The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Politics

The Independent State Judiciary Doctrine

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The discourse about Moore v. Harper has proven predictable. We're told that the independent state legislature doctrine, whatever it is, doesn't actually exist! Much like the Second Amendment, the Non-Delegation Doctrine, and Sovereign Immunity, every conservative legal doctrine is really a fiction. Meanwhile progressive doctrines that do not really exist--a right to privacy, separation of church and state, and Bivens--must be preserved for the sake of legitamacisis. (I've merged legitimacy and stare decisis to save time.)

If the Petitioners in Moore are advocating for the independent state legislature doctrine, what are the respondents advocating for? I call it the independent state judiciary doctrine. In short, elected members of the state courts will have the final say over election law, without U.S. Supreme Court review.

I am not particularly surprised by the outpouring of support for respondents in Moore. The independent state judiciary doctrine is entirely consistent with notions of judicial supremacy. And not the newfangled conservative judicial supremacy where the people get to decide the abortion question. Rather, the independent state judiciary doctrine is consistent with old school, Warren-Court era judicial supremacy. That is, the courts can do whatever they think best to promote fairness. Even the most capacious provisions of the state constitution, drafted more than two centuries ago, can be used to invalidate legislative maps. Really, we have gone full circle from Justice Brennan's admonition that the state courts should be bulwarks of liberalism. But with the independent state judiciary doctrine, the elected legislature is helpless to change course.

Sex Discrimination

Bikini Barista Ban Violates Equal Protection Clause by Intentionally Discriminating Against Women Baristas

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So Judge Ricardo Martinez ruled last week in Edge v. City of Everett (W.D. Wash.):

The Dress Code Ordinance requires all employees, owners, and operators of "Quick-Service Facilities" to wear clothing that covers "the upper and lower body (breast/pectorals, stomach, back below the shoulder blades, buttocks, top three inches of the legs below the buttocks, pubic area and genitals)." …

The Court finds that "a gender-based discriminatory purpose has, at least in some measure, shaped" the Ordinance. The record shows this Ordinance was passed in part to have an adverse impact on female workers at bikini barista stands. The Ordinance's ostensibly neutral classification is also an obvious pretext for discrimination based on the law's application. Plaintiffs' expert Dr. Roberts points out that the Dress Code Ordinance prohibits clothing typically worn by women rather than men, including mid-riff and scoop-back shirts, as well as bikinis. There is evidence in the record that the bikini barista profession, clearly a target of the Ordinance, is entirely or almost entirely female. It is difficult to imagine how this Ordinance would be equally applied to men and women in practice. It appears designed to ban not just "pasties and g-strings" or bikinis, but a wide range of women's clothing. Intermediate scrutiny is appropriate here.

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Re-reading Justice Thurgood Marshall's Opinion in Bakke

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In 1978, the Supreme Court issued its first significant affirmative action judgment in Bakke. The Court split 4-4-1. Four Justices argued that the 1964 Civil Rights Act barred the use of race in university admissions. Four justices contended that neither the Act nor the Fourteenth Amendment prohibited the use of race in admissions for remedial purposes, including explicit racial and ethnic quotas. Justice Lewis Powell, writing only for himself, concluded that quotas were forbidden, as was the use of race to remediate past and lingering harms from discrimination, but that universities may take race into account as part of a broader goal of having a "diverse" class.

Civil rights hero Thurgood Marshall wrote an outraged dissent, in which he summed up his reasoning as follows: "In light of the sorry history of discrimination and its devastating impact on the lives of Negroes, bringing the Negro into the mainstream of American life should be a state interest of the highest order. To fail to do so is to ensure that America will forever remain a divided society." Many have found Marshall's dissent, especially his exposition of the historical discrimination against black Americans and its continuing effects, to be compelling.

In re-reading the opinion when researching my new book on racial classifications, though, I noticed something interesting. Marshall refers to "Negroes" and "the Negro" many times in his opinion, but never references any other minority group. What's interesting about that is that the medical school's quota program at issue in Bakke had the following results, according to an appendix to Powell's opinion: From "1971 through 1974, the special program resulted in the admission of 21 black students, 30 Mexican-Americans, and 12 Asians, for a total of 63 minority students." In other words, only one-third of the students admitted under the minority quota program were African Americans.

So, even if we agreed with every word of Justice Marshall's opinion, he not only failed to explain why racial quotas were appropriate for Asian and Mexican Americans (the "Hispanic" classification not yet in existence when the litigation commenced), he never even mentions the other groups. As the four-justice opinion on the other side notes, "The inclusion of [Asians] is especially curious in light of the substantial numbers of Asians admitted through the regular admissions process." That opinion also notes that the university was unable to explain "its selection of only the four favored groups -- Negroes, Mexican-Americans, American Indians, and Asians -- for preferential treatment," as opposed to the myriad other ethnic groups it could have included.

Forty-four years later, much of the discourse around affirmative action preferences still assumes that the only admissions preferences, or at least the only ones that matter, are those for African Americans. Today's op-ed in the New York Times by Justin Driver is a case in point. This is true even though Hispanic Americans outnumber black Americans by about a 4-3 ratio, even greater if you exclude black immigrants and their children.

Given that the driving force behind affirmative action was and pretty clearly continues to be the felt need to redress the effects of long-term discrimination and worse against African Americans, I wonder if we would have been better off if Powell, instead of adopting the diversity rationale, had adopted Marshall's opinion, but still held the UC Davis quota program unconstitutional to the extent it included Mexicans and Asians. Voluntary adoption of quotas for African Americans would have the advantages of transparency, serving the main rationale for affirmative action to begin with, avoiding the dishonesty and lack of transparency that comes along with the diversity rationale, and also not encouraging the growth of DEI bureaucracies that bring a specific and generally counter-productive ideology with them.

Politics

Ninth Circuit Confirms that District Courts Can Enforce Expansive Restitution Agreements

The general federal restitution statute grants statutory authority to district courts to award restitution to crime victims to the extent provided in a plea agreement.

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Today the Ninth Circuit handed down an interesting opinion on restitution, confirming that criminal defendants can agree to pay expansive restitution beyond what is required by the crimes of conviction. Interpreting the general federal restitution statute--18 U.S.C. § 3663--the Ninth Circuit explained that Congress has granted district courts statutory authority to award restitution to the extent agreed to by the parties in a plea agreement. I argued this case for a sex trafficking victim ("Jane Doe")--along with my friends at Justice at Last, an excellent non-profit organization helping labor and sex trafficking victims. The Ninth Circuit's opinion discusses several important issues in crime victims' rights, which are worth briefly highlighting.

The case involves a defendant, who kidnapped Jane Doe, then twelve years old. The defendant drove her from California to Nevada to sexually exploit her. Eventually Jane Doe was able to alert authorities, and police arrested the defendant. Federal prosecutors indicted him for sex trafficking. Following lengthy plea discussions, the defendant entered into a written plea agreement. Under the agreement, in exchange for the government's promise to drop the sex trafficking charges, he pleaded guilty to two lesser crimes (interstate travel in aid of unlawful activity) and agreed to pay Jane Doe full restitution.

The plea agreement provided that "[t]he Defendant acknowledges that the conduct to which he is entering a plea … gives rise to mandatory restitution to the victim(s). See 18 U.S.C. § 2259. The Defendant agrees that for the purpose of assessing such restitution, the Court may consider losses derived from the counts of conviction as well as losses caused from dismissed counts and uncharged conduct in which the Defendant has been involved. The Defendant agrees to pay the victim(s) the 'full amount of the victim's losses' as defined in 18 U.S.C. § 2259(b)(3)."

In sentencing proceedings in the district court, the defendant received the shorter sentence that he had bargained for. He was sentenced to 96 months in prison, less than the prison term the federal sentencing guidelines would have called for if he had been convicted of sex trafficking. But extended wrangling followed over how much restitution the defendant owed. The defendant ultimately argued that he owed little or no restitution because he had not pleaded guilty to a crime under section 2259--the provision cited in the plea agreement. The district court agreed with this position. Despite finding that the defendant had engaged in "egregious conduct," the district court believed it was powerless to award restitution because the defendant had not admitted to a crime under section 2259.

At this point, Justice at Last and I filed a petition for a writ of mandamus with the Ninth Circuit. We argued that the district court had interpreted its restitution authority too narrowly.

We filed our mandamus petition under the Crime Victims' Rights Act, 18 U.S.C. § 3771, which promises crime victims (among other rights) the "right to full and timely restitution as provided in law." The CVRA also promises crime victims a decision within 72 hours of the filing of the petition, unless the litigants agree to a more extended schedule. Because we wanted to give the Ninth Circuit more time to evaluate our position, we proposed (with the agreement of the prosecutors and defense counsel) a longer schedule than just 72 hours to decide the case.

The several weeks ago, the Ninth Circuit issued a decision on whether the 72-hour requirement was jurisdictional. The Circuit (per Bybee, J.) decided that the requirement was not jurisdictional and thus was waivable by crime victims: "Holding the deadlines to be jurisdictional would prejudice the very victims that the statute was meant to protect, and so, absent clear indication from Congress, we will not interpret § 3771(d)(3) to require such a result."

Today, the Ninth Circuit (per Graber, J.) granted Jane Doe's petition for a writ of mandamus, reversing the district court's decision that it lacked statutory authority to award her any restitution. The Circuit began by holding that CVRA mandamus petitions are not subject to the stringent standard of review that ordinarily would apply to a petition for extraordinary relief. Instead, based on an earlier Ninth Circuit precedent and a 2015 amendment to the CVRA, ordinary standards of appellate review apply. In this case, because the issue was one of the legal authority of the district court to award restitution, the standard of review was de novo.

Regarding the district court's authority, the Circuit turned immediately to 18 U.S.C. § 3663(a)(3), which provides: "The court may also order restitution in any criminal case to the extent agreed to by the parties in a plea agreement." The Circuit explained that "Congressional intent is clear. If a defendant has agreed to pay restitution in a plea agreement, then the plain meaning of the statutory text grants the district court statutory authority to order the agreed-upon restitution."

Working through the restitution provision in the defendant's plea agreement, the Circuit concluded that it was potentially ambiguous. The provision could be read to require the defendant to pay restitution. But, on the other hand, as the defendant argued, it could be read to limit restitution only to crimes in violation of §  2259--and the defendant had not pled to such a crime.

Given the ambiguity, the Circuit resorted to extrinsic evidence of the parties' intentions in drafting the agreement. The defendant's interpretation would essentially mean that he would pay no restitution at all. But the parties' course of conduct revealed that the defendant was agreeing to pay substantial restitution to Jane Doe. The extrinsic evidence unambiguously demonstrated that the defendant had agreed to pay restitution to Jane Doe. Because the extrinsic evidence was conclusive, the rule that ambiguities in a plea agreement are construed against the government did not apply. Accordingly, the Circuit granted Jane Doe's petition and remanded to the district court to determine how much  restitution the defendant would pay.

On the surface, this today's ruling might appear to be solely a victory for crime victims. But the opinion will also prove useful to many defendants. Often defendants will want to plead guilty to less serious charges than the prosecutors have filed. But prosecutors may be concerned that, if the charges are reduced, the defendant may escape paying full restitution. Under the Ninth Circuit's decision, the problem is resolved by affirming that plea deals to lesser charges can be structured to provide full restitution to victims. As the Ninth Circuit explained, properly construed, the restitution statute "thus gives the government, victims, and defendants flexibility to reach a just result for all involved."

Housing Policy

My New The Hill Article on How Arlington, VA Battle over "Missing Middle" Housing is a Microcosm of Broader National Struggle Against Exclusionary Zoning

Barack Obama could have been referring to our community, when he said that “[t]he most liberal communities in the country aren’t that liberal when it comes to affordable housing.”

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The Hill just published my article on the ongoing struggle over "missing middle" housing  in Arlington, Virginia, where I live. The issue exemplifies the broader national issue of exclusionary zoning:

The big issue in the November election in Arlington County in northern Virginia — where I live — is the county board's proposal to legalize the construction of  "missing middle" housing. Currently, some 80 percent of the county is zoned for single-family residences only. With housing demand booming over the last decade, the average price for a single-family home in Arlington has risen to some $1.2 million — unaffordable for most working and middle-class people. By abolishing single-family zoning restrictions, "missing middle" would greatly improve the situation, adding thousands of additional housing units to our stock. The fight over this issue is part of a broader nationwide struggle over affordable housing, property rights, and economic opportunity.

Arlington's housing crisis is microcosm of a broader national problem, under which zoning rules and other restrictions have priced millions of people out of areas where they could otherwise find valuable job and educational opportunities. As a result, we have greatly reduced the productivity of our economy. Economists estimate that U.S. Gross Domestic Product could be as much as 36 percent higher than it actually is if major metropolitan areas with severely restrictive zoning, in recent decades, had kept rules no more constraining than the national average….

Historically, restrictions like those currently in force in Arlington were often enacted for the specific purpose of keeping out Blacks and other non-whites. That's one reason why the Arlington NAACP supports Missing Middle…..

Sadly, opposition to zoning reform isn't limited to bigots or to any one side of the political spectrum. Former President Barack Obama recently decried "NIMBY [not in my back yard] attitudes" and "regulations" that "make it very difficult to integrate communities and allow people to live close to where they work." He emphasized that "[t]he most liberal communities in the country aren't that liberal when it comes to affordable housing."

Obama could have been referring to Arlington. The area is overwhelmingly liberal, with over 80 percent of voters supporting Biden in the 2020 election. "Black Lives Matter" signs are ubiquitous. Nonetheless, the county's zoning rules effectively price out most Blacks, and Missing Middle has stimulated a strong NIMBY backlash. The situation is a test of the community's progressive values. Do we really believe that Black lives matter — or do they only matter so long as not too many of them can move here? Do we really favor increasing opportunity for the disadvantaged, or not?

Libertarians, conservatives and others who value property rights, also have good reason to support zoning reform. In Arlington and many other jurisdictions, zoning rules are the most severe constraints on owners' traditional ability to use their land as they see fit….

Later in the article, I explain why current homeowners can also benefit from "missing middle" and other similar zoning reforms. I addressed that topic in greater detail here.

Politics

Reminder: Sign Up For Virtual Supreme Court By November 1 For Mentoring Session

Teams of two HS students will write a brief and present oral arguments on Students for Fair Admission v. University of North Carolina

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The Harlan Institute and Ashbrook are pleased to announce the Eleventh Annual Virtual Supreme Court Competition. This competition offers teams of two high school students the opportunity to research cutting-edge constitutional law, write persuasive appellate briefs, argue against other students through video chats, and try to persuade a panel of esteemed attorneys during oral argument that their side is correct. This year the competition focuses on Students for Fair Admission v. University of North Carolina.

Teams that register before November 1, 2022 will be invited to participate in a virtual mentoring session. These sessions will be hosted during the week of November 14, 2022. The Harlan Institute will match each class with a mentor from our network. These sessions will be helpful to finalize your briefs and prepare your preliminary round arguments.

Coaches can register their teams at the Institute for Competition Sciences. After registering, teachers should contact the Harlan Institute and Ashbrook at info@HarlanInstitute.org. I have pasted the full announcement below the jump. Read More

Right of Access

Cleveland Police Use of Force Reports Are Generally Public Records, Available to the Public

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From State ex rel. Standifer v. City of Cleveland, decided Thursday by the Ohio Supreme Court:

Cleveland's General Police Order 2.01.05 … requires that a UOF [Use of Force] report be prepared whenever a Cleveland police officer uses force rising to [a sufficient level] in the course of the officer's duties. UOF reports … provide a "detailed account" of the use of force, including the reason for the initial police presence, a specific description of the acts that preceded the use of force, the level of resistance encountered, and a description of the force used…. General Police Order 2.01.06 requires review of UOF reports through the chain of command to determine whether a use of force was proper….

Cid Standifer, who writes for the Cleveland Scene, sought the detailed UOF reports under Ohio public records law, but the city denied them based on the "confidential law enforcement investigatory record" (CLEIR) exception to that statute.  The court of appeals agreed with the city, but the Ohio Supreme Court sided with Standifer:

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Free Speech

Journal of Free Speech Law: "Government Employee Speech and Forum Analysis," by Prof. Randy Kozel (Notre Dame)

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Just published, at 1 Journal of Free Speech Law 579 (2022); the abstract:

This Article analyzes the institution of government employment as a nonpublic forum. Forum analysis offers a framework for bringing the doctrine of government employee speech into alignment with broader First Amendment principles. It also sharpens the theoretical contours of employee speech law by underscoring the need for vigilance against ordained orthodoxy while acknowledging the necessity of managerial discretion over institutional operations. Characterizing government employment as a nonpublic forum circumvents problematic questions like whether employee speech has provoked an adverse reaction. The proper inquiry, in the employment context as in other nonpublic forums, is whether a speech restriction is reasonable and viewpoint neutral.

We have many more articles coming in the next several weeks.

The FBI: Lost in Cyberspace?

Episode 427 of the Cyberlaw Podcast

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This episode features Nick Weaver, Dave Aitel and I exploring a Pro Publica story (and forthcoming book) on the FBI's difficulties in seeking to become the nation's principal resource on cybercrime and cybersecurity. We end up concluding that, for all its strengths, the bureau's structural weaknesses in addressing cybersecurity are going to thwart its ambitions for years to come.

Speaking of being thwarted for years, the effort to decouple U.S. and Chinese tech sectors continues apace. Nick and Dave weigh in on the latest (rumored) initiative -- cutting off China's access to U.S. quantum computing and AI technology -- and what that could mean for U.S. semiconductor companies, among others.

We could not stay away from the Elon Musk-Twitter story, which briefly had a national security dimension, due to news that the Biden Administration was considering a Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) review of the deal. That's not a crazy idea, but in the end,  we are skeptical that it will amount to much.

Dave and I exchange views on whether it is logical for the Administration to pursue cybersecurity labels for cheap Internet of things (IoT) devices. He thinks it makes less sense than I do, but we agree that the end result will be to crowd the cheapest competitors from the market.

Nick and I discuss the news that Kanye West is buying Parler. Neither of us thinks much of the deal as an investment.

And in updates and quick takes:

Download the 427th Episode (mp3)

You can subscribe to The Cyberlaw Podcast using iTunes, Google Play, Spotify, Pocket Casts, or our RSS feed. As always, The Cyberlaw Podcast is open to feedback. Be sure to engage with @stewartbaker on Twitter. Send your questions, comments, and suggestions for topics or interviewees to CyberlawPodcast@steptoe.com. Remember: If your suggested guest appears on the show, we will send you a highly coveted Cyberlaw Podcast mug!

The views expressed in this podcast are those of the speakers and do not reflect the opinions of their institutions, clients, friends, families, or pets

Free Speech

Court Strikes Down Ban on Displaying "Indecent Speech" Where Children Under 17 Can See It

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[UPDATE 10/26/22: The Punta Gorda Sun (Elaine Allen-Emrich) reported yesterday that the city will not appeal the decision; thanks to commenter MarkBoyle for noting this.]

The Punta Gorda (Fla.) Code provides, in relevant part, that no-one may "erect, display, [or] wear"

[a]ny sign which contains obscene language or graphics; and any sign containing fighting words or indecent speech which is legible from any public right-of-way or within any public space, and which can potentially be viewed by children under the age of 17. This provision includes signs or flags in or on any vehicle, vessel or on any apparel and  accoutrements.

Sheets was fined $2500 for

wearing a t-shirt with the words "Fuck Policing 4 Profit," holding a flag that read "Fuck Trump," and holding a sign … with a photograph of the Punta Gorda City Council on which the words "R Cunts" was written[;] …

wearing a t-shirt with the words "Fuck the Police" and holding a flag that read "Fuck Biden"[;] …

wearing a t-shirt bearing the words "Fuck the Police"[;] …

wearing a t-shirt bearing the words "Fuck Policing For Profit" and holding a flag that read "Fuck Biden."

Unconstitutional, said Judge Geoffrey Gentile in Sheets v. City of Punta Gorda (filed Sept. 26, 2022):

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Politics

Judge O'Connor Rules that the Boeing 737 MAX Crashes Victims' Families Represent Protected "Crime Victims" and Can Seek Boeing's Prosecution

"In sum, but for Boeing’s criminal conspiracy to defraud the FAA, 346 people would not have lost their lives in the crashes."

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Late Friday afternoon, Judge Reed O'Connor of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas ruled that families whose relatives were killed in two Boeing 737 MAX crashes represented "crime victims" under the Crime Victims' Rights Act (CVRA). And because the Justice Department never conferred with the families before reaching the secret deferred prosecution deal with Boeing, the Department violated the CVRA. Judge O'Connor ordered further proceedings on the appropriate remedy for the Department's violations of law. As the lead attorney representing the families, I will argue that the appropriate remedy (among others) is to rescind the provision in Boeing's deal barring its prosecution for lying to the FAA--lies that, as the judge has ruled, killed 346 people.

While news reports have already flashed the headline about the judge's important ruling, many of the details and legal pleadings are difficult to find. This post summarizes the case, with links to important documents.

As I blogged about previously, this case arises from the Justice Department secretly negotiating a deferred prosecution agreement (DPA) with Boeing concerning its crimes connected to the  two Boeing 737 MAX crashes. Both crashes were caused by a new part Boeing built into the 737 MAX--a software system called the Maneuvering Characteristics Augmentation System (MCAS).  Tragically, in the two crashes, MCAS improperly activated and drove the planes down. On October 28, 2018, Lion Air Flight 610 crashed shortly after takeoff into the Java Sea, killing all 189 passengers and crew on board. A little more than four months later, on March 10, 2019, Ethiopian Airlines Flight 302 suffered the same fate, also crashing shortly after takeoff and killing all 157 passengers and crew.

After the two crashes, the Justice Department began investigating whether Boeing had lied to the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) about the new MCAS system. For the first six months of the investigation, Boeing frustrated the Department's efforts to uncover what happened. But ultimately, the Justice Department learned that Boeing test pilots had concealed from the FAA how MCAS operated. The reason for the deception was to secure less onerous training requirements for pilots transitioning to fly the MAX from other older 737 models. These less-rigorous training requirements enabled Boeing to earn millions of dollars when selling the plane; as a selling point, Boeing had promised its airline customers that additional flight simulator training would not be required for pilots already qualified to fly the 737 MAX's predecessors.

The Justice Department and Boeing began negotiating how to resolve the criminal charges. While those negotiations were going on, the families of those who died reached out to the Justice Department to be involved in the negotiations. The Justice Department's Victims' Rights Ombudsman told the families--falsely--that no criminal investigation was on-going.

Ultimately, the Justice Department and Boeing secretly reached a deal, under which Boeing would be charged with the crime of conspiring to lie to the FAA. Boeing admitted the allegations, but would not enter a guilty plea to the charge. Instead, prosecution of the crime would be deferred for three years. If Boeing complied with its obligations under the agreement, at the end of the three-year period, the charges would be dismissed.  Boeing also agreed to pay $1.7 billion to its airline customers and $500 million to the crashes victims' families. It also agreed to pay a fine of $243 million.

The agreement was reached in secret negotiations between the Justice Department and Boeing. On January 7, 2021, the deal between Boeing and the Justice Department was filed with Judge O'Connor in the Northern District of Texas. It was swiftly criticized as being one of the worst plea agreements in history. Critics pointed out that the $1.7 billion payment to customers was something that Boeing was already contractually obligated to do; the amount was included in the DPA to inflate the apparent amount of the settlement. Moreover, the agreement contained an unprecedent provision in which the Justice Department stated (without explanation) that "the misconduct was neither pervasive across the organization, nor undertaken by a large number of employees, nor facilitated by senior mismanagement."

But in my view, the Boeing DPA's worst feature was that it was negotiated without participation by the victims' families. In the federal criminal justice system, the CVRA requires prosecutors to afford to crime victims the reasonable right to confer with them about a case and also timely notice of any deferred prosecution agreement. In a case involving the death of a crime victim, a surviving family member can step into a case to assert the rights of the person killed. The families should have been involved in negotiating such a far-reaching agreement. Instead, the families learned about the deal only through Twitter and Facebook reports.

In December 2021, I filed a motion alleging that the Justice Department violated its CVRA obligations to fifteen families whose family members were killed in the two crashes. I argued that because of that violation, the DPA was illegally concluded. I also filed a motion urging the district court to carefully scrutinize the proposed DPA and ensure that it held Boeing and its management accountable for their crimes. I also filed one last motion urging the district court to formally arraign Boeing and impose standard conditions of release on the company.

At this point, I contacted the Justice Department to see whether Attorney General Garland would support the victims' families. After a meeting with General Garland, however, the Justice Department filed a brief  arguing that the families did not represent "crime victims" under the CVRA. In the Government's view, only the FAA was the victim of Boeing's conspiracy to conceal information about the MCAS. Boeing also responded, arguing that the district court was powerless to do anything about the deal that Boeing had reached with the Government.

In my reply brief, I worked through the requirements for "crime victim" status under the CVRA. The CVRA extends rights not only to those specifically named in the charging document but also to anyone "directly and proximately harmed" as the result of the crime. In this case, because Boeing's lies to the FAA led directly and proximately to the two crashes--and to the deaths of 346 passengers and crew members on board--the families represented crime victims under the CVRA. This assertion about the causal connection between Boeing's lies and the crashes was supported by a detailed proffer of facts that the families could prove at an evidentiary hearing.

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Politics

The Southeastern Legal Foundation Is Hiring

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The Southeastern Legal Foundation is hiring two attorney positions:

Senior Litigation Attorney

SLF is hiring Litigation Attorneys with 7+ years of experience, who are committed to putting their courtroom, legal strategy, and communication skills towards advancing our public interest mission. Are you an attorney who believes in our constitutional system and is willing to fight hard to protect it? Do you have experience with constitutional law, individual rights, property rights law, separation of powers issues, and a love of American values? Are you interested in working with a committed group of like-minded attorneys who put excellence and principles before everything else? If so we want to hear from you!

Litigation Attorney

SLF is hiring Litigation Attorneys with at least 2 years of experience who believe in our constitutional system and are willing to fight hard to protect it. Are you committed to putting their courtroom, legal strategy, and communication skills towards advancing our public interest mission? Do you want to make a more direct impact in holding government and other state actors accountable for crossing constitutional lines? Do you love to litigate, but are eager to be passionate about your cause? If so we want to hear from you!

Campus Free Speech

David Lat on the Yale Law School Free Speech Issues (Including the Boycott)

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David Lat (Original Jurisdiction) has a characteristically detailed and thoughtful article on the issue. The article links to Judge James Ho's article (based on his speech) in which he explains his thinking behind his boycott of clerk applicants from future Yale Law School classes; and it also links to Judge Lisa Branch's and Judge Ho's letter accepting Yale Law School Dean Heather Gerken's invitation to meet, and criticizing parts of Dean Gerken's letter to Yale alumni about free speech at Yale.

All of these items—Judge Ho's article, the judges' letter, Dean Gerken's letter, and Lat's analysis—are much worth reading. Lat appears to be skeptical of Judge Ho's position (as am I), but I think his coverage is fair and thorough.

Free Speech

Patent Law Opinion Can't Be Sealed to Avoid Hurting Plaintiff's Future Similar Lawsuits

[UPDATE: I've added comments from plaintiff's lawyer.]

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From Araujo v. E. Mishan & Sons, Inc., decided Thursday by Judge John Cronan (S.D.N.Y.):

Plaintiff William Araujo filed a motion to seal the Court's Opinion and Order construing two terms in one of the claims of his patent….

Under "the First Amendment and the common law," the public has a "presumption of access to judicial records." The Second Circuit has broadly defined a "judicial document" as an "item that is relevant to the performance of the judicial function and useful in the judicial process." A document is relevant to the performance of the judicial function "if it would reasonably have the tendency to influence a district court's ruling on a motion or in the exercise of its supervisory powers." The public has a presumption of access to these documents "so that the federal courts have a measure of accountability and so that the public may have confidence in the administration of justice." …

Plaintiff concedes that the Opinion is a judicial document, as it obviously is…. [A] strong presumption of public access attaches to the Opinion.

Plaintiff argues that presumption is weak because this case is a "civil controversy between private individuals" which has not sparked "interest on the part of news media." But this is also true of most civil litigation cases. The fact that Plaintiff's case has not received significant media attention does not detract from the Opinion's role in the Court's exercise of its Article III power. Further, there may be a public interest in the Opinion as its discussion of the claim construction legal standard and subsequent analysis could serve as helpful authority for litigants and judges in future cases….

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