The Volokh Conspiracy
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Boerne, RFRA, and the VRA
Several justices seem ready to import the congruence and proportionality test to the 15th Amendment.
I just finished listening to the oral argument in Callais. There are almost certainly six votes to rule in favor of Louisiana here. Justice Kavanaugh came to the argument extremely well-prepared, and seems to have mapped out all of the contours of an opinion. It seemed like he was reading from notes, and articulating different standards that could apply. He quibbled a bit with the Deputy SG's phrasing, but I think he is generally comfortable with the government's framing of the case. Chief Justice Roberts was quiet, and (as best as I can recall) only asked whether certain issues were raised in the Alabama litigation a few year ago. The Chief should assign the majority to Justice Kavanaugh, but will probably keep it himself. Justice Barrett was also working out some of the finer nuanced doctrines of the Enforcement Power analysis. She will probably write a concurrence along those lines.
There is much to discuss, but here I want to focus on a broader question of constitutional law.
Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment gives Congress the power to enact "appropriate legislation" to enforce the rest of the Fourteenth Amendment. City of Boerne v. Flores Court held that there are limits to Congress's power to remedy a violation of Section 1 (such as the Due Process or Equal Protection Clauses). Specifically, the remedy must be "congruent and proportional" to the constitutional violation.
The Supreme Court has never addressed whether the "congruence and proportionality" test also applies to Section 2 of the Fifteenth Amendment. I wrote about this way back in 2013 after Shelby County.
Today, several justices seemed to suggest that the Boerne test would limit Congress's powers under the Fifteenth Amendment. At one point, Justice Barrett asked counsel for petitioners to "assume" the Boerne test applied to the Fifteenth Amendment. In past cases, when Justice Barrett asks lawyers to assume something, that almost certainly means that is her position. Indeed, given Justice Barrett's unwillingness to reverse Smith, I think she will have to go all-in on Boerne.
If the Court does adopt the Boerne test, then the VRA inquiry changes. It is not disputed that the Fifteenth Amendment, like the Fourteenth Amendment, prohibits intentional discrimination. But Section 2 of the VRA (not to be confused with Section 2 of the Fifteenth Amendment) is an "effects" based test, that does not require any showing of intentionality.
Perhaps at some point in the past, Section 2 was a "congruent and proportional" response to the state of voting rights in the United States. Maybe that was even true when Gingles v. Thornburg was decided in 1986. But times have changed. Is there still a "congruence and proportionality" in 2025? I think it is worth noting that Gingles was decided a decade before Boerne. Then again, Boerne contrasted RFRA with the VRA, which had been upheld in Katzenbach.
The application of Borne to the VRA may give the Court a hook to "sunset" that provision, and rule that forcing the states to consider race when drawing maps may no longer be appropriate. Grutter gave the use of race a 25-year sunset clock. Gingles has had an even longer run.
Justice Barrett suggested that Gingles does not need to be "modified" but instead might be "clarified." The Court did just that with another Burger Court precedent. In Groff v. DeJoy (2023), the Court completely rewrote how TWA v. Hardison had been interpreted on the ground for five decades. And that was done to save the precedent from being overruled. Gingles may meet a similar fate. And yet another Burger Court precedent will bite the dust. (In fairness to co-blogger Paul Cassell, CJ Burger only concurred in the judgment in Gingles, which was decided during his final week on the Court.)
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This is going to send political shockwaves as much of the Democrats power has come from majority/minority racist gerrymanders.
Gerrymandering is part and parcel of district representation. It cannot be avoided. At one extreme, if all voter categories (party, race, religion, anything) were equally distributed in all districts, the majority would win all elections. At the other extreme, if all voter categories were concentrated by themselves, you'd have close to the equivalent of at-large elections.
Texas was gerrymandered in favor of Republicans, then recently re-gerrymandered more in favor of Republicans. California is gerrymandered in favor of Democrats, and the Democrats are trying to re-gerrymander more in favor of Democrats.
Gerrymandering cannot be prevented with district representation. The only challenge is how much to gerrymander. The only way to eliminate gerrymandering is to switch to at-large representation, where everyone in the state votes for the same list of all candidates, and the top winners are elected. California has 52 districts. Any reasonable list would have hundreds of candidates. To whittle that down would require dividing the state into multiple-representative districts, and then you're right back to gerrymandering.
If all voter categories were equally distributed, then you'd have the equivalent of at-large elections. It's only if they're concentrated by themselves that you don't end up with that.
Proportional representation solves the gerrymandering issue.
Wait, should the majority *not* win elections? Why is equally distributing across districts a bad thing if the majority wins?
Majority wins under our system where the majority is tightly constrained in what it does to the minority is not an issue.
In a straight democracy where such protections for a minority do not exist (the preferred Democrat system) then its important to manage gerrymandering so that minorities can protect themselves.
But, of course, minorities in a true democracy rarely ever get control of the gerrymandering in the first place.
The problem is when parties rig the election in their favor, which is exactly what gerrymandering is.
No, you have failed to grasp the problem, entirely.
Imagine California, 60% Democrat and 40% Republican voters, with perfect distribution. Democrats would win every district no matter how districts were defined.
But the Voting Rights Act forbids this with respect to race. (It may forbid other discrimination. I do not know.) Imagine a state 60% white, 40% black, with perfect distribution. Whites would win every districts. The VRA calls that racism. So states are forced, by law, to gerrymander so blacks win 40% of the districts.
That's the problem, that gerrymandering is required, by law, and is unavoidable with district representation. Wikipedia says Louisiana is roughly 60-30 white-black. They had one black district out of six. Someone sued, either citizens or the feds, I do not know which. They regerrymandered to get two black districts. Now they are in court again for having too many black districts.
Gerrymandering is required by law and an inevitable part of district representation. Until you grasp that simple fact, you will continue saying stupid things like
You do not know what you are talking about. I probably have detail mistakes of my own, but I grasp the fundamental fact you do not:
Gerrymandering is a fundamental aspect of district representation and cannot be avoided.
How is gerrymandering is not an inevitable part of district representation?
Gerrymandering is an intentional act, and is not some inevitable compulsion.
I accept it's always in the mix these days, but I don't accept it's inevitably so.
District representation requires drawing district borders. THAT is gerrymandering because there is no possible way to draw borders that will please everybody.
Then get rid of district representation. Louisiana wants to make sure that blacks have no more than 16% representation for 30% of the population. North Carolina saw Rs win 50.7% of the vote but hold 71% of the Congressional seats. That is an obscene affront to democracy.
Uh, you missed the part about Louisiana being sued for one district not enough and two being too many. Why is that Louisiana's fault?
Because Louisiana is taking the side of one district.
Louisiana is taking the side of not having to keep redrawing districts for every new lawsuit. They get sued regardless. Of course they get tired of getting sued and having to redraw districts yet again.
"and is unavoidable with district representation."
That really, seriously depends on how you define "gerrymandering".
The original "Gerrymander" was a district shaped somewhat like a salamander, and designed to elect Rep Gerry.
Now, you can't demand that it not be called a 'gerrymander' unless it's shaped like a salamander and benefits somebody called "Gerry", but for most of American history "Gerrymandering" referred exclusively to drawing extremely non-compact districts to achieve particular political outcomes.
If you're even trying to keep to the original spirit of the term, instead defining it to mean, "Not proportional representation", it has to at least be limited to deliberately drawing maps to achieve a particular outcome.
Not "not proportional representation", or "My party's voters are inefficiently distributed and the map maker didn't draw the map to compensate". Deliberate map bias.
And, yes, it's perfectly possible to have single member districts and not gerrymander, if your definition of gerrymandering isn't, tautologically, "single member districts".
District representation requires drawing district borders. Since there will always be some people complaining about the resultant districts, how can gerrymandering be defined as only some of those possible outcomes?
It is mathematically impossible to draw districts which simultaneously are fair to parties, races, religions, age, and whatever other criteria you choose. What one faction calls fair, others will call gerrymandering.
ALL district maps are deliberately drawn. What other kind of drawing is possible?
Gerrymandering is inevitable.
So you've made it a tautology. The nice thing about that is, you're guaranteed to be right.
The downside is that nobody cares because you're an idiot.
In other words, you have no facts, you can't show the tautology, you can't prove me wrong, so you fall into Sarcastr0 mode.
Well done.
Try coming up with a nice simple solid definition of when drawing district borders switches from legal to illegal. Exactly what criteria distinguish the two?
You cannot. Drawing district borders is gerrymandering.
Justice Kennedy wrote Boerne. Kavanaugh cited him during oral argument. Conservatives will give him some love here, I guess.
South Carolina v. Katzenbach cited McCulloch v. Maryland, which (FWIW) was cited by framers of the Reconstruction Amendments:
"Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the constitution, and all means which are appropriate which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the constitution, are constitutional."
The "congruent and proportional" test is stricter and gives more power to the courts vis-a-vis Congress. The amendments specifically give Congress power of enforcement.
"The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation."
Not "congruent and proportional" -- "appropriate." This is ill-advised (as compared to when it is appropriate) judicial activism.
How many bubbles are in that damned bar of soap?
People attack Roe for being outcome oriented living constitutionalism, but the conservative and supposedly “originalist” approach to voting rights and the 15th amendment, is by a wide margin, the biggest example of living constitutionalism we have. It completely imports a modern conservative sensibility regarding “color-blindness” and judicial power to a context where it couldn’t be more clear, both with the intent and public understanding, that the Radical Republican Reconstruction Congress in 1870 was giving itself authority to aggressively ensure black political participation. Republicans won a war and conducted a military occupation of the South to ensure this!
And they were actually somewhat successful in this endeavor up to the failure of the Lodge Bill and the true rise of Jim Crow. So 60 years later when there was finally a legislative coalition that wanted to increase black political participation in Congress of course they would have assumed they had the power to do the Voting Rights Act.
But now six morons/bad faith liars are pretending that the court is some kind of colorblindness police (unless it involves immigration stops) and can just trash everything the Radical Republicans stood for.
“As he died to make men holy let us die to make men free” replaced with “UM ACKSHUALLY IT SAYS IT MUST BE APPROPRIATE LEGISLATION AND WE DON’T THINK THAT’S APPROPRIATE.”
If these fuckers had any shame, they’d stop having Lincoln Day dinners, and start having Andrew Johnson Day dinners.
BS. When the Voting Rights Act was passed, the people voting for it stated clearly that they did not intend for racially drawn districts. It was a lie, just like they were promised during the debate of the CRA that it wouldn't be used to mandate quotas, which then happened right after.
I don't know. Andrew Johnson was a bit too non-insurrection-y.
You're the one exhibiting bad faith here, presuming the bad faith of anyone who disagrees with you.
Your fundamental problem here is that you assume racism is exactly the same as it was in 1965. I think it was the deputy solicitor general who said during the oral arguments that the standard you are proposing means that the white Democrats of West Virginia are being completely disenfranchised because they represent ~40%? of the population but Democrats elect no white Democrats to Congress.
At some point, it stops being about race and starts being about party affiliation. The key issue here, ignored by almost everyone, is the compactness of the proposed districts. Personally I would be fine with a VRA adjudication mandating (in the case of Louisiana) that second black district if that district didn't need to be drawn like a salamander. Doing that just because of race violates equal protection. That's not the same thing as carving up concentrations of blacks into adjacent white populations to make sure no district has a majority, or related shenanigans. But I realize this is an argument about intentionality, the lack therefore, and disparate impact. Minority voters not living where compact districts can be drawn (supposedly the holy grail of anti-gerrymander adovcates) is not a racial conspiracy deserving of legal retribution.
City of Boern v. Flores is an opinion I rather like, but it's not originalist.
Of course, your argument isn't particularly originalist either.
But my main issue with your argument is that if race and party affiliation are congruent, then isn't discriminating based on both still direct racism?
I'm thinking of the revelations that the North Carolina GOP was "advantageous to Republicans and Non-Hispanic Whites"
Ginsburg joined the opinion without comment.
I've always been skeptical of Boerne. Seemed way too dismissive of Congress's role in the constitutional system and way too self-aggrandizing.
Part of it makes sense: the court probably doesn't need to accept Congress narrowing the scope of constitutional guarantees by subtraction.
But I'm not sure it follows that they have absolutely no role in defining the substance of the guarantees. There are countervailing separation of powers and federalism concerns of course when they do. But I don't think that justifies the Court's belief it is the sole definer of the Constitution. Nor do I think it implies this level of policy-based scrutiny to Congressionally chosen remedies.
I don't think the judicial branch should assert that Congress can legislate without limit based on the theory they are simply defining and enforcing the 14th amendment, but the Court probably should be way more deferential to its role, given the history and context of the Reconstruction Amendments.
I wrote a thing before I read your last paragraph. I think we're basically on the same page, and differing a bit on degree. There are guardrails; Congress gets to make an argument on what they should be. That argument can include factual findings. The Court's decision is final, but should address Congress's arguments.
That's apart from the specific RFRA law; I do think the framework Kennedy sets out could come down either way. I'm generally not a fan of Kennedy's opinions and their doctrinal muddiness. This is the exception that proves the rule for me - I like the logic here.
If it's not bad faith it's historical illiteracy bordering on actual illiteracy. I don't know how anyone could read anything about the Reconstruction Era, particularly the history of the Fifteenth Amendment and come to the conclusion that anyone in that era from the Radical Republicans to the Klan thought that Congress wanted the courts to narrow its power to guarantee black political participation via legislation. Bad faith is honestly the more charitable explanation here! Because the other is just abject stupidity.
The color-blindness concept to which you object doesn't derive from some kind of modern conservative revisionism. It derives from the plain text of Section 1 of the Fifteenth Amendment. You may feel like the historical record shows that Congress really meant to ban invidious discrimination while allowing benign discrimination. But that's not what the plain text says.
Originalism does not entail setting aside constitutional text and replacing it with something more faithful to public opinion at the time the language was drafted. Rather, it entails looking first to the text and only examining original public meaning to resolve textual ambiguities.
The Fifteenth Amendment's command that voting rights not be abridged on the basis of race isn't ambiguous. It cannot reasonably be construed to mean that some voters' rights CAN be abridged on the basis of race if those voters are privileged members of a racial majority. And it cannot reasonably be construed to mean that some abridgement is OK as long as it serves a good cause.
So while you may be right about the historical background that produced the Fifteenth Amendment, it cannot serve to import into the Fifteenth Amendment a rejection of the requirement of color-blindness when it comes to voting rights.
America's Not All That Young Really Republicans seem intent on demonstrating why all that silly bother about racism might still actually be an issue. Even in our proudly progressive year of 2025.
I don't understand what "congruent and proportional" even means in this context. I'm guessing the word "proportional" means that there extra-Constitutional limits on the authorized legislation. What they are, and how the proportionality is to be measured are not mentioned.
"Appropriate" seems a much better term. I read it as "addresses the problem on hand," and "is Constitutional."
Of course, that reduces the court's power, since the more ambiguous the standard the more power it retains.
Of course, that reduces the court's power, since the more ambiguous the standard the more power it retains.
That's what all bureaucrats, politicians, and lawyers want, and have always wanted -- ambiguity, to allow more quibbling and make themselves more indispensable. Are you just waking up to this now? Commenter Reallynotbob knew this three years ago and bragged about it.
https://reason.com/volokh/2022/07/19/two-kinds-of-laws-clear-and-ambiguous/?comments=true#comment-9605397
It means proportional to the harm Congress was given the authority to address with "appropriate legislation."
what if it means what Congress and the president who passed and signed the Act say it means (as opposed to what a court says it means)? This is precisely the argument the current President is making with respect to Article II.
The term "congruent and proportional" without more doesn't tell us too much. We can parse the meaning of each word.
Merriam-Webster, for instance, defines "congruent" to mean "conforming to the circumstances or requirements of a situation: appropriate."
Since the test adds "proportional," that would suggest that it is stricter than "appropriate." The word "proportional" means "corresponding in size, degree, or intensity."
The words are related if not totally overlapping. They tell us only so much without more analysis. The net result is a stricter test.
To use legal jargon, closer to intermediate scrutiny than rational basis scrutiny (appropriate/reasonableness review).
So. The ambiguous Article II gives the president all the unchecked power to de what he wants, and the last say over costutinaliy, but the less ambiguous 15th amendment constraints the Article I decisions?
There is absolutely nothing in Section 2 of the VRA which requires Mm districts. Indeed, by the arguments presented by the Respondents today, Delaware (22% Black) and every other one Congress seat State is somehow "diluting" someone's vote. In a perfect world, the 13% of the US who are Black Americans would be perfectly distributed, and no district, no matter how drawn, would have more (or less) than 13% Black voters. Would that perfect integration be a problem? We don't live in a perfect world, but it defies both logic and the Constitution in both its letter and purpose to suggest that if NO voter has an obstacle to voting, that somehow a violation has nonetheless occurred.
The argument for majority-minority districts is predicated on the idea that blacks can only be effectively represented by other blacks. There's no evidence for this.
Incorrect. The idea is predicated on the idea that racists gerrymandered districts so no blacks could get elected. There is plenty of evidence of this (albeit, there was more evidence 80 years ago than there is today).
Well, that is why a fair amount of time was spent during oral arguments jousting about "intentional".
Certainly there are cases where no black majority districts could be drawn, and why I wouldn't want to see section 2 completely abandoned. That's not what is being contested in the Louisiana case. The problem is a second majority district had to be drawn as a salamander, something anti-gerrymandering people supposedly oppose, but embrace here for reasons of race. Sometimes the math doesn't work out, because of real population distributions. In this case the fractional remainder of minority population does not live in areas which make drawing a compact district possible. The reason partisans care is not specifically about race, but party, since partisan affiliation is racially polarized.
Which is predicated on the idea that only blacks can represent blacks adequately.
So you prevent blacks from being elected.
You're the second one to confuse blacks voting for representatives for a black representative.
If black votes are diluted, then blacks in that district are being represented by someone they voted against.
Simple as.
This is trivially true for everybody. Whites don't get to complain if their votes are "diluted" and a black person ends up representing them, there's no reason for the double standard. By the logic defending this racist practice, then blacks and whites shouldn't even vote in the same elections, there should just be white elections and black elections.
At some point that belief becomes racist, but not in the way civil rights advocates in the Democrat party (but I repeat myself) intend.
It may have been true in 1965, because whites in both parties, but especially even the Democrat party, probably were dubious to hostile about being responsive to the desire of black constituents. Competing things are at stake here. I'm not sure how to distinguish between a partisan gerrymander which elects congressmen from the party that minorities do not belong to, from the situation where congressman of the same party but different race are elected. If you're telling me blacks cannot be fairly represented by a white Democrat, that says something about Democrats and not the state of race relations in the country today.
If you're telling me blacks cannot be fairly represented by a white Democrat
No one is saying that.
It takes some fancy footwork to find a different implementation than minority majority districts!
You're exactly wrong. The plain language of this statute forbids racism in drawing up districts. The moment the state pays attention to race when drawing up districts, then somebody out there has less opportunity than other members of the electorate. The only fair way to do this is to not factor race into it at all. Why would we even want the government to be racist when drawing up voting districts?
We have new Democrat legal doctrine put forth by the incomparable Justice Jackson, "Just trust me on this."
The fundamental problem is that we decided it's ok for a 51% partisan majority to gerrymander it's way into a 65% legislative majority.
Not "we", but Republicans. Democrats advocate for making all gerrymandering illegal.
Bullshit. California is already gerrymandered for more Democrats than are proportional, and the Democrats are trying to regerrymander an even larger disproportionate representation.
Your partisanslip is showing.
Democratic states are allowed to play by the current rules while advocating for changing the rules. There is nothing partisan about that.
Congressional Democrats introduce bills to ban gerrymandering, and Republicans block it.
Gerrymander cannot be banned. It is a fundamental aspect of district representation.
District representation is not required by the Constitution. Also non-partisan committed to set maps is allowed and does not have to gerrymander.
Gerrymandering is the intentional drawing of districts to get a particular person are party elected. Districts don't have to be perfect to be fair, just not drawn to help one side.
ALL district boundaries are intentionally drawn on racial quotas, they have to be to satisfy the VRA. How do you differentiate that from gerrymandering? For that matter, how can you draw such maps unintentionally?
You cannot.
You have an idiosyncratic definition of gerrymandering, is part of the issue here.
Then define a clear distinction between drawing maps which have to intentionally distribute racial quotas to satisfy the VRA, and gerrymandering.
That's the issue no one wants to address.
As I noted below, there is no easy line to draw.
That doesn't mean we need to take refuge in a useless definition.
Lots of commenters on this thread; you're the only one using that definition.
Welcome to California, Illinois, New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Maryland.
All of which would happily give up gerrymandering if it was illegal nationwide. You also neglect the D states that have already outlawed gerrymandering.
A. No they wouldn't.
B. They cannot. Gerrymandering is a fundamental unavoidable aspect of district representation.
It is not. Districts could be drawn by computer algorithm that does not factor in party or demographics.
And who chooses the computer algorithm, and who judges whether it is fair or not?
Politicians.
Gerrymandering cannot be avoided with district representation.
SCOTUS made this problem themselves when they ruled that partisan gerrymandering and protecting incumbents was allowed. Now all states have to do is say that their maps are not gerrymandered to discriminate by race, but to discriminate by party.
Maps designed to give one party an advantage over another is a direct assault on the basic concepts democracy, namely the accountability of politicians to the voters.
All gerrymandering needs to be illegal, regardless of the reason.
How do you define gerrymandering? Or rather, how do you measure it? I can think of two methods, both of which have problems.
The first is geometric. Take the perimeter of each district, divide by the area, and multiply by the radius of a circle with area equivalent to the district. This gives a standardized parameter, in which 2 is minimal perimeter to area, and higher numbers are worse. Of course, you get 2 with a circle, which doesn't tile, and population is not evenly distributed, so you're bound to be higher than 2. Perimeter of the state will affect this - so Alaska would score poorly, despite having a single district 😉 This is better for comparing two maps within a single state, rather than comparing states to each other.
The second is by votes vs. representation. Take the percentage of votes for a given party, compared to the representation they end up with, and divide by the square root of the number of total representatives for the state, giving effectively an error-weighted difference between votes and results. Two big problems here are that this ignores the quality of the actual candidates, and that it is retrospective - we can't say in advance how something is gerrymandered.
Anyway, curious if you have a different measure. It would also be interesting to apply these measures to the existing state of affairs, I think.
Get rid of districting for electing politicians and go to proportional representation. Not complicated. Nothing in the Constitution requires districting .
Procedurally, it's not hard to see gerrymandering getting implemented. One party rams through a districting plan and the other party caterwauls and maybe sues.
But I do agree that at the margins, it's hard to measure. Kind of makes MollyGodiva's suggestion tempting, though I might want something more complicated myself.
How do you define gerrymandering?
I thought the "wasted vote" method that Roberts dismissed as "gobbledy-gook" was OK. As were a couple of other methods proposed. Of course numbers give Roberts the heebie-jeebies.
Seems like you could pick a couple of algorithms, and call them safe harbors. No need for a single definition.
Part of the problem is that no one has a clear definition of what constitutes a reasonable scheme. Is it compact districts - what's so great about that - or a scheme that produces representation that roughly matches the views of the state's citizens - or what?
Okay, my crackpot theory to fix gerrymandering. Everybody seems to have the intuition that seats should roughly match the overall state vote. So let's just say a state has 10 seats and votes 60% Team Green over 40% Team Purple. Because of the way the districts are drawn, though, the result of the election would be 5-5. The gerrymandering fix is that the lowest margin election that was won by Team Purple is flipped to Team Green, so that it's now 6-4. Multiple seats would be flipped if the results are really off track, rounded to whole numbers and with clear, mathematical rules. Draw up the districts however you like, it doesn't matter because the result will always match the statewide.
This would need some more work to account for seats won by third parties, but still, it seems like it would basically solve all this belly-aching about gerrymandering. And of course race is a fake construct, it should be ignored for purposes of election law.
Useless. The VRA requires racial gerrymandering.
Is it "hard cases make bad law" or bad law makes hard cases?
Seems like after 70 years someone would have an answer.
Damn this site is running slow!