More on Coercion, Social Media, and Freedom of Speech: Rejoinder to Philip Hamburger
Prof. Hamburger continues to conflate coercion and voluntary choice.
Prof. Hamburger continues to conflate coercion and voluntary choice.
Round 3 in the debate between Hamburger and Somin over the First Amendment and Murthy
This used to be possible under the old "alienation of affections" tort, but all but a handful of states have abolished it, and the tortious inducement of breach of contract tort can't fill that gap.
Live commentary on the Supreme Court oral argument in FDA v. Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine
The threshold issue in today's oral argument is Article III standing, and that issue should be determinative.
It only took a generation to go from ration cards to exporting electronics.
Prof. Hamburger is wrong to argue that the use of the word "abridgment" implies that noncoercive government persuasion directed at social media firms violates the First Amendment.
The law would require platforms to use invasive measures to prevent most teenagers under 16 from making social media accounts and bar all minors from sexually explicit sites.
Legislators are taking a page from constitutionally dubious state laws that make carry permits highly impractical to use.
Texas is wrong to equate illegal migration and drug smuggling with invasion. If accepted by courts, the argument would set a dangerous precedent.
Modern cars are smartphones on wheels, but with less protection for your data.
Florida appellate courts are pretty good about reversing unconstitutional injunctions against speech (though Florida trial courts seem to be pretty willing to enter such injunctions).
And in the process, it will stifle innovation and competition.
Two class-action lawsuits say Michigan counties take cuts of the exorbitant costs of inmate phone calls while children go months without seeing their parents in person.
The state's position is at odds with the text and original meaning of the Constitution and would set a dangerous precedent if accepted by federal courts.
The lottery winner is suing an ex-girlfriend based on a non-disclosure agreement aimed at concealing his identity. (The intervention, at this point, is aimed at just unsealing various sealed documents in the case, not at disclosing the parties' names.)
Tucson and Pima County have a history of passing restrictions that conflict with state law.
Protests in the country come from an understandable place. But their demands are divorced from certain unfortunate economic realities.
U.S. prosecutors are looking to wriggle out of an espionage trial for WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange.
"Mayors should not be allowed to launder animus through warrants," the former city council member's lawyer told the justices.
The officers are avoiding accountability after getting qualified immunity.
at least when the license requires 6000 hours of training on matters far removed from his expertise.
and so can the professor's Title VII and Title IX discrimination claims against the university.
Some supposed defenders of the right to bear arms react with alarm.
Hours before the president said "no one should be jailed" for marijuana use, his Justice Department was saying no one who uses marijuana should be allowed to own guns.
State officials “jawboned” financial firms into cutting ties with the gun-rights group.
The Biden administration’s social media meddling went far beyond "information" and "advice."
If partisans have one thing in common, it's confirmation bias.
The justices established guidelines for determining whether that is true in any particular case.
Diosdado Cabello, Nicolás Maduro's right-hand man, is threatening retribution against the satirical website.
The defamation lawsuit is the latest in Trump's campaign of lawfare against media outlets, but all of those suits have failed so far.
Justice Jackson, like Justice Breyer (whom she replaced and for whom she clerked), seems to be considering an approach that is more embracing of speech restrictions that she views as especially urgent—including perhaps ones that departs from precedents such as the Pentagon Papers case.
The government can't block viewpoints it condemns from its own property that has been opened to publicspeech. Should there be limits on government systematically and substantially encouraging private entities to block the same viewpoints from their property—which may be much more important to public debate than the government property where speech remains free?
Such speech can be found to be "impermissible harassment," the court says, partly because "deference to schoolteachers is especially appropriate today, where, increasingly, what is harmful or innocent speech is in the eye of the beholder."
The government is entitled to try to persuade social media to take down posts, but not to coerce them to do so.
Several justices seemed concerned that an injunction would interfere with constitutionally permissible contacts.
Plus: A listener asks about Republicans and Democrats monopolizing political power in the United States.
Citizens should be able to choose the same high-quality defensive arms that peace officers choose
The story behind the city's ban on unlicensed drone businesses is even weirder than the ban itself.
The company leaves Texas over an “ineffective, haphazard, and dangerous” age-verification law.
The former civil liberties group continues morphing into a progressive organization.
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