The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Abortion

South Carolina S. Ct. Holds: State Constitution Protects Abortion Rights

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The case is today's Planned Parenthood South Atlantic v. State; the lead opinion is written by Justice Kaye Hearn and joined by Chief Justice Donald Beatty. Justice John Cannon Few concurs in the judgment, and Justices John Kittredge and George James, Jr. dissent.

A few short excerpts, from Justice Hearn's lead opinion:

We hold that our state constitutional right to privacy extends to a woman's decision to have an abortion. The State unquestionably has the authority to limit the right of privacy that protects women from state interference with her decision, but any such limitation must be reasonable and it must be meaningful in that the time frames imposed must afford a woman sufficient time to determine she is pregnant and to take reasonable steps to terminate that pregnancy. Six weeks is, quite simply, not a reasonable period of time for these two things to occur, and therefore the Act violates our state Constitution's prohibition against unreasonable invasions of privacy.

From Chief Justice Beatty's concurring opinion:

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Trans

Court Upholds Law Excluding Male-to-Female Transgender Athletes from Girls' Sports

"The state is permitted to legislate sports rules on this basis because sex, and the physical characteristics that flow from it, are substantially related to athletic performance and fairness in sports."

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From today's decision by Judge Joseph Goodwin (S.D. W. Va.) in B.P.J. v. W. Va. State Bd. of Ed.:

West Virginia passed a law that defines "girl" and "woman," for the purpose of secondary school sports, as biologically female. Under the law, all biological males, including those who identify as transgender girls, are ineligible for participation on girls' sports teams. B.P.J., a transgender girl who wants to play girls' sports, challenges the law. The question before the court is whether the legislature's chosen definition of "girl" and "woman" in this context is constitutionally permissible. I find that it is.

The court applied intermediate scrutiny (since, whatever one's views of transgender rights questions, the law classifies people by sex, and sex classifications have generally been held to require such scrutiny). It reasoned, among other things:

Whether a person has male or female sex chromosomes determines many of the physical characteristics relevant to athletic performance. Those with male chromosomes, regardless of their gender identity, naturally undergo male puberty, resulting in an increase in testosterone in the body. B.P.J. herself recognizes that "[t]here is a medical consensus that the largest known biological cause of average differences in athletic performance between [males and females] is circulating testosterone beginning with puberty."

While some females may be able to outperform some males, it is generally accepted that, on average, males outperform females athletically because of inherent physical differences between the sexes. This is not an overbroad generalization, but rather a general principle that realistically reflects the average physical differences between the sexes. Given B.P.J.'s concession that circulating testosterone in males creates a biological difference in athletic performance, I do not see how I could find that the state's classification based on biological sex is not substantially related to its interest in providing equal athletic opportunities for females….

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Free Speech

Dismissing Volunteer City Advisory Board Appointee for Alleged Antifa Links Doesn't Violate First Amendment

The same would apply for other speech or political association, because "political affiliation [was] an appropriate requirement for the effective performance of the public office involved."

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From Lathus v. City of Huntington Beach, decided today by the Ninth Circuit (Judge Andrew Hurwitz, joined by Judge Paul Watford and District Judge Eric Vitaliano (E.D.N.Y.):

[T]he First Amendment [does not] protect[] a volunteer member of a municipal advisory board from dismissal by the city councilperson who appointed her and is authorized under a city ordinance to remove her. Because the advisory board member is the "public face" of the elected official who appointed her to the body, we hold that she "can be fired for purely political reasons."

While serving as a Huntington Beach City Councilperson, Kim Carr appointed Shayna Lathus to the city's Citizen Participation Advisory Board ("CPAB") after Lathus lost a 2018 election for a seat on the City Council. Each councilperson appoints one member to the seven-person CPAB and may remove that member without cause. The CPAB's mandate is to "provide citizen participation and coordination in the City's planning processes" related to a federal Department of Housing and Urban Development block grant program, with an emphasis on addressing issues faced by "low and moderate income households." It holds regular open meetings to "assess the needs of the community," "evaluate and prioritize projects," "obtain citizen input," and "provide specific recommendations" to the City Council.

After being appointed to the CPAB, Lathus was photographed at an immigrants' rights rally standing near individuals whom Carr believed to be "Antifa." Carr then instructed Lathus to write a "public statement on social media denouncing Antifa," and Lathus did so, believing that continuing in her "position on the … CPAB depended" on it. Carr deemed the statement insufficient and removed Lathus from the CPAB, stating that "[t]hose that do not immediately denounce hateful, violent groups do not share my values and will not be a part of my team." …

In attending the rally, Lathus plainly engaged in activity protected by the First Amendment. … But … the First Amendment rights of government officials are not absolute. It is settled, for example, that an appointed public official can be removed for engaging in otherwise protected First Amendment activity if "political affiliation is an appropriate requirement for the effective performance of the public office involved."

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Immigration

Biden Expands Uniting for Ukraine Private Refugee Sponsorship Model to Include up to 30,000 Migrants Per Month from Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Haiti

The move is a step in the right direction. But it has limitations and is combined with harmful "border enforcement" measures.

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Just two days after I published a Washington Post op ed urging expansion of the Uniting for Ukraine private refugee sponsorship model to include migrants from other nations, the Biden Administration did exactly that - announcing that a similar approach will be used to accept up to 30,000 migrants per month from Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Haiti. In reality, the two events were probably unconnected! Regardless, still a step in the right direction.

According to the White House "fact sheet" released today, "up to 30,000 individuals per month from these four countries, who have an eligible sponsor and pass vetting and background checks, can come to the United States for a period of two years and receive work authorization." If I understand it, this is 30,000 total from, all four nations combined, not 30,000 from each one.

This system is very similar to the conditions of the highly successful Uniting for Ukraine program, described in my article,  except that the latter has no monthly numerical cap. The Administration had previously created a much more limited version of the program for Venezuelan refugees, capped at just 24,000 total participants. Today's measure is a huge expansion.

As explained in my previous writings on private refugee sponsorship and Uniting for Ukraine (e.g. here and here), this sort of system admits refugees far faster than the sclerotic traditional refugee system, bolsters our economy, and improves America's position in the international "war of ideas" against despots like Russia's Vladimir Putin, Refugees from Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua are fleeing repressive anti-American communist and socialist regimes. During the Cold War, conservatives understood the moral and strategic advantages of opening our doors to refugees from communism. Today, sadly, too many of them prioritize nativism instead.

This move also undermines claims that Uniting for Ukraine privileges mostly white Ukrainian refugees over non-white ones fleeing comparable ones elsewhere. Most migrants from the four countries covered by today's new initiative are not "white," as that admittedly arbitrary concept is usually understood in the US. Haitian migrants are overwhelmingly black, as are some Cubans. To the extent there has been a double standard here, the right approach to is to "level up." Today, the Administration moved in that direction.

Ideally, the system should be open to those fleeing poverty and oppression, regardless of country. But today's announcement is a major step in the right direction, nonetheless.

Even so, this expanded program, like Uniting for Ukraine, has two major limitations noted in my recent article about the latter:

First, the residency and work permits last only two years. Experience shows that many refugees need permanent homes, not just temporary ones. Permanence also enables them to make greater economic and social contributions to our society.

Second, the program is largely the product of executive discretion. If the political winds shift and President Biden (or a successor) decides to terminate it, participants could be subject to deportation. Congress should pass legislation to permanently fix these flaws.

As noted in the article, fixing these flaws likely requires congressional action.

Today's expansion of private refugee sponsorship is unfortunately coupled with various harmful "border enforcement" measures that will expand expulsion of migrants at the border. By making legal entry more difficult for those who do not qualify for the expanded private sponsorship system, these steps will predictably worsen the situation at the border, and increase suffering among migrants. The Administration also continues to play what looks like a cynical double game on cruel Title 42 "public health" expulsions.

We should not lose sight of these wrongs. At the same time, however, the Biden Administration has also made many improvements in immigration policy. The introduction of large-scale private refugee sponsorship is one of its most impressive achievements. Hopefully, this will not be the last expansion of the system.

UPDATE: I have made minor additions to this post.

Ex-Con Hired as Law Clerk for Michigan Supreme Court Justice, Then Resigns After Controversy Arises

The law clerk robbed a store and shot at police officers, and was sentenced for that in 1994.

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My inclination is to say that his being driven out of the job is a shame: His crime, serious as it was, was 30 years ago, and he has apparently had a clean record since his release from prison in 2008. I don't think his long-past behavior should disqualify him from the job.

From MLive (Matthew Miller):

Newly appointed Michigan Supreme Court Justice Kyra Harris Bolden hired a former convict as a law clerk.

Pete Martel robbed a convenience store in Genessee County nearly three decades ago and "had a bit of a shootout with the police," as he put it in a 2017 interview. He spent 14 years in prison.

He also went on to earn a law degree, found a job with the State Appellate Defender Office and enrolled in a doctoral program at the University of Michigan.

But hours after The Detroit News reported on Martel's hiring and quoted Justice Richard Bernstein, a fellow Democratic nominee who campaigned with Bolden, saying he was "completely disgusted" by her decision, Martel resigned.

"I have accepted Pete Martel's resignation," Bolden said in a statement. "He did not want to be a distraction or in any way divert the Court from its important work. I respect his decision and do not intend to comment further."

I saw the 1994 date for the guilty plea at The Center Square (Scott McClallen). MLive has more from a Michigan Department of Corrections interview with Martel, which appears to be the one here:

https://soundcloud.com/field-days/pete-martel

Thanks to Howard Bashman (How Appealing) for the pointer.

Supreme Court

Justice Sotomayor Tells Law Professors She Felt "Shell Shocked" After Last Supreme Court Term

A brief report on Justice Sonia Sotomayor's remarks to the Assocation of American Law Schools conference.

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This week is the annual Association of American Law Schools annual conference. One of the opening events featured remarks by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, moderated by Professor Erwin Chemerinsky, Dean of the law school at the University of California at Berkeley.

I was not able to attend this session, but here are excerpts from the Reuters report on Justice Sotomayor's remarks.

Liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor on Wednesday told legal educators she felt a "sense of despair" at the direction taken by the U.S. Supreme Court during its previous term, during which its conservative majority overturned the constitutional right to abortion.

Sotomayor, who has dissented in major cases including the abortion decision as the court's 6-3 conservative majority has become increasingly assertive, described herself as "shell-shocked" and "deeply sad" after that term ended in June.

"I did have a sense of despair about the direction my court was going," Sotomayor said, appearing by video feed before hundreds of law professors at the Association of American Law Schools' annual meeting in San Diego. . . .

Sotomayor said she would continue to "tilt at windmills" and write dissents even though the court has moved steadily to the right.

"It's not an option to fall into despair," Sotomayor said. "I have to get up and keep fighting." . . .

"It may take time but I believe we will get back on the right track," Sotomayor added.

Criminal Law

No Problem with Juror Being Remote Because Wife Might Have COVID, If Defendant Consents

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From yesterday's Ninth Circuit decision in U.S. v. Knight, by District Judge Robert Lasnik (W.D. Wash.), joined by Judges Sidney Thomas and Mark Bennett:

In July 2019, two stores were robbed in Sparks, Nevada. After a six-day trial, Knight was convicted of the robberies and sentenced to 169 months' imprisonment followed by five years of supervised release. We consider in this opinion Knight's argument that the convictions must be vacated because the district court structurally erred by permitting a juror to participate remotely in the first two days of trial….

Knight's criminal trial began on March 8, 2021, with jury selection. The jury was empaneled that day. The next morning, Juror 10 notified the court that his wife was ill. Given the possibility that Juror 10 could be infected with the COVID-19 virus, the district court conferred with the parties to determine how best to proceed, proposing three options:

One is to allow [Juror 10] to participate in the trial by Zoom. He could listen to the testimony, view the evidence by Zoom, and if by the time the jury begins deliberation he is—his wife is clear, then he can join the deliberation; if not, then I would dismiss him at the time if he could not join the deliberation. That way, I still have two alternates for awhile [sic].

The second option is to dismiss him and have one alternate for the trial, really, before opening even starts.

The third option is to delay trial until [Juror 10] can – is, essentially, permitted to return to normal activities.

The government preferred that Juror 10 be excused from service, citing potential technological problems with remote service. Knight's counsel recognized that sharing exhibits with a remote juror would require a collaborative solution and that the juror should be admonished to not access the internet, not use his phone, and devote his full attention to the proceedings, but preferred the first option over dismissal or delay. [Knight then expressly consented to having Juror 10 watch via Zoom.—ed.]

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Campus Free Speech

Hamline President Keeps Digging

In email to campus Hamline University president reemphasizes that academic freedom does not exist there

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Hamline University is going through some things. After terminating an instructor of art history for showing a class artwork that offended some Muslim students, numerous scholars and advocacy groups have denounced the university's actions as a serious affront to academic freedom. FIRE has gone further an filed a complaint with an accreditation agency.

Part of what made the case particularly remarkable was the unusual degree of clarity about their priorities from the university leadership. Usually university presidents try not to be so explicit about what they are doing when they ride roughshod over academic freedom. But Hamline's president tells you how things are:

Our response to the classroom event does not disregard or minimize the importance of academic freedom. It does state that respect, decency, and appreciation of religious and other differences should supersede when we know that what we teach will cause harm.

Having now heard from academic freedom experts, the president of the Hamline University followed up with another email to the campus community reaffirming that student sensitivities trump academic freedom at Hamline.

From reports of the email:

"As has been reported, this past semester an adjunct instructor displayed images of the prophet Muhammad. Students do not relinquish their faith in the classroom. To look upon an image of the prophet Muhammad, for many Muslims, is against their faith," she said in a prepared statement included in the email.

"Questions about how best to discuss Islamic art have been raised by many academics and is certainly an issue worthy of debate and discussion. For those of us who have been entrusted with the responsibility of educating the next generation of leaders and engaged citizens, it was important that our Muslim students, as well as all other students, feel safe, supported, and respected both in and out of our classrooms. As we have stated, in the immediate aftermath of students' expressed concerns, the University's initial response and actions were to address our students' concerns. And, contrary to what has been reported and become the story, it is important that this aspect be reported. It is also important that we clarify that the adjunct instructor was teaching for the first time at Hamline, received an appointment letter for the fall semester, and taught the course until the end of the term," her statement continued.

The board of trustees at Hamline will have to weigh in on whether or not Hamline is a serious university.

Free Speech

FIRE Files Academic Freedom Complaint With Hamline University's Accrediting Agency

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From FIRE's letter sent yesterday to the Higher Learning Commission (which is Hamline's accrediting agency, "a regional accreditation agency that accredits degree granting institutions of higher education that are based in the 19-state North Central region of the United States"):

To the Higher Learning Commission:

As a nonpartisan nonprofit dedicated to defending freedom of speech and academic freedom, the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) respectfully submits this complaint regarding Hamline University, which is not in compliance with HLC's Criteria for Accreditation section 2.D., requiring the institution to be "committed to academic freedom and freedom of expression in the pursuit of truth in teaching and learning." Criteria for Accreditation; Criterion 2. Integrity: Ethical and Responsible Conduct; 2.D., Higher Learning Comm'n.

Hamline admits that it non-renewed an art history instructor last semester after a Muslim student complained that, during a discussion about Islamic art, the instructor facilitated an optional, in-class viewing of a renowned 14th century painting depicting the Prophet Muhammad, which the student said offended her religious beliefs. See, e.g., Scott Jaschik, Academic Freedom vs. Rights of Muslim Students, Inside Higher Ed (Jan. 3, 2023).

Such nonrenewal violates both HLC and Hamline policies clearly committing the university to free expression and its corollary, academic freedom for all faculty, with Hamline claiming it "is committed to academic freedom and celebrates free expression for everyone. The University embraces the examination of all ideas, some of which will potentially be unpopular and unsettling, as an integral and robust component of intellectual inquiry." Hamline University's statement of civility, Office of Inclusive Excellence, Hamline Univ.

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Free Speech

Criticism by Public University Professor Isn't "Under Color of Law," Can't Be Unconstitutional Retaliation

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From today's Eighth Circuit decision in Brown v. Linder, written by Judge Raymond Gruender and joined by Judges James Loken and Steven Grasz:

James Brown and Marc Linder both work for the State of Iowa. Brown is a urologist at the University of Iowa Hospitals and Clinics; Linder is a professor at the University of Iowa College of Law. After Linder criticized Brown's expert testimony in a case unrelated to this one, Brown sued Linder under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, alleging that Linder retaliated against him for engaging in constitutionally protected speech….

According to the complaint, Brown provided expert testimony for a meat-processing company in litigation about the company's compliance with labor regulations. As a board-certified urologist, Brown was asked to opine on the health consequences of the company's bathroom-use policy for its employees. Before, during, and after Brown's testimony, Linder made it known that he disapproved of Brown's support for the company's policy.

First, in the days before Brown's testimony, Linder "registered a verbal complaint" to Karl Kreder, the head of UI's urology department, about Brown. Along with the complaint, Linder sent a series of emails to Kreder in which he referred to Brown's "self-confessed money-driven report, deposition, and hearing testimony." Then, during Brown's testimony, Linder appeared in the gallery wearing a t-shirt that said "People Over Profits." Following the testimony, Linder continued to condemn Brown by making comments in local newspaper articles. In one article, published in both the Waterloo-Cedar Falls Courier and the Cedar Rapids Gazette, Linder stated that Brown's testimony "could have unleashed … terrible consequences for workers of Iowa." In another, published in UI's student newspaper, The Daily Iowan, Linder called Brown a "hired gun" who "had never even published a single scholarly article on urinary incontinence frequency/urgency." These articles attributed Linder's comments to "Marc Linder, a UI law professor whose focus is on labor law" and "Marc Linder, UI Professor of Law," respectively.

In addition to these published comments, Linder allegedly criticized Brown's testimony by stating or implying that Brown wanted "to [M]ake America Great Again by helping his customer," "subordinate[d] … his medical ethics" in order "to pay his kids' college tuition," and wished for workers to "urinate less and kill animals more." Brown does not say when, in what form, or to whom Linder made these criticisms.

Brown says that Linder's "multi-faceted retaliatory vendetta" caused him and his family emotional and psychological distress. Others expressed to Brown their concerns about Linder. Kreder told Brown that he was worried about Brown's safety and advised him to hire a lawyer. Another UI colleague also recommended that Brown hire a lawyer and told Brown that Linder "is harassing the s**t out of you." To protect himself and his family from Linder, Brown bought a gun and a dog….

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Free Speech

Free Speech Historian Jacob Mchangama on Europe's Digital Services Act

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A very interesting L.A. Times op-ed from a couple of weeks ago; an excerpt:

In November, the European Union's Digital Services Act took effect, with enforcement beginning for some businesses during the next year and for the rest in January 2024. The stated purpose of the law is to end the supposed "Wild West" of the internet and replace it with a rules-based digital order across the EU's member states. The sweeping piece of legislation includes an obligation for platforms to evaluate and remove illegal content, such as "hate speech," as fast as possible. It also mandates that the largest social networks assess and mitigate "systemic risks," which may include the nebulous concept of "disinformation."

This is in stark contrast to the U.S., where platforms enjoy broad immunity from responsibility for content created by users, and where the 1st Amendment protects against most government restrictions of speech….

Removing illegal content sounds innocent enough. It's not. "Illegal content" is defined very differently across Europe. In France, protesters have been fined for depicting President Macron as Hitler, and illegal hate speech may encompass offensive humor. Austria and Finland criminalize blasphemy, and in Victor Orban's Hungary, certain forms of "LGBT propaganda" is banned.

The Digital Services Act will essentially oblige Big Tech to act as a privatized censor on behalf of governments — censors who will enjoy wide discretion under vague and subjective standards. Add to this the EU's own laws banning Russian propaganda and plans to toughen EU-wide hate speech laws, and you have a wide-ranging, incoherent, multilevel censorship regime operating at scale….

The European policies do not apply in the U.S., but given the size of the European market and the risk of legal liability, it will be tempting and financially wise for U.S.-based tech companies to skew their global content moderation policies even more toward a European approach to protect their bottom lines and streamline their global standards. Referring to European legal standards may thus provide both formal legitimacy and a convenient excuse when platforms remove political speech protected by U.S. law, and that Americans would expect private platforms facilitating public debate to safeguard too….

Writing a Crim Pro Casebook: How Do You Cover the "Search" Question?

A reflection on re-writing a chapter of Kamisar LaFave & Israel.

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As I mentioned recently, I spent the last three months re-writing the Fourth Amendment materials for the Kamisar LaFave and Israel Criminal Procedure casebook for the 16th edition that will be available for use this coming fall semester.  The biggest challenge of writing Fourth Amendment materials in a casebook is how to cover what counts as a Fourth Amendment "search."  I thought I might write about what I think the challenge is, and how I restructured the existing material for the new edition.

Here's the problem. The Fourth Amendment prohibits unreasonable searches and seizures, and there is a dizzying amount of caselaw on what is a search.  There are probably 50 or 60 major Supreme Court rulings on the question, and gobs of lower court cases.  Further, the test itself is murky.  The most often used test is the Katz "reasonable expectation of privacy" test, but the cases on that are confusing.  The Supreme Court sometimes treats that test as a normative inquiry, sometimes as a descriptive inquiry, and when it's descriptive it divides over what it's describing.  Then you add the trespass test, which is maybe (or maybe not) just a physical intrusion test — no one really knows, it depends on the judge — that does an uncertain amount of work in addition to the privacy test.  To top it off, the results need to give students clarity about where officers can go and what they can do in a wide range of situations.  How on earth do you cover that, especially if you only have 60 pages or so in which to do it?

I thought a lot about that question this fall, and here's the approach I adopted.

First, some context.  In an introductory section, before the search materials begin, students will have already learned that the problems that inspired the Fourth Amendment involved physical intrusion into physical spaces — most often, searching houses in the literal sense of breaking in to them and physically rifling through their contents.  The key question is, what beyond that foundational scenario is also covered as a search?

As I assembled the materials, I addressed that in four sections: Introduction to Katz; privacy in physical spaces; problems of new technology; and the trespass/intrusion test.

The first section, about 10 pages long, introduces the reader to Katz v. United States, which was the Warren Court's main case on what (if anything) beyond physical intrusion is covered as a search.  Katz, and Harlan's concurrence, introduce the reasonable expectation of privacy test.  Then the notes after Katz introduce  some of the key conceptual questions around that: Just what is the Katz test asking? How does it relate to the text? What is the role of the subjective test?  The notes also inform the reader of some of the common and repeated applications of the test: When is it is a search to get information about the inside of a car?  What about a package?  The point of this first section is to just get a basic bearing on what the Katz test is.

The second section, which is about 15 pages, considers how Katz applies in physical space.  The point of this section is to make sure students understand how Katz applies in the non-technological scenarios of an officer just walking around and seeing physical things. Where can officers go in ordinary physical space before their conduct becomes a search?  It starts with a case on the open fields doctrine, United States v. Dunn, to explain the curtilage/open-fields distinction. Notes then cover how the Katz test applies in common physical spaces like entering businesses (that may be open or closed to the public), entering common areas of apartment buildings, and entering government offices.   We then get California v. Greenwood, the trash case, and notes how the Katz test applies to searches of abandoned property, searches of jail cells, and searches of property belonging to people experiencing homelessness.

The third section takes on Katz and changing technology.  A lot of the harder Katz issues are about technology, as technology changes the relationship between place and information and how easy it is to collect information.  So this is the longest section, about 25 pages. The materials start with cases on technology-enhanced surveillance of physical spaces and then turn to network surveillance.  The materials on technology-enhanced surveillance of physical spaces bookend California v. Ciraolo (aerial surveillance of a home, not a search), and Kyllo v. United States (thermal imaging of a home, a search).  The related notes consider variations on this theme, such as dog sniffs, physical tracking devices, and abandoned DNA.  The network surveillance cases then bookend Smith v. Maryland (numbers dialed, not a search) and Carpenter v. United States (cell-site location information, a search).  The related notes consider variations such as accessing emails and IP addresses, short-term location tracking, and lower court interpretations of Carpenter.  The "bookend" approach includes two major cases that seem to present similar kinds of issues but come out differently; the contrast invites the reader to consider why the Court decided them differently, and thus what matters in the doctrine. I think it works well for this particular material.

The final section, about 10 pages long, covers the trespass/intrusion test of United States v. Jones in 2012 and Florida v. Jardines in 2014.  In addition to covering those two cases as "main" cases, notes focus on what the test is (Is it a trespass test as in torts? Is it a physical intrusion test, a return to pre-Katz caselaw?); how lower courts have applied it in ways that might go beyond Katz (to scenarios like chalking a tire and inserting keys in locks); and where it might go next (covering Justice Gorsuch's opinion on the "traditional approach" in Carpenter).

There are an endless number of ways to teach the search materials.  As I said at the beginning, I think it's a tremendously challenging topic to cover.  So I don't claim to have found the one and only way to present these materials.  But my hope is that this format will click the most for students and professors alike.  My hope is that this is as conceptually clear as it can be, in that it breaks down the issues for students in what I hope are helpful ways (covering physical cases vs. technology cases, Katz vs. trespass/intrusion, etc.).  And the approach very roughly tracks the chronological order in which the cases were decided, so students can appreciate the development of the law and understand how later cases are built on (or break from) earlier ones.

Immigration

My New Washington Post Article on the Uniting for Ukraine Private Refugee Sponsorship Program

The article explains why the progam is a major improvement over previous policies, and how it can be further improved and made a model for refugee policy generally.

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Today the Washington Post published my op ed on the Uniting for Ukraine private refugee sponsorship program, in which I am a participating sponsor myself:

Nine days after my wife and I submitted the sponsorship forms, the U.S. government authorized admission to three Ukrainian refugees — Ruslan Hasanov, his wife, Maya, and their 2-year-old daughter, Melissa. Less than five weeks after that they were here. This is little short of a miracle to those of us who have long lamented the sclerotic state of the U.S. refugee system.

The next step is for Congress and the Biden administration to work together to turn that miracle, with some critical improvements, into the norm. And not just for Ukrainians.

The brutal Russian invasion has forced more than 7 million people to flee Ukraine, creating the largest European refugee crisis since World War II. In response, the Biden administration established Uniting for Ukraine, a private refugee-sponsorship program that enables Ukrainian migrants to enter the United States far more easily than is possible under the conventional refugee admission system….

The speed and ease of entry accomplished under Uniting for Ukraine are an impressive achievement, especially by the glacial standards of U.S. immigration bureaucracy, where visa and refugee applications routinely languish for many months or even years….

Since April, at least 94,000 Ukrainians have entered the United States under the program. By contrast, the conventional refugee admission system, which relies on the government-approved agencies to resettle and support refugees, only admitted 25,400 people from around the world during all of fiscal 2022….

The [Hasanov] family's experience exemplifies that of many other refugees. They fled the town of Irpin, near Kyiv, shortly before it was taken by Russian troops. They narrowly escaped a horrific occupation that included the torture and murder of hundreds of civilians. Even so, they endured bombing and shelling by Russian forces…

Having heard about United for Ukraine from friends, they decided to come to the United States, where there is more openness to migrants than in many European countries, and, as Maya put it, there are people from many backgrounds and all are "equal … regardless of nationality, skin color or religion." Her words would have warmed the heart of George Washington, who envisioned America as "an Asylum for the poor and oppressed of all nations and religions…."

Despite its virtues, Uniting for Ukraine still has two major shortcomings.

First, the residency and work permits last only two years. Experience shows that many refugees need permanent homes, not just temporary ones….

Second, the program is largely the product of executive discretion. If the political winds shift and President Biden (or a successor) decides to terminate it, participants could be subject to deportation. Congress should pass legislation to permanently fix these flaws….

Ultimately, the United States should establish a general system of private refugee sponsorship, modeled in part on Canada's successful program, that applies regardless of nationality. Doing so would not only help people escaping war and oppression, but also bolster our economy — migrants contribute disproportionately to economic growth and innovation — and enhance the U.S. image in the international "war of ideas" against dictators such as Russia's Vladimir Putin.

In the article, I also propose some smaller improvements in the program, and briefly explain how would-be sponsors can get started by setting up a profile at  Welcome Connect, a website that matches potential U.S. sponsors with Ukrainian refugees.

Free Speech

Libel About Protected Speech

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Say you're talking privately (not to the public at large) about someone, and say something that seriously damages their reputation. It's an honest mistake on your part, and you aren't animated by hostility towards the person; but the person learns about it and sues, claiming that the allegations were false and that you didn't perform a reasonable investigation (i.e., were negligent).

In most states, including California, that could be actionable defamation, but is sometimes subject to so-called "qualified privileges." They are privileges because they provide immunity from defamation liability (don't confuse them with evidentiary privileges, which provide a right not to testify). They are qualified because they only apply so long as you made an honest and well-motivated mistake. They basically (to oversimplify slightly) raise the mental state the plaintiff needs to show from negligence as to falsehood to recklessness or knowledge.

Classic examples of qualified privileges include the "common interest" privilege, for instance when you're talking to a business partner about an employee or a prospective contracting party, or when you're talking to a fellow club member about a candidate for membership. They also include the "interest of another" privilege, for instance when someone calls you about an ex-employee of yours and asks for a candid assessment of the ex-employee's qualities. (It's true that such job references remain legally risky, precisely because the privilege is only qualified and not absolute, but the qualified privilege does decrease the risk.) California law offers this summary of the rule, providing that a qualified privilege applies

(c) [to] a communication, without malice [i.e, without knowing or reckless falsehood, and without ill will towards the subject], to a person interested therein,

  • by one who is also interested, or
  • by one who stands in such a relation to the person interested as to afford a reasonable ground for supposing the motive for the communication to be innocent, or
  • who is requested by the person interested to give the information.

[i] This subdivision applies to and includes a communication concerning the job performance or qualifications of an applicant for employment, based upon credible evidence, made without malice, by a current or former employer of the applicant to, and upon request of, one whom the employer reasonably believes is a prospective employer of the applicant.

[ii] This subdivision applies to and includes a complaint of sexual harassment by an employee, without malice, to an employer based upon credible evidence and communications between the employer and interested persons, without malice, regarding a complaint of sexual harassment.

[iii] This subdivision authorizes a current or former employer, or the employer's agent, to answer, without malice, whether or not the employer would rehire a current or former employee and whether the decision to not rehire is based upon the employer's determination that the former employee engaged in sexual harassment.

Now here's the interesting twist, which I just noticed a few weeks ago: The qualified immunity expressly excludes

a communication concerning the speech or activities of an applicant for employment if the speech or activities are constitutionally protected, or otherwise protected by Section 527.3 of the Code of Civil Procedure [dealing with publicity about a labor dispute] or any other provision of law.

So I think this means that

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Campus Free Speech

Academic Freedom Alliance Statement Regarding Hamline University

Art history professor fired for showing class a famous Persian art work depicting the Prophet Muhammad

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The Academic Freedom Alliance released a statement regarding the decision of Hamline University to fire an instructor for showing a class in global art history a picture of a medieval Persian painting depicting the Prophet Muhammad. This is an appalling violation of academic freedom.

The painting in question is widely regarded as an important work of art in the Persian and Islamic traditions, and it is regularly exhibited and taught in classrooms across the globe. A video of the class session reportedly indicates that the professor took care to give a "content warning" and provide necessary context before the image was shown to the class. The class itself was apparently virtual, and the instructor gave students an opportunity to turn off their own video feed to avoid viewing the image.

Some students in the class complained that they felt disrespected by the showing of an image of Muhammad which some  devout Muslims regard as unacceptable. The associate vice president for inclusive excellence denounced the instructor's actions as "inconsiderate, disrespectful and Islamophobic" and "unacceptable" in a Hamline classroom. The president then announced to the campus community that academic freedom "should not and cannot be used to excuse away behavior that harms others." The putatively harmful behavior in this context was showing to students in a college class a famous work of Islamic art. Nonetheless, the president concluded that "respect, decency, and appreciation of religious and other differences should supersede" academic freedom.

This is an egregious affront to academic freedom, as both PEN America and FIRE have likewise recognized. The incident first came to public view as a result of an online article by University of Michigan art professor Christiane Gruber.

From the AFA letter:

Hamline University has made a contractual commitment to its faculty to respect and protect their academic freedom. The Hamline University Faculty Handbook as approved by the Board of Trustees in 2021 is clear. Hamline adopted without reservation the 1940 statement on academic freedom endorsed by the American Association of University Professors and the American Association of Colleges. Section 3.1.2 of the Handbook guarantees that "all faculty members are entitled to freedom in the classroom in discussing their subject, but they should be careful not to introduce into their teaching controversial matter which has no relation to their subject." The guarantee extends to every individual at Hamline who is working in an instructional capacity regardless of whether they enjoy the protections of tenure. There is simply no question that introducing students to an important piece of Islamic art in a global art history class is covered by this principle of academic freedom. Hamline's own stated commitment to academic freedom is unqualified. There is no exception for students who feel offended or disrespected by materials they encounter in the course of their college education.

and

In your message to campus, you noted that "Hamline University is composed of people with diverse views, expectations, and interactions." Indeed it is, but the implication that you apparently have drawn from this fact is untenable. Art frequently offends. It was not long ago that Catholics were deeply offended by the exhibition of Andres Serrano's "Immersion (Piss Christ)" and Chris Ofili's "The Holy Virgin Mary," which portrayed the Virgin Mary with pornographic images and elephant dung. Prosecutors once attempted to shut down a museum exhibit of Robert Mapplethorpe's homoerotic photographs, and censors long suppressed the distribution of classic works of twentieth century literature like D.H. Lawrence's Lady Chatterley's Lover and James Joyce's Ulysses. Only months ago, the celebrated novelist Salman Rushdie was nearly killed in a violent assault stemming from a religious extremist's condemnation of his depiction of Muhammad. Conservative Christian students at the University of North Carolina attempted to prohibit the assignment of passages of the Quran as disrespectful of their religious beliefs, and conservative Christian students at Duke University demanded that Alison Bechdel's graphic memoir Fun House not be assigned because "Jesus forbids his followers from exposing themselves to anything pornographic." If every student at Hamline University has the ability not only to veto offensive classroom content but to terminate professors for introducing such material into their classroom, then a vast swath of literature and art will be off-limits to the students and faculty there.

Read the whole thing here.

Conservatism

David French to the New York Times

The former First Amendment litigator and Dispatch co-founder becomes a columnist at the New York Times.

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The New York Times has hired conservative lawyer and commentator David French as a regular opinion columnist, beginning January 30.

French has been a senior editor at The Dispatch, which he helped found, and a contributor to The Atlantic. He was also a writer at National Review Online for several years.

As long-time VC readers likely know (but others may not), French previously served as the President of FIRE (then known as the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education). He also served as an attorney at the American Center for Law and Justice and the Alliance Defending Freedom, working primarily on religious liberty issues. He also served as a JAG in the U.S. Army from 2007 to 2014, and was awarded a Bronze Star.

Although quite conservative, French has been very critical of pro-Trump and nationalist conservatives, particularly those who embrace illiberal political ideas. For instance, here is French's 2019 debate with Sohrab Ahmari on how the political Right should respond to growing illiberalism on the Left.

I look forward to his column.

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