The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

U.C. Hastings Faculty Send Letter To Concerned Students

"Moreover, we understand that statements of commitment to diversity and inclusion ring hollow when salient issues of racial equity are ignored or discounted in the service of prioritizing the ideal of free speech."

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A group of U.C. Hastings faculty, including Professor Rory Little, sent the following letter to students:

 Dear Concerned Students, 

We write in our individual capacity and not on behalf of the institution to explain where the Administration's community email, The College is Committed to Academic Freedom and Free Speech, does not represent our priorities or articulate our commitments to providing you an equitable learning environment. 

First and foremost, we condemn the recent comments from Ilya Shapiro regarding President Biden's commitment to nominate an African American woman to the Supreme Court. We find Shapiro's tweet unequivocally racist and misogynistic. We refuse to remain silent in the face of white supremacy. We wish you did not have to live in a society where vile, hateful, and ignorant speech directed towards communities of color is a regular occurrence. 

While the Administration's statement mentions in passing the pain experienced by communities of color the past two years, it does not discuss the law school's role in perpetuating the marginalization of our current students. We are aware from conversations with our students of color over the years, and particularly our African American students, that they do not experience UC Hastings as a welcoming learning environment. As professors, we are committed to combating the implicit and explicit messaging UC Hastings students of color too often receive that they are being tolerated instead of embraced and valued. We recognize that these unwelcoming messages are expressed in the doctrines we teach, the context we may fail to provide when teaching them, in the comments made by some community members, and in an environment where so few of UC Hastings faculty and administrators share the life experiences of so many of our students or meaningfully engage in understanding them. 

We write to affirm your right to an educational environment where you are nurtured as students and where you can thrive as future lawyers. We strongly believe in the essential value of free speech in an academic setting. We also recognize that context matters because speech does not exist in a vacuum; it happens within the context of unequal power and structural inequalities. Moreover, we understand that statements of commitment to diversity and inclusion ring hollow when salient issues of racial equity are ignored or discounted in the service of prioritizing the ideal of free speech. 

UC Hastings has much work to do before a speaker such as Ilya Shapiro could represent just an abhorrent point of view, instead of appearing to be yet another painful reminder to students of color that the institution—through its actions and inactions—fails to convey that students of color belong here as full-fledged members of our community. We sincerely hope that the Administration will continue to work to gather a deeper understanding of the experiences of students of color and provide student leaders with the appropriate guidance and resources for engaging in productive dialogue meant to edify the diverse community that we are so lucky to have at this university. 

In solidarity, 

Mark Aaronson 

Alice Armitage 

Alina Ball 

Richard Boswell 

Betsy Candler 

Veena Dubal 

Nira Geevargis 

Brittany Glidden 

Miye Goishi 

James Higa 

Juan Carlos Ibarra 

Rory Little 

Shauna Marshall 

Stefano Moscato 

Karen Musalo 

Christine Natoli 

Ascanio Piomelli 

Gail Silverstein 

Linh Spencer 

According to the metadata, the document was created by Professor Ascanio Piomelli.

Religion and the Law

Male and Female Circumcision

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An interesting issue of the journal Global Discourse, on Gender Equality in Abrahamic Circumcision: Why or Why Not?, edited by Ingvild Bergom Lunde and Matthew Thomas Johnson; here's the Introduction, which summarizes the articles:

This issue emerges more than 40 years after the initiation of zero-tolerance global campaigns to end all forms of female genital cutting (FGC). The practice of cutting female genitalia without medical necessity is commonly referred to as 'female genital cutting', 'female genital mutilation' and/or 'female circumcision'. Sometimes, the term 'girl circumcision' is used in order to make a distinction between the childhood and adulthood genital cutting of females. The practice is commonly categorised into four types by the World Health Organization: type I – cutting of the outer clitoris; type II – the partial or total removal of the outer clitoris and the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora; type III/infibulation – narrowing the vaginal opening through the creation of a covering seal, with or without removal of the outer clitoris; and type IV – all other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical reasons. A body of research from a range of fields shows that in contemporary hegemonic public discourse, the acceptable way of talking about, interpreting and comprehending the practice is through a framework of condemnation (Hauge, 2012; Shell-Duncan et al, 2016; Hodzic, 2017; Lunde, 2020).

However, in 2018 and 2019, the Dawoodi Bohra Women's Association for Religious Freedom in India released official statements insisting that they practise a form of female circumcision that is less invasive than male circumcision in order that girls be treated equally to circumcised boys. The statements further made it clear that the Bohra do not practise 'female genital mutilation'—in fact, they condemn the practice (DBWRF, 2018; 2019). These statements highlight two central limitations in the global work to end FGC. First, there has been little to no differentiation between different forms of FGC. Indeed, it is the most invasive form—and likely the least common globally—that has received most attention in public discourse and among researchers and policymakers. Second, there are central, unresolved questions regarding the Global North's acceptance of the medically unnecessary circumcision of boys, of which there is great variety in the practice, ranging from removing parts of or the entire foreskin of the penis to a cutting in the urinary tube from the scrotum to the glans.

Taking Richard Shweder's (2022) article 'The prosecution of Dawoodi Bohra women: some reasonable doubts' as a target piece for discussion, the aim of this issue is to better understand these limitations. In the article, Shweder proposes that some forms of FGC be legalised, arguing that the form of FGC practised among Dawoodi Bohra Muslims is less invasive than the typical circumcision of boys and that FGC is a religiously meaningful ritual among the Bohra. This proposal implies that girls should have the same rights to cultural and/or religious identity as circumcised boys. It is a controversial proposal insofar as it directly challenges the central tenet of global campaigns to end FGC, such as Target 5.3 of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal: girls can only be empowered by protecting them from being subjected to a fear-inducing and painful experience.

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Fear

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I came across this passage from the New York Times (Andrew Kramer):

Asked if he was afraid of dying in the war, [Volodymyr Zelensky] said everybody has such fears…. "[I]f a person is not afraid of losing his life, or the lives of his children, there is something unwell about that person." He added, though, that as president, "I simply do not have the right" to be afraid.

(The Times of London had also reported that Zelensky had been the target of three recent assassination attempts.) And this reminded me, as other things have in the past, of two different but related passages from Rebecca West's Epilogue to Black Lamb and Grey Falcon pp. 1125, 1130 (1941), writing of the English right after the fall of France:

It was good to take up one's courage again, which had been laid aside so long, and feel how comfortably it fitted into the hand….

Let nobody belittle them by pretending they were fearless. Not being as the ox and the ass, they were horribly afraid. But their pale lips did not part to say the words that would have given them security and dishonour.

Free Speech

"Suggestion of Sexual Conduct Alone Cannot Constitute Obscenity,"

whether as to anime, "great literature," "soap operas," or "internet memes."

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From Bedtelyon v. State, decided today by the Indiana Court of Appeals, in an opinion by Judge Leeanna Weissmann joined by Judges Edward Najam and Nancy Vaidik:

Forbidden by the terms of his probation from accessing obscene material, Michael Bedtelyon landed in hot water with his probation officer after watching sexually suggestive anime cartoons. The court concluded the material constituted obscenity and revoked four years of Bedtelyon's suspended sentence. On appeal, Bedtelyon argues that the State failed to prove the videos constituted obscenity as defined by statute. We agree….

Bedtelyon was convicted of Level 4 felony sexual misconduct with a minor for criminal acts he committed with a 14-year-old girl he met on a dating app. After serving part of his eight-year sentence, Bedtelyon was released on probation. As a term of his probation, Bedtelyon was "prohibited from accessing, viewing, or using internet websites and computer applications that depict obscene matter as defined by [the Indiana obscenity statute]."

Through software required by the terms of his probation, Bedtelyon's probation officer learned that Bedtelyon had viewed several anime videos on YouTube with concerning titles, including: My Mother and Sister Pretend to Be Expecting My Babies After I Lost My Memory; I Seduced My Cousin and Let Him Do Everything He Wanted; and I am the Seventh of Sextuplet Girls and I Am a Boy. After viewing these videos, Bedtelyon's probation officer determined they were obscene and therefore violated the terms of Bedtelyon's probation….

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Short Circuit: A Roundup of Recent Federal Court Decisions

Twitter's content moderation, LBJ's lies, and a judge's ruse.

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Please enjoy the latest edition of Short Circuit, a weekly feature from the Institute for Justice.

Attention D.C.-area folks! The Short Circuit podcast is heading to the National Press Club on Wednesday, April 6 at 6:30 p.m. to record a live show with Paul Clement, Lisa Blatt, and Kelsi Brown Corkran. RSVP today!

  • Beginning in 1971, The New York Times published excerpts of the Pentagon Papers that laid bare the U.S.'s Vietnam efforts, including JFK's role in South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem's assassination and LBJ's "we seek no wider war" lies. Nixon investigates how the documents were obtained and disseminated, and a grand jury subpoenas a Harvard political scientist who refuses to testify, is held in contempt, and spends eight days in jail. Seems like a riveting read! But a Harvard historian finds herself unable to obtain the grand jury records, as they are under indefinite seal. First Circuit (adding to a circuit split): Under seal the records shall remain.
  • In 2018, a Massachusetts state judge and her courtroom deputy allegedly snuck an illegal immigrant out the back of a courthouse while an ICE agent waited for him in the front. A clever ruse! But also a federal crime? First Circuit: You'll have to find out at trial. Neither the doctrine of judicial immunity nor the Tenth Amendment, which bars the feds from commandeering state officials to carry out federal policy, give us jurisdiction to throw out the indictments beforehand. Though maybe this prosecution could have been a meeting instead.
  • Investment analyst learns through work that a private-equity company wants to buy the home-security company ADT. Based on this inside information, he buys $25,000 worth of ADT call options, which skyrocket in value by 6,000% the day the acquisition is announced. After he's convicted of insider trading, his employer seeks restitution under the Mandatory Victims Restitution Act for legal fees incurred while cooperating with the feds. Second Circuit: And they can get them for their participation in the criminal investigation and trial, but not for the related SEC civil investigation.
  • Allegations: Prison guard knowingly mislabels prisoner a sex offender (the prison had a special "Sex Offender" T-shirt), putting the man in fear of being brutalized by his fellow inmates. Prisoner sues officer, claiming Eighth Amendment violation. Third Circuit: We could, perhaps, kick the entire case on Bivens grounds (new context, etc. etc.). But we'll do the prisoner (and the development of the law) the courtesy of addressing at least part of his Eighth Amendment claim directly. He loses: There's no Eighth Amendment right not to be forced to wear a sex-offender T-shirt in prison. Also, while the prisoner plausibly alleged that the guard unconstitutionally failed to protect him from attacks, he can't get damages for the guard's failure to protect him from attacks that never happened.
  • Navy SEALs and other servicemembers challenge COVID-19 vaccination requirement, asserting that it violates their sincerely held religious beliefs. Turns out that the Navy has a 50-step process for adjudicating such accommodation requests that invariably results in their denial. District Court: Which sure sounds like a violation of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. Fifth Circuit: Agreed. The Navy's request for a stay of the preliminary injunction pending appeal is denied.
  • Motivational speakers pump you up. They egg you on. They sue your high school after the softball team's Twitter account posts a short passage from their book. Fifth Circuit: Yeah, they shouldn't do that last thing.
  • After a Coldspring, Tex. high school janitor is brutally murdered, the sheriff set his sights on a local family, two teens and their father, relying on dog-scent lineups to weave a tale that they killed the janitor for money they thought he'd hidden in his house. The father was sentenced to 75 years in prison, the daughter to life, while the son was acquitted after the jury deliberated for less than an hour. Texas high court: Both the father's and daughter's convictions gotta go. Much litigation ensues about the gov't officials' behavior. Fifth Circuit (2012): The son's claims can go forward. Fifth Circuit (2018): The son's claims can go to trial. Fifth Circuit (2019): The daughter's claims can go to trial. Jury trial (2020, finally): The sheriff left out important stuff from the arrest-warrant application, and it seems to have been on purpose or at least reckless. $1 mil for the siblings. Fifth Circuit (2022): Indeed.
  • It is your constitutional right to record police, but can they arrest you (with some oomph) if you get too close? Fifth Circuit: They sure can. Qualified immunity for the Austin, Tex. officers who arrested (and took to the ground) "cop watcher" after he obstructed their view and ability to perform their duties.
  • IRS: This new notice we published isn't a substantive regulation requiring notice and comment. Sixth Circuit: You just fined these taxpayers five figures for failing to do a thing they wouldn't have had to do before you published your notice. That looks like substance, guys.
  • Geneva, Ohio officer responds to a family dispute that resulted in a broken TV remote, knowing the family's adult son was experiencing mental health issues. "Throughout the entire encounter, [the son] never said anything to [the officer], he never reached out towards [the officer], and he . . . did not raise his fists or make any threatening gestures." But he also did not respond to the officer's commands and kept walking towards the officer. So, the officer tased the son three times and shot him nine times. District Court: QI granted. Sixth Circuit (over dissent): Reversed.
  • Allegations: Creepy college instructor does lots of creepy things to student, and it takes the school quite a long time to finally fire the instructor. Student sues school under Title IX for deliberate indifference to her first report of sexual harassment. District court: She hasn't alleged the elements for deliberate indifference that have been developed in cases of student-student harassment. Case dismissed. Sixth Circuit: But the deliberate-indifference standard is different (and less stringent) for teacher-student harassment. Case un-dismissed.
  • Following the arrest and conviction Larry Nassar, who sexually assaulted hundreds of victims during his 18 years as the team doctor for USA Gymnastics, the team declares bankruptcy in the face of a slew of civil lawsuits. Did Liberty Insurance—the team's insurer—have a duty to defend those lawsuits and pay expenses incurred in investigation? Or were those expenses excluded under the policy's "wrongful conduct exclusion"? Seventh Circuit: Most of them were covered, but possibly to a limit of $250,000, to be considered on remand. Dissent: The policy excludes claims "in any way related to" an insured's wrongful conduct, which these claims surely are.
  • After Twitter banned former President Donald Trump from its platform, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton served the company with a Civil Investigative Demand (CID), asking the company to produce documents relating to its content moderation decisions. Twitter sues, alleging that the demand is government retaliation for the company's First-Amendment-protected content moderation decisions. Ninth Circuit: Come back when the AG tries to enforce the CID. Until then, even though the CID may chill your speech and the case is constitutionally ripe, the case is not "prudentially" ripe because you have the option of ignoring the CID.
  • After district attorneys from three California counties are denied intervention in a challenge to California's death-penalty procedure (which they seek to defend), a member of the Ninth Circuit sua sponte calls for rehearing en banc. But there aren't enough votes for rehearing, and several members of the Ninth Circuit take issue with that.
  • Allegation: Federal corrections officer in Atwater, Calif. publicly labeled prisoner as a "snitch" and offered a bounty for physical assaults against him. Predictably, the prisoner was soon beaten. This is a new Bivens context, so the case must be dismissed, right? Ninth Circuit (over dissent): Nope. Nothing counsels against a "very modest expansion of the Bivens remedy to this context." The case may continue.
  • Casper, Wyo. officers shoot and kill a man with schizoaffective disorder wielding a sword in public (later revealed to be a prop sword). Tenth Circuit: Which was constitutionally reasonable. Concurrence: Eh, which was maybe not constitutionally reasonable under the circumstances—we really should be looking harder at whether police needlessly escalate in situations like this. But in any case there was definitely no violation of clearly established law.
  • New Mexico political gadfly posts unflattering comments on an Otero County Commissioner's personal Facebook page, leading the commissioner to block him. The aggrieved gadfly sues, alleging unconstitutional retaliation for his exercise of First Amendment rights. Tenth Circuit (unpublished): But the defendants are all entitled to qualified immunity. Previous cases involving official government Facebook pages are not on point, and the one potentially on-point out-of-circuit case isn't enough to clearly establish the law.
  • Here's an Eleventh Circuit case about standing in a marsh, in at least two different senses of that phrase.

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Free Speech

The Case for Preserving New York Times v. Sullivan

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I haven't read this new white paper yet from the Media Law Resource Center (it's about 200 pages long), but it seems quite interesting; here's the Table of Contents [UPDATE: link to paper fixed]:

Preface • iii Floyd Abrams
Introduction and Executive Summary • 1
Chapter 1: A Response to Justice Thomas • 9 Matthew Schafer
Chapter 2: A Response to Justice Gorsuch • 79 Richard Tofel and Jeremy Kutner
Chapter 3: The Empirical Reality of Contemporary Libel Litigation • 97 Michael Norwick
Chapter 4: The Reality of Contemporary Libel Litigation • 139 Ballard Spahr LLP and Davis Wright Tremaine LLP
Chapter 5: English Libel Law and the SPEECH Act: A Comparative Perspective • 169 David Heller and Katharine Larsen
Afterword • 193 Lee Levine

Supreme Court

Do Circuit Courts Have "Supervisory Power" Over District Courts?

An interesting concurrence to one of today's Supreme Court decisions.

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The Supreme Court issued two opinions today (which is odd for a Friday). In one the Court unanimously held that the Foreign Intelligence Services Act does not displace the state secrets privilege. In the other it reinstated the death penalty for Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, by a vote of 6-3.

The Court's lineup in the Tsarnaev case was not unusual -- the conservatives were in the majority and the liberals were in dissent. What was interesting, however, was the concurrence by Justice Barrett, joined by Justice Gorsuch, suggesting a broader potential problem with the circuit court's decision to invalidate Tsarnaev's capital sentence: Circuit courts lack supervisory power over district courts to dictate the latter's procedures.

From Justice Barrett's concurrence:

In this case, the First Circuit asserted "supervisory power" to impose a procedural rule on the District Court. Because that rule (which required a district court to ask media-content questions on request in high-profile prosecutions) conflicts with our cases (which hold that a district court has broad discretion to manage jury selection), I agree with the Court that the First Circuit erred.

I write separately to note my skepticism that the courts of appeals possess such supervisory power in the first place. Article III's grant of "[t]he judicial Power" imbues each federal court with the inherent authority to regulate its own proceedings. . . . This authority permits federal courts to handle a range of matters, big and small, that fall in the gaps of governing statutes and formally adopted procedural rules. . . .But here, the First Circuit did not adopt a rule regulating its own proceedings—it adopted a blanket rule that all district courts in its jurisdiction must follow on pain of reversal.

In fairness to the First Circuit, we have suggested that the courts of appeals possess authority to dictate procedural rules for district courts. . . . Understandably, then, the First Circuit followed our lead. But before we go further down this road, we should reexamine the map. Not only have we failed to identify a source for this supposed authority, it is unclear that any exists.

To be sure, this Court has squarely asserted supervisory power to regulate procedure in lower federal courts. . . . While we have not justified this power either, it has an at least arguable basis: the Constitution's establishment of this Court as "supreme," as distinct from the "inferior Courts" that Congress has discretion to create. Art. III, §1. Much like the grant of "[t]he judicial Power" carries with it inherent authority over local procedure, this Court's designation as "supreme" might carry with it some inherent authority to prescribe procedural rules for inferior federal courts. . . .  In the end, this argument might be unsupported by the Constitution's structure and history. Still, the text of Article III makes it plausible.

Yet whatever the status of this Court's supervisory authority, it is difficult, if not impossible, to find any comparable constitutional hook for such power in the courts of appeals. Nor does any statute grant them this general authority. And while it is tempting to roll supervisory authority into the power of appellate review, the two are analytically distinct. A court engaged in appellate review in this context determines whether a lower court exceeded its inherent authority to make a procedural choice. A court asserting supervisory authority imposes its own procedural choice on the lower court. In other words, supervisory authority is not necessarily a lesser included power of appellate review.

This case does not require us to resolve whether the courts of appeals have supervisory authority over district courts. Either way, the First Circuit erred. At some point in the future, however, it would be worth revisiting our dicta.

Federal Courts professors take note!

One other little tidbit: Justices Kagan and Sotomayor joined Justice Breyer's dissent with the exception of the following paragraph:

I have written elsewhere about the problems inherent in a system that allows for the imposition of the death penalty. See, e.g., id., at 909–938. This case provides just one more example of some of those problems

There will be more opinions Monday.

The Trials of Rasmea Odeh, Part Five -- Did PTSD Make Her Do It?

Defense counsel argued that PTSD caused Rasmea Odeh to provide false answers on her citizenship application, and they found a famous psychologist to back up the claim.

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Thank again to Eugene Volokh for inviting me to blog this week about my book, The Trials of Rasmea Odeh. Part One is here; Part Two is here; Part Three is here; Part Four is here.

Rasmea Odeh's answers on her naturalization application were so obviously false that her first lawyer—William Swor of Detroit—proceeded straight to plea bargaining without filing pretrial motions. Swor was no pushover, having received awards from the Arab American Chamber of Commerce, the ACLU, the National Lawyers Guild, and the Defense Attorneys of Michigan.

Swor negotiated an extremely favorable deal, with no prison time, but Odeh rejected it. After consulting with Deutsch and Fennerty, she opted to raise a political defense—condemning Israel for torture and conspiring with the U.S. government—under the guidance of the leftist lawyers, who entered appearances in the case.

But even a politicized defense had to deal with the falsehoods on the naturalization form.

Fortunately for Odeh, one of the world's foremost authorities on treating torture victims lived in Chicago. Dr. Mary Fabri, had been director of Torture Treatment Services and International Training at the Kovler Center, and had consulted on torture care in Kurdistan, Rwanda, Guatemala, Sri Lanka, and Haiti. She met with Odeh for 18 hours over six sessions, confirming that she suffered from PTSD.

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Immigration

Biden Grants Temporary Protected Status to Ukrainians in the US

It's a step in the right direction. But more can be done to protect Ukrainians fleeing Putin's brutal war.

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Yesterday, the Biden administration granted Temporary Protected Status (TPS) to Ukrainians in the United States. This measure allows Ukrainians who have been in the US since at least March 1 to avoid deportation, and allows them to apply for legal employment. The rationale for the extension of TPS status is, of course, Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine and the resulting threat to civilians caused by Russia's indiscriminate bombing, shelling, and disruption of supply lines.

This measure is a good start, but more needs to be done to protect Ukrainians fleeing Vladimir Putin's indefensible aggression. The TPS status granted by Biden lasts for only 18 months (though it could potentially be renewed at that time).

Moreover, courts have ruled that the president has near-absolute discretion to revoke it at any time. TPS status could potentially be revoked whenever Biden (or a successor) finds it politically convenient to do so - as Donald Trump did with respect to TPS holders from several countries, despite continuing violence and danger there. Such uncertainty makes it difficult for Ukrainians and others covered by the status to start new lives, or to make contributions to our economy at a time when we have serious labor shortages.

In addition, the TPS grant only applies to Ukrainians who arrived on or before March 1. It therefore does not help those who came more recently or will arrive in the future, as the war continues.

If the war in Ukraine continues for a long time, Russia ends up occupying large additional swathes of the country, or some combination of both, Ukrainian TPS holders may not be able to safely return home for a long time, if ever. Thus, Congress would do well to make Ukrainian TPS status indefinite, and abolish - or at least curtail - the president's power to revoke it. It should also extend TPS to Ukrainians entering the US after March 1. By taking these steps, the federal government can simultaneously help Ukrainian refugees and make it easier for them to contribute to US economic growth - a win-win scenario all around.

It's fair to ask why Ukrainian TPS holders should be treated any better than people fleeing similar violence and oppression elsewhere - including those Russians who have no more desire to live under Putin's repressive rule than Ukrainians do. The answer, I think, is that all victims of oppression should be treated equally. I have long argued for eliminating migration restrictions based on morally arbitrary factors like race, ethnicity, parentage and place of birth. In a future post, I will have more to say about the specific issue of Russian migrants.

But the way to achieve fairness here is by treating other migrants better, not by barring Ukrainians. Fix the problem by "leveling up," not "leveling down." In the meantime, we should not allow the best to become the enemy of the good. Even if it isn't politically feasible to have a fully equitable TPS policy, Congress and the White House should do what they can to help Ukrainians.

Ilya Shapiro Is Shouted Down At U.C. Hastings

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In 2018, I was shouted down at the CUNY Law School in New York. I've written at some length about the experience, including a law review article in the First Amendment Law Review. Still, nearly four years later, the experience remains surreal. It is difficult to convey what it feels like when dozens of students are screaming and shouting at you in the most vicious way. In modern discourse, we often speak of the "harm" and "violence" cause by tweets and the like. But I experienced, first hand, personal attacks. Perhaps the one redeeming aspect of the CUNY incident was that I was able to defuse the protest, engage the students in conversation, and ultimately begin a reasoned discussion--albeit not on the topic I intended to speak about.

My good friend and colleague Ilya Shapiro was not so fortunate. On Tuesday, he was slated to speak at the U.C. Hastings Law School about the Supreme Court confirmation process. Ilya has given this talk umpteen times across the country. But this lecture would be different, in light of his ongoing situation at Georgetown. Ilya was shouted down for nearly an hour straight. The students livestreamed the protest on Instagram.

Every time Ilya opened his mouth, dozens students screamed at him and banged the table. He could not get a word out. There was also an element of physicality. Students stood inches away from Ilya, and got in his face. Throughout the process, Ilya stood stoically.

https://twitter.com/njhochman/status/1499079537526775817

Morris Ratner, the academic dean, warned the students that their disruption violated the code of conduct. But he then took no steps to actually enforce the code, and ensure that Ilya could speak. And students yelled at him with profanity.

https://twitter.com/njhochman/status/1499171175393546246

Professor Rory Little, who was invited to comment on Ilya's talk, said on camera that he supported the protest. And, when the camera panned to Little around 44:00, he was banging the table along with a chant.

https://twitter.com/njhochman/status/1499087041417695238

The protestors also hurled bizarrely personal attacks at Ilya. One student said, "When did you start balding? Are you sad that you're balding." I hate to break it to the student, but we all go bald.

Around the 22:00 minute mark, a student shouted out, "Freedom of speech, baby." The context was not clear, but my sense was that she thought the student protest was itself an exercise of the freedom of speech. No. The classroom is not a public forum. Student organizations are permitted to reserve that space for their preferred speakers, who have priority. (Eugene Volokh and Howard Wasserman explain the doctrine). And this disruption was not brief. It lasted the entire duration of Ilya's slotted time. (At my CUNY protest, the now-self-cancelled Dean insisted that my speech was protected because the protest only lasted eight minutes).

Will anything happen to the students? Probably not. The administrators and professors are either deathly afraid of the students, or alternatively, sympathetic to the students. What I do know is that the FedSoc chapter on campus will find it difficult to hold future debates. Throughout the event, the the protestors repeatedly asked the two FedSoc officers to justify their decision to invite Shapiro. The officers were booed and ridiculed. Around the 51:00 mark, a student said "don't let it happen again, because it will be shut down too."

Perhaps the one silver lining of this event is that we can revisit CLS v. Martinez, which arose at U.C. Hastings. So much for an "all-comers" policy. It is clear now that student organizations on campus will be protested and shut down if they invite unpopular speakers. It would be a good test case if a conservative member tried to join the various affinity groups. I strongly that dispute would come out differently with the current Court. And for that victory, we have the students at Hastings to thank.

Free Speech

Samantha Markle v. Meghan Markle Libel Lawsuit Filed

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The Complaint, for those who are interested, is here. The core allegation:

On March 7, 2021, CBS aired a "Primetime Special" — viewed by approximately 50 million people worldwide — featuring Oprah Winfrey interviewing Meghan and Prince Harry. During the interview, in a calculated effort to damage and discredit the Plaintiff and her published autobiography, the Defendant falsely and maliciously stated that: (1) she was "an only child"; (2) she last saw the Plaintiff "at least 18, 19 years ago and before that, 10 years before that"; and (3) Plaintiff only changed her surname to Markle in her early 50s when Meghan started dating Prince Harry….

Defendant intentionally and with actual malice published the following false and defamatory statements with full knowledge of the falsity thereof and with the specific intent to cause substantial harm and damage to Plaintiff's reputation and good name:

[a.] SAMANTHA "dropped out of high school." This is false. In her attempt to discredit SAMANTHA, MEGHAN implies that SAMANTHA is an uneducated, high school dropout. But the truth is that SAMANTHA was seriously injured from a fall from a rope swing, resulting in paralysis on her left side and blindness in one eye at that time, and she was then diagnosed with multiple sclerosis. SAMANTHA missed school due to the paralysis, blindness, and multiple sclerosis diagnosis. SAMANTHA completed high school and has earned two degrees, including a Masters Degree in Mental Health Counseling/Vocational Rehabilitation Counseling.

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Free Speech

Say Opera Houses Announce They "No Longer Engage With Artists That Support Israel,"

given what the opera houses view as Israel's improper control over the West Bank.

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This hypothetical is of course based on the Metropolitan Opera saying "we can no longer engage with artists … that support Putin." Say that the Opera concludes that Israel's control over the West Bank is as bad as Putin's attempt to control Ukraine (and to occupy or annex parts of Ukraine). Therefore, if you publicly support Israel, we will fire you and no longer hire you, at least unless you're willing to publicly condemn Israeli actions.

I should stress that I view the underlying geopolitical actions (Russia's with regard to Ukraine and Israel's with regard to the West Bank and the Palestinians more broadly) as morally very different, but I imagine many view them as similar. (The Boycott Divest Sanction movement against Israel reflects that.) What would you say about the two decisions, the Metropolitan Opera's real one about Putin and the hypothetical one about Israel?

  1. They are similarly right. Arts institutions should refuse to engage with artists who take political positions supporting bad people, governments, and organizations.
  2. They are similarly wrong. Arts institutions shouldn't blacklist people simply because of their political beliefs, even ones that are unpopular and that the institution plausibly thinks are wrong.
  3. They are similarly neutral. Arts institutions should be able to decide whatever they please, both as a matter of law but as a matter of ethics. If they want to cut off ties with people based on those people's political beliefs and statements, fine; if not, fine.
  4. The Met's action is proper but the hypothetical Israel-related one isn't, but only because Putin is in the wrong and Israel is in the right. (That might indeed be many people's view with regard to boycotts of countries and of companies.) Blacklisting people who support bad countries (or people or actions) is good, and blacklisting people who support good countries (or people or actions) is bad.
  5. The Met's action is proper but the hypothetical Israel-related one isn't, but only because Putin is clearly in the wrong while Israel's control over the West Bank are at least something over which reasonable people may disagree. We shouldn't blacklist people who endorse such plausible views, but you should indeed be blacklisted if you support extreme views—you support Putin, you've supported Soviet Communism, you supported Castro or support the Chinese government (wait, where does that fall)?
  6. What a ridiculous hypothetical! The opera house probably has lots of donors who would stop donating if the opera house took what is perceived as an anti-Israel stance,  and surely if the opera house started firing supporters of Israel. But the opera house probably has few donors who would do the same if the opera house stops dealing with Putin supporters. Only fools look for consistency here: Which views will get you fired and which won't is, and should be, just a matter of economic power.

I'd love to hear your views.

Free Speech

Libel Lawsuit Against Black Lives Matter Sacramento Can Go Forward

BLM posted racist e-mails that purported to have come from plaintiff, and added that plaintiff's "INFORMATION HAS BEEN VERIFIED"; but the e-mails had apparently come from an ex-tenant who was impersonating her.

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[1.] Today's decision by Judge Morrison England (E.D. Cal.) in Crowley v. Faison allows a lawsuit against Black Lives Matter Sacramento and codefendants to proceed, based on "BLM's posting of racist emails purportedly sent to BLM" by plaintiff—plaintiff claims, apparently with some evidence, that they were actually sent by someone impersonating her (who was later identified, as a result of a search warrant based on a criminal complaint, as likely to have been plaintiff's ex-tenant). Here's the factual backstory:

On or about April 25, 2021, an email address purportedly assigned to Karra Crowley (crowleykarra64@gmail.com) sent the following email to BLM via its general (info@blacklivesmattersacramento.com) address.

To whom it may concern,

I am sick and tired of hearing about you guys on the news. You guys are nothing but a bunch of domestic terrorists. Crying because you can't have your way about something. Why don't you just give up, your [sic] never going to be able to change the world. EVER!!!! GROW THE FUCK UP. White lives matter!!!!

Karra Crowley
Crowley Properties

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Free Speech

The New Blacklist: "Metropolitan Opera Says It Will Cut Ties with Pro-Putin Artists"

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The New York Times (Javier Hernandez) reported this Sunday:

The Metropolitan Opera said on Sunday that it would no longer engage with performers or other institutions that have voiced support for President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, becoming the latest cultural organization to seek to distance itself from some Russian artists amid Mr. Putin's invasion of Ukraine.

Peter Gelb, the Met's general manager, said that the Met, which has long employed Russians as top singers and has a producing partnership with the Bolshoi Theater in Moscow, had an obligation to show support for the people of Ukraine.

"While we believe strongly in the warm friendship and cultural exchange that has long existed between the artists and artistic institutions of Russia and the United States," Mr. Gelb said in a video statement, "we can no longer engage with artists or institutions that support Putin or are supported by him."

I certainly don't support Putin, but I don't support ideological blacklists, either, whether it's of artists who back Putin, or who back the Chinese government, or who back Trump or Biden or Ocasio-Cortez. Indeed, one problem with these blacklists is that they lead to calls for broader blacklists. (Indeed, what about Chinese performers who, whether out of ideological conviction or misplaced patriotism or fear of reprisal, have spoken out in support of Xi Jinping?)

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Free Speech

University of Milano-Bicocca Suspends Dostoevsky Class, Then Backtracks

Putin's crime, Dostoevsky's punishment. Well, he's dead, maybe the students' and teacher's punishment.

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From Newsweek (Khaleda Rahman):

Italian writer Paolo Nori posted a video on Instagram on Tuesday saying he had received an email from officials at the University of Milano-Bicocca, in Milan, informing him of the decision to postpone his [four-session course on Dostoevsky] following Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

"Dear Professor, the Vice Rector for Didactics has informed me of a decision taken with the rector to postpone the course on Dostoevsky," the email said, according to Nori's video.

"This is to avoid any controversy, especially internally, during a time of strong tensions." …

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