The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Zoning

Indiana Court Rules Burritos and Tacos Qualify as Sandwiches

The decision exemplifies a longstanding issue in legal theory. It also highlights the absurdity of zoning rules.

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Burritos. (NA)

 

An Indiana court recently touched off a firestorm of media attention and online debate by ruling that burritos and tacos are sandwiches. The decision exemplifies a longstanding issue in legal interpretation: how to figure out the "ordinary meaning" of words in a statute or regulation. It also highlights the absurdity of zoning rules restricting the development and use of property.

The case arose because developer Martin Quintana wanted to use a property he owned in Fort Wayne, Indiana for commercial purposes. In order to be able to do that, he had to get the Fort Wayne Plan Commission (a local government agency) to "upzone" the area from allowing single-family residential housing only, to allowing some types of commercial uses. The Commission was only wlling to do that in exchange for Quintana signing a "Written Commitment" (required at the behest of a local NIMBY group) under which only certain types of restaurants would be allowed in the area.  The restrictions imposed by the Commitment became new zoning rules for these tracts. Specifically, the Commitment bars "restaurants, including fast food-style restaurants," except for the following:

A sandwich bar-style restaurant whose primary business is to sell "made-to-order" or "subway-style" sandwiches (which by way of example includes, but is not limited to, "Subway" or "Jimmy John's", but expressly excludes traditional fast food restaurants such as "McDonalds", "Arbys" and "Wendys"), provided that any such restaurant shall not have outdoor seating or drive—through service….

One of the businesses Quintana recruited as a tenant for the new development is a Famous Taco establishment—a Mexican restaurant that (as the name implies) serves tacos and burritos. The Plan Commission contended the Famous Taco should be barred because these food options are not "sandwiches." Indiana Superior Court Judge Craig Bobay rejected that argument, concluding that burritos and tacos are, in fact sandwiches:

The proposed Famous Taco restaurant falls within the scope of the general use approved in the original Written Commitment. The proposed Famous Taco restaurant would serve made-to-—order tacos, burritos, and other Mexican-style food, and would not have outdoor seating, drive-through service, or serve alcohol. The Court agrees with Quintana that tacos and burritos are Mexican—-style sandwiches, and the original Written Commitment does not restrict potential restaurants to only American cuisine-style sandwiches. The original Written Commitment would also permit a restaurant that serves made-to-order Greek gyros, Indian naan wraps, or Vietnamese banh mi if these restaurants complied with the other enumerated conditions.

In Indiana, as in most jurisdictions, courts are generally required to interpret laws  (or, in this case, an agreement that has the force of law, by virtue of being embodied in a zoning restriction) in accordance with their "ordinary meaning." The Supreme Court of Indiana recently reiterated that rule in its February decision in Spells v. State.

Do tacos and burritos fall within the ordinary meaning of "sandwich"? It's hard to say. I think most Americans would not usually refer to these items as sandwiches. On the other hand, it's not hard to see why a taco or a burrito would fall under what most ordinary people would understand to be the general concept of a sandwich: meat and/or vegetables encased in bread or some other similar wrap. Thus, it may be that Judge Bobay was right to conclude that tacos and burritos are "Mexican-style sandwiches," even if few people would actually refer to them in that way. It all depends on whether ordinary meaning depends on usage or on people's intuitive theoretical understanding of the concept in question.

This ruling diverges from a controversial 2006 Massachusetts state court decision, which held that tacos, burritos, and quesadillas do not fall within the ordinary meaning of "sandwich," because that term normally refers to a food item encased in two pieces of bread, while these Mexican foods usually only feature one. Judge Bobay does not cite the Massachusetts precedent, which—in fairness—isn't binding in Indiana. He also doesn't consider the issue of whether a sandwich must have two pieces of bread, as opposed to just one.

To my mind, food encased in a single continuous piece of bread (or tortilla roll) still counts as a "sandwich." The top and bottom of a hamburger bun or hot dog roll are sometimes connected to each other. But that doesn't mean hamburgers and hot dogs can't qualify as sandwiches. My wife (who is both a lawyer and much more knowledgeable about food than I am) points out there are "open-face sandwiches" that use only one piece of bread.

Perhaps these kinds of issues reveal the limits of "ordinary meaning" interpretive rules. Ordinary people (at least those who aren't lawyers) usually just don't think about these kinds of conundrums. Thus, when an issue like whether burritos qualify as sandwiches comes up, there may not be any unequivocal "ordinary meaning" answer to the question at hand.

Whichever way you come down on the definition of "sandwich," this case also highlights the absurdity of zoning restrictions on development. Barring some kind of significant danger to public health or safety (of which there is no evidence here), Quintana should not have had to get special permission to use his property for commercial purposes in the first place. It makes even less sense to allow restaurants that serve "'made-to-order' or 'subway-style' sandwiches," but not those that serve other kinds of food. This distinction appears to be based on little more than the esthetic preferences of the Covington Creek Association, the NIMBY group that pressured the Plan Commission into imposing this restriction on the development.

Such NIMBYism causes real harm to both property owners (who are deprived of the right to use their own land as they see fit) and consumers who wish to patronize their services. I don't especially like tacos and burritos, myself. But many people do, which is why there is a substantial demand for restaurants like Famous Taco.

In a forthcoming Texas Law Review article, Josh Braver and I argue that exclusionary zoning rules restricting housing construction violate the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment. Restrictions on commercial development are a more complicated case. But under the originalist theories discussed in Part II of the Article, such restrictions also violate the right to use property protected by the Takings Clause, unless they protect against a serious threat to public health or safety, and thereby fall within the "police power" exception (see Section II.C). Things may be different under the living constitution approaches covered in Part III of the article.

Trans

Prof. Doriane Coleman (Duke), Guest-Blogging About "On Sex and Gender: A Commonsense Approach"

"'An ideological preference for characterizing sex as a social construct, a stereotype, and a myth,' she asserts, denies the science of sex differences as well as common sense."

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I'm delighted to report that Prof. Doriane Coleman (Duke Law School) will be guest-blogging this week about her new book, On Sex and Gender: A Commonsense Approach, which will be out Tuesday from Simon & Schuster. (Readers may be familiar with her past guest posts, chiefly on who should count as a woman in women's sports.) Here's the publisher's summary of the book:

On Sex and Gender focuses on three sequential and consequential questions: What is sex as opposed to gender? How does sex matter in our everyday lives? And how should it be reflected in law and policy? All three have been front-and-center in American life and politics since the rise of the trans rights movement: They are included in both major parties' political platforms. They are the subject of ongoing litigation in the federal courts and of highly contentious legislation on Capitol Hill. And they are a pivotal issue in the culture wars between left and right playing out around dinner tables, on campuses and school boards, on op-ed pages, and in corporate handbooks.

Doriane Coleman challenges both sides to chart a better way. In a book that is equal parts scientific explanation, historical examination, and personal reflection, she argues that denying biological sex and focusing only on gender would have detrimental effects on women's equal opportunity, on men's future prospects, and on the health and welfare of society. Structural sexism needed to be dismantled—a true achievement of feminism and an ongoing fight—but going forward we should be sex smart, not sex blind.

This book is a clear guide for reasonable Americans on sex and gender—something everyone wants to understand but is terrified to discuss. Coleman shows that the science is settled, but equally that there is a middle ground where common sense reigns and we can support transgender people without denying the facts of human biology. She livens her narrative with a sequence of portraits of exceptional human beings from legal pioneers like Myra Bradwell and Ketanji Brown Jackson to champion athletes like Caster Semenya and Cate Campbell to civil rights giants like Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Pauli Murray. Above all, Coleman reminds us that sex not only exists, but is also good—and she shows how we can get both sex and gender right for society.

The Kirkus Review:

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Free Speech

Delaware Court on the First Amendment Exception to "Speech Integral to Criminal Conduct"

"Some courts have incorrectly used this exception to rationalize upholding a statute that criminalizes speech ... simply because their legislature passed a law labeling it criminal. The limited line of United States Supreme Court cases that have addressed this exception in no way supports such a broad reading."

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Friday's decision in State v. Reeves, decided by Judge Jeffrey Clark (Del. Super. Ct.), evaluates the Delaware stalking law under which

he or she (1) "threatens, or communicates to or about another" on 3 or more separate occasions, (2) in a manner that would cause a reasonable person to fear for their safety or experience significant mental anguish or distress.

The court concluded that the statute would be unconstitutional as applied to certain contexts:

[T]he Statute would enable the prosecution of a doctor who tells a patient on at least three occasions that, although an operation may be necessary to save the patient's life, the effect of the operation will cause accompanying physical pain or injury. Likewise, the Statute would criminalize three complaints by a restaurant's customer on social media about poor service at the restaurant, that in turn, causes the owner severe mental anguish because his business failed as a result. The Statute would also criminalize when a person posts critical comments about another, at least three times, on social media when those comments would reasonably cause significant mental distress to another….

And the court had this to say about the state's argument that the law was constitutional because it only applied to "speech integral to criminal conduct":

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Trump Should NOT TESTIFY at MANHATTAN WITCH HUNT OF A TRIAL

the lying liberal jurors and new york state democrats will twist his words to convict him for lying under oath just like they did with Michael Flynn

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Any conviction obtained at the so-called "trial" of former President Donald Trump's alleged alteration of financial records will be reversed on appeal, if necessary by the U.S. Supreme Court, because altering financial records is only a crime in New York if you do it to conceal some other crime. Paying Stormy Daniels money is NOT a crime. The purpose of this whole case was just to give Daniels a megaphone to blast her allegations into nationwide. It is an outrage that the District Attorney brought this case and that the judge did not declare a mistrial.

The one thing that could really cause this case to destroy Donald Trump is if he testifies truthfully at this Kangaroo Court trial. Lying liberal District Attorneys, liberal Democrat jurors, and the judge will give Donald Trump the "Michael Flynn treatment."  Michael Flynn was Donald Trump's first National Security Advisor who gave a truthful deposition to Special Counsel Robert Mueller, and he was then indicted and kicked out of the White House for it. And that is exactly what will happen to Donald Trump if he testifies at this mockery of a trial. Trump should treat this trial as if it was a smutty street art presentation and say that it is beneath him to respond to such garbage.

Free Speech

Apparent Suspension of Student Groups at Wisconsin for Pro-Hamas Chalking

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From FIRE's letter sent yesterday to the University of Wisconsin (you can see the citations here); I generally trust FIRE's factual summaries, but if there is any error in the below, I'll of course be very glad to correct it:

FIRE is deeply concerned that UW-Madison has suspended two registered student organizations—Anticolonial Scientists and Mecha de UW Madison—amid criticism of chalk messages some group members allegedly wrote at an off-campus event earlier this month. Some of the messages expressed support for terrorist groups like Hezbollah and Hamas's Al-Qassam Brigades, and advocated the use of violence against Israelis and Zionists in the Middle East.

The student groups are currently under interim suspensions, pending investigation, with UW stating that, because "[s]ome chalkings endorsed violence, supported terrorist organizations and/or contained antisemitic comments," they could qualify as prohibited discriminatory harassment under the university's RSO Code of Conduct. But that conclusion cannot constitutionally stand. The off-campus chalk messages constitute political speech wholly protected by the First Amendment, which requires UW, as a public institution, to respect the groups' expressive and associational rights—even if some, many, or most people dislike their message.

There is, more specifically, no First Amendment exception that would remove protection from speech simply because it is deemed "anti-Semitic" or otherwise bigoted based on race or religion. Regardless of the viewpoint expressed, the rule is the same: Government officials cannot circumscribe expression on the basis that others find the ideas offensive or hateful.

This is particularly true at public colleges, where "conflict is not unknown," and "dissent is expected and, accordingly, so is at least some disharmony." The First Amendment instead "embraces such heated exchange[s] of views."

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Housing Policy

Compendium of Bryan Caplan's Guest-blogging Posts on His New Book "Build, Baby, Build: The Science and Ethics of Housing Regulation"

A listing of his four posts on different aspects of the book and the issues it raises.

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(Bryan Caplan)

Bryan Caplan's guest-blogging stint has come to an end. We thank Bryan for his excellent contributions to the blog!

Here is a listing of his posts about his book Build, Baby, Build: The Science and Ethics of Housing Regulation. I myself also wrote a post introducing Bryan and the book.

1."Trillions"

2. "*Build, Baby, Build*: My Most Inexcusable Omission"

3. "The YIMBY Napkin"

4. "*Build, Baby, Build*: Responses to the Best Objections"

I think my forthcoming Texas Law Review article, "The Constitutional Case Against Exclusionary Zoning" (coauthored with Josh Braver), in some ways serves as a complement to Bryan's book. In the book, Bryan suggests that judicial review is "probably the best shot [at] radical housing deregulation," but doesn't elaborate further. Braver and I explain how such judicial intervention can happen, and why it should be done.

Race

The 70th Anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education

The anniversary is today. The American Journal of Law and Equality is publishing a symposium on Brown to mark the occasion. I am one of the contributors.

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Brown v. Board of Education. (NA)

 

Today is the 70th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education. That ruling is one of the most famous decisions in the history of the Supreme Court, and probably the most widely praised. But many aspects of the ruling remain controversial, including elements of the Court's reasoning, and how the decision fits in with various types of constitutional theory.

In honor of the anniversary, the American Journal of Law and Equality is publishing a symposium on Brown. I am honored to be invited to contribute. A draft of my aricle, entitled "Brown, Democracy, and Foot Voting," is available on SSRN. Here is the abstract:

Traditional assessments of Brown's relationship to democracy and popular control of government should be augmented by considering the ways it enhanced citizens' ability to "vote with their feet" as well as at the ballot box. Brown played a valuable role in reinforcing foot voting, and this has important implications for our understanding of the decision and its legacy.

Part I of the article summarizes the relationship between foot voting and ballot box voting, and how the former has important advantages over the latter as a mechanism of political choice. Relative to ballot box voting, foot voting offers individuals and families greater opportunities to make decisive, well-informed choices. It also has special advantages for minority groups, including Blacks.

Part II considers traditional attempts to reconcile Brown and democracy, through arguments that the decision was actually "representation-reinforcing." While each has its merits, they also have significant limitations. Among other flaws, they often do not apply well to the Brown case itself, which famously originated in a challenge to segregation in Topeka, Kansas, a state in which – unlike most of the South – Blacks had long had the right to vote.

Part III explains how expanding our understanding of Brown to include foot voting opportunities plugs the major holes in traditional efforts to reconcile the decision and democratic choice. Among other advantages, the foot-voting rationale for Brown applies regardless of whether racial minorities have voting rights, regardless of whether segregation laws are motivated by benign or malevolent motives, and regardless of whether the targeted ethnic or racial groups can form political coalitions with others, or not.

In Part IV, I discuss the implications of the foot-voting justification of Brown for judicial review of other policies that inhibit foot voting, particularly in cases where those policies have a history of illicit racial motivations. The most significant of these is exclusionary zoning.

As I note in the article, it is difficult to produce a thesis on Brown that is both original and useful. More has been written about this decision than almost any other Supreme Court case. Readers will have to judge whether I managed to succeed.

CFPB v. CFSAA: Originalists v. Traditionalists

The Court's originalists and traditionalists break out into their camps.

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It is often said that there is a majority of originalists on the Court, but I think that generalization isn't too helpful. Rather, different members of the Court approach originalism in very different ways. CFPB v. CFSAA teaches us a lot about how the Justices approach constitutional law. (You can download an edited version of the case here.)

The top-line split was 7-2. Only Justices Alito and Gorsuch found that the funding structure of the CFPB was unconstitutional. And on paper, a least, all seven members of the majority joined a single opinion. Justice Thomas's majority opinion was textualist: what is the original public meaning of the word "appropriation" in the Constitution?  Justice Kagan wrote a concurrence joined by Justices Sotomayor, Kavanaugh, and Barrett, that found support for the CFPB's funding structure in post-enactment practice. Justice Jackson wrote a short, solo concurrence that preached judicial restraint, citing an unlikely troika: McCulloch v. Maryland, Nebbia v. New York, and King v. Burwell.

What happened here? First, a four-member concurrence is somewhat unusual. Indeed, I suspect that the Kagan position likely had the support of Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Jackson. But if either or both of those justices joined Justice Kagan's concurrence, it would have had five or six votes, and would effectively become another majority opinion. Indeed, I agree with Mike Dorf that Thomas would not join Kagan's concurrence. In this event, the Kagan opinion would have six votes, and the Thomas opinion would have seven votes. What is the majority then?

It is also possible that the majority could have fractured: the Thomas opinion would have only been joined by Roberts, Kavanaugh, and Barrett, and the Kagan opinion would be joined by Sotomayor and Jackson. 4-3-2! What a mess! I think Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Jackson took one for the team, and didn't join the Kagan opinion they agreed with. Moreover, the optics were quite good with Justice Thomas, the most conservative member of the Court, writing a majority opinion over an Alito/Gorsuch dissent. Thomas will get absolutely zero credit for being true to his principles, as he sees them, but that's how it goes. Has anyone checked the fringes on his flag????

A few points to highlight.

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Rhymes with Punt

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Following up on the fringe theory about Justice Alito's flag, Shannon Bream of Fox News has these tweets:

I spoke directly with Justice #Alito about the flag story in the NYT. In addition to what's in the story, he told me a neighbor on their street had a "F— Trump" sign that was within 50 feet of where children await the school bus in Jan 21. Mrs. Alito brought this up with the neighbor. 1/

According to Justice Alito, things escalated and the neighbor put up a sign personally addressing Mrs. Alito and blaming her for the Jan 6th attacks. 2/

Justice Alito says he and his wife were walking in the neighborhood and there were words between Mrs. Alito and a male at the home with the sign. Alito says the man engaged in vulgar language, "including the c-word". 3/

Following that exchange, Mrs. Alito was distraught and hung the flag upside down "for a short time". Justice Alito says some neighbors on his street are "very political" and acknowledges it was a very heated time in January 2021. 4/4

Unlike our star spangled banner, this story did not even give proof through one night.

Fun fact: Chief Justice Taney and Francis Scott Key were dear friends. Indeed, Taney married Key's sister. Though this is probably more fodder for people who want to cancel the Star Spangled Banner.

Free Speech

"After Edokobi's Employees Left, Smith Cast 'Evil Curses" upon Edokobi's Life and Business"—But Not Libelous Ones

More usefully, the case is a reminder that insults and other expressions of opinion aren't libelous.

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From Edokobi v. Smith, decided yesterday by the Appellate Court of Maryland (Judges Kathryn Grill Graeff, Kevin Arthur, and James Eyler):

In the light most favorable to Edokobi, the complaint alleged, generally, three claims: first, during an argument in front of two of Edokobi's employees about payment for work Smith had performed, Smith called Edokobi "a piece of garbage." Second, after Edokobi's employees left, Smith cast "evil curses" upon Edokobi's life and business. And third, in private text messages between the parties, Smith called Edokobi "stupid," "evil," and "foolish," and threatened to remove Edokobi's industrial equipment from his warehouse.

Edokobi's second and third claims cannot satisfy the [publication] element of defamation. Even if the alleged statements were defamatory, they were not made to, or in front of, a third person….

Although [the first] statement was made in front of third persons, as a matter of law, it was not defamatory. "A defamatory statement is one [that] tends to expose a person to public scorn, hatred, contempt, or ridicule, thereby discouraging others in the community from having a good opinion of, or from associating or dealing with, that person." "The test is whether the words, taken in their common and ordinary meaning, in the sense in which they are generally used, are capable of defamatory construction."

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President of State University in California Put on Leave After Making Deal with Protesters

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Politico (Blake Jones) reported yesterday:

California State University placed Sonoma State campus President Mike Lee on leave Wednesday after he agreed to protesters' demands to involve them in university decision-making and pursue divestment from Israel.

Lee sent a campus-wide memo Tuesday indicating that he had made several concessions to occupants of a pro-Palestinian encampment on campus. The memo was sent "without the appropriate approvals," CSU Chancellor Mildred García said in a statement, adding that she and the 23-campus CSU system's board are "actively reviewing the matter."

"For now, because of this insubordination and the consequences it has brought upon the system, President Lee has been placed on administrative leave," García said….

Lee told the campus that he would initiate an academic boycott of Israel, in which links to study abroad programs in the country would be removed from university pamphlets, among other measures….

Fringe Theory About Justice Alito

A neighborly spat elevated into a conspiracy-theory to disqualify Justice Alito.

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During Justice Kavanaugh's confirmation hearing, one of his former clerks was seated behind him. And, on camera, she made an "okay" symbol with her hands. Then came the outrage. Critics of Justice Kavanaugh charged that the "okay" gesture was actually a symbol for white power. This suggestion was preposterous. The former clerk was Mexican on her mother's side, and Jewish on her father's side. She had never even heard of this apparent hate symbol–nor had I. But that didn't stop conspiracy theorists on the left from attacking then-Judge Kavanaugh.

That background brings me to the latest conspiracy theory involving a Supreme Court Justice. Jodi Kantor of the New York Times reports that outside the Alito household, the American flag was flown upside down in late-January 2021. (Not that it matters, by that time, the outcome of the election was already settled.) The headline blares, "At Justice Alito's House, a 'Stop the Steal' Symbol on Display."

What happened?

Around the 2020 election, a family on the block displayed an anti-Trump sign with an expletive. It apparently offended Mrs. Alito and led to an escalating clash between her and the family, according to interviews.

Justice Alito, contrary to his usual practice, actually commented on the story:

"I had no involvement whatsoever in the flying of the flag," Justice Alito said in an emailed statement to The Times. "It was briefly placed by Mrs. Alito in response to a neighbor's use of objectionable and personally insulting language on yard signs."

The story goes on to explain how flying the American flag upside down was some sort of message for "Stop the Steal." What is the proof? Random social media posts!

A flood of social media posts exhorted Trump supporters to flip over their flags or purchase new ones to display upside down.

"If Jan. 6 rolls around and Biden is confirmed by the Electoral College our nation is in distress!!" a poster wrote on Patriots.win, a forum for Trump supporters, garnering over a thousand "up" votes. "If you cannot go to the DC rally then you must do your duty and show your support for our president by flying the flag upside down!!!!"

Well if it is on Patriots.win, that must make it legit!

Anyone who has clerked in federal district court is familiar with the fringes on the flag. The so-called sovereign citizens insist that a flag with fringes proves that a court is in fact a military court. (In one of the cases I worked on, a person brought a federal suit to block enforcement of a parking ticket on the grounds that he was a sovereign citizen and had ambassadorial immunity.) It is a fringe theory, figuratively and literally.

Is there any evidence, whatsoever, that Justice Alito or Martha-Ann Alito, intended to fly the flag upside-down as some sort of secret signal to overturn the election? Of course not. My guess? Mrs. Alito used the upside-down flag as a symbol of distress to clap back at her neighbors. Justice Alito indicated that the attacks were "personal," and his wife felt helpless to respond. In any other context, this sort of feud would, at worst, start a flame war on Facebook. But when you're married to a Supreme Court justice, the flap makes the New York Times three years later.

Justice Alito's wife, and the other family members of the Court's conservatives, can never find peace:

The half-dozen neighbors who saw the flag, or knew of it, requested anonymity because they said they did not want to add to the contentiousness on the block and feared reprisal. Last Saturday, May 11, protesters returned to the street, waving flags of their own ("Don't Tread on My Uterus") and using a megaphone to broadcast expletives at Justice Alito, who was in Ohio giving a commencement address. Mrs. Alito appeared in a window, complaining to the Supreme Court security detail outside.

She is even being monitored in her window. Why on earth would anyone want this job? Or to be more precise, why would any conservative want this job?

I could waste my time by digging up quotes from Justice Ginsburg about President Trump, but you know the double standard.

Austin Judges Shop For Cases With "Mutual Consent"

Cases in the Austin Division of the Western District of Texas are not "randomly" assigned.

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Yesterday, the Fifth Circuit heard oral argument in the so-called Buoys Case. Texas placed these floating structures in a portion of the Rio Grande river. The closest federal court to the buoys was the Del Rio Division of the Western District of Texas. But the United States filed suit more than two-hundred miles away in Austin. Why? I'm sure defenders would argue that the suit was brought in the state capital, the seat of government. But this decision has consequences. At the time, the Del Rio Division had one judge, an appointee of President George W. Bush. (A recent Biden nominee was confirmed to that division, after some controversy.) But in the Austin Division, DOJ had a much more favorable bench.

This issue came up during the en banc oral arguments, as noted by Bloomberg Law. I've transcribed the audio here, but the recording quality is dreadful. (I hope the Fifth Circuit can fix their tech.) Around the 8 minute mark, Judge Ho observed that the "events of this case took place in Del Rio, not Austin." Lanora Pettit, the Texas Deputy SG, acknowledged that the events took place in Eagle's Pass, which is "down river" from Del Rio. Ho continued that this was the United State's choice, and the federal government was the "master of the complaint."

Ho said, and Pettit agreed, that the choice of venue was "not relevant" to resolving the case. She is exactly right. Texas is often in the driver's seat of forum shopping, but here Texas was on the receiving end. This is how things work in the real world. Ignore whatever you read on Twitter.

Judge Ho also pointed out that the cases in Austin are not randomly assigned. This point is not well known nationally, but is well-known to members of the bar. Consider the current assignment order for the Western District of Texas, Austin Division. Judge Robert Pitman receives 50% of the civil docket, and has "Oversight and management of the remaining fifty percent (50%) of the civil" docket. In other words, Judge Pitman personally can decide half of the civil cases, and can decide who receives the other half of the civil cases. And how are those other cases assigned? Not randomly. Rather, three senior judges who sit in Austin are assigned cases by "mutual consent."

Senior U.S. District Judge James R. Nowlin: Any civil case, criminal case, court related matter, or administrative duty assigned or transferred to him by another judge by mutual consent.

Senior U.S. District Judge Sam Sparks: Any civil case, criminal case, court related matter, or administrative duty assigned or transferred to him by another judge by mutual consent.

Senior U.S. District Judge David A. Ezra:  Any civil case, criminal case, court related matter, or administrative duty assigned or transferred to him by another judge by mutual consent.

None of these assignments are random. These senior judges can pick and choose which cases they receive. Judge shopping is often used to deride plaintiffs who chose their judge. But that term also applies to judges who choose their plaintiffs.

It is well known in Texas that Judge Ezra fancies the high-profile cases, and consistently receives them. By my count, in the past year, he has presided over the buoys case, the S.B. 4 case, and the porn age verification case. All three of these cases have already been on, or will soon be, on the Supreme Court's docket. Most federal district court judges can go their entire careers without having a single case make it to the Supreme Court. But Ezra has three in a year. Is this a coincidence? No. Ezra could only have received these cases by his "mutual consent." Judge Pitman offered these cases to him, and he accepted them.

Mind you that Judge Ezra is actually a visiting judge from the District of Hawaii, or what Attorney General Sessions called a "judge sitting on an island in the Pacific." To the extent that Ezra was approved to sit in the Western District of Texas, it was to help with some dockets that are backlogged, such as immigration cases or criminal sentencing. He was not sent to Austin to sit as a Council of Revision for the Texas legislature.

Do you think that Judge Ezra would support the Judicial Conference's ill-fated randomization policy? Absolutely not. With randomization he would be stuck with the mine-run of boring civil cases, instead of these high profile matters. It would be a fun thought experiment to randomize assignments within a division. Let's see if that could get buy-in from the Western District of Texas.

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