements as a New Fairness Doctrine: Viewpoint Diversity Rules as to Students
I have an article titled "Viewpoint Diversity" Requirements as a New Fairness Doctrine forthcoming in several months in the George Mason Law Review, and I wanted to serialize a draft of it here. There is still time to edit it, so I'd love to hear people's feedback. The material below omits the footnotes (except a few that I've moved into text, marked with {}s, as I normally do when I move text within quotes); if you want to see the footnotes—or read the whole draft at once—you can read this PDF. You can see my argument about why viewpoint diversity requirements are likely to chill controversial faculty speech here; here is a brief follow-up section as to the problems with imposing such requirements as to students:
[E.] Viewpoint Diversity Rules as to Students
The Administration's letter to Harvard also calls on "audit[ing] the student body" and not just the faculty. But the problem of people being encouraged to misreport their political beliefs is likely to be even more severe with regard to the auditing of students. For college students, any such audit is likely to be based entirely on self-reporting, since most students will have little history of party registration, even less history of political donation, no formal publication record of the sort that academics have, and (again, for most students) little politically minded social media commentary.
Yet if universities try to achieve viewpoint diversity by asking would-be students their political beliefs when they are applying, many students will likely claim beliefs that they see as likely to increase their chance of admission (e.g., by claiming to be conservative or centrist when they think they'll be penalized for being liberal, or claiming to be liberal or centrist when they think they'll be penalized for being conservative). This is especially so since this would generally be a very safe lie. The terms are vague enough that it will be hard to prove that people were misdescribing themselves. And even if, after they come to college, students become activists on a side contrary to the one they claimed, they can always just say that they've changed their minds. Indeed, the terms are vague enough that students can even persuade themselves that they are telling the truth. "No, really, I'm not that liberal—I'd say I'm more of a moderate" is an easy story to tell yourself once you learn that calling yourself a liberal would decrease your chances of admission.
To be sure, universities might measure their students' viewpoint diversity by asking students their political beliefs when they are already in school. But then to cure any lack of viewpoint diversity, they would still have to ask future applicants for their views, and risk the strategic responses that I describe above. And even the current students might feel an incentive to respond inaccurately: After all, if left-wing (or right-wing) activist students realize that so labeling themselves will increase the university's pressure to admit students from the other side for ideological balance, those students might well conclude that it's better to mischaracterize their positions in the viewpoint diversity survey.
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The Students for Socialism chapter will have to rename itself Students for Sensible Economic Policy to avoid outing its members.
I understand that Professor Volokh is concerned with more than just the First Amendment, here he is more focused on the practical matter of whether fairness doctrines may backfire. But there are reminders here of why the "marketplace of ideas" is poor model for First Amendment analysis.
First, the marketplace analogy deflects things into irrelevant (or should be irrelevant) discussion of why markets are good: efficiency, innovation, diversity of options, inherent tendency toward an optimum price. But what we are guaranteed by the Constitution is freedom of speech. Not efficiency of speech, or originality of speech, or diversity of speech, or cost effective speech.
Second, only a committed libertarian automatically associates marketplaces with laissez-faire principles. The entire rest of the political spectrum sees a marketplace and thinks .... we need to protect local products from outside competition, we need anti-trust, we need mandatory collective bargaining, we need to ban insider trading, we need to inject money at certain times, etc. And most of all, many people believe deeply in the concept of market failure and the need for government to correct such failures. And often they define failure as any outcome they don't like. The bottom line is that the marketplace analogy really does not lead automatically to a robust commitment to freedom of speech.
The better focus is the "shall make no law" approach. Is the government concerning itself with anyone's speech? Then we start with "No", speech is not their concern. Not to make it better, not to make it fairer, not to make it more efficient, not to create or facilitate a market, not anything except leaving it alone. The government should go work on.... something else. That should be the starting point when negotiating any proposal for some new policy.
What if there's some important thing the government wants to discuss? They have their own speech, and they can fund their own speakers. An analogy: if the Air Force thinks not enough work is being done on scandium alloys, they can, without violating anyone's rights, pay people to do research on scandium alloys. They *don't* need to say that all universities must study every element in the chart in some effort to attain chemical diversity.
Likewise, if a conservative leaning administration thinks there is not enough pro-capitalist research going on, I don't think it would offend the First Amendment for them to preferentially seek out and contract with researchers and writers to study and promote the advantages of capitalism. Without enforcing any kind of balance requirement on everyone.
ducksalad, you're correct that the "marketplace of ideas" is an extremely "poor model for First Amendment analysis." It makes as little sense as thinking that the reason that people have money is to support a literal marketplace. We have speech and money to support our liberty, and we generally are sovereigns over our own speech and money.
Our freedom of speech is a function of our sovereignty over ourselves and over our public servants. Montesquieu might have been the first to state this principle this way.
In The Federalist No. 47, James Madison emphasized that “[t]he oracle who is always consulted and cited on this subject” (“the preservation of liberty” by ensuring various sources of “power” are “separate and distinct”) “is the celebrated Montesquieu.”
The first and most important separation of powers is between the sovereign people and all our public servants. See, e.g., the dissenting opinion in Alden v. Maine, 527 U. S. 706 (1999) discussing some of the relevant statements in Chisholm v. Georgia (1793) by Chief Justice John Jay, Justice James Wilson and Edmund Randolph. Simply put, our freedom of speech (including our right to vote) is a vital aspect of the sovereignty of the people.
In The Spirit of the Laws, Montesquieu emphasized the following related principles:
"In a democracy the people are in some respects the sovereign, and in others the subject" (of the laws).
Citizens "exercise of sovereignty" is most clearly "by their suffrages, which [is an expression of] their own will: [by voting and other freedom of expression] the sovereign’s will is the sovereign himself. The laws, therefore, which establish the right of suffrage, are fundamental to this government" so it is "important to regulate, in a republic, in what manner, by whom, to whom, and concerning what, suffrages are to be given."
"The freedom of every citizen constitutes a part of the public liberty; and, in a democratical state, is even a part of the sovereignty [of the people]."
"[T]he enjoyment of liberty, and even its support and preservation, consists in every man’s being allowed to speak his thoughts and to lay open his sentiments."
As usual with the Trump administration, this plan is poorly conceived and shows signs of being written by someone who just isn't very bright.