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Supreme Court

SCOTUS Weighs 'Geofence Warrants' and the Future of Digital Privacy

The government wants access to millions of cell phone location histories. The Supreme Court will decide what the Fourth Amendment allows.

Damon Root | 4.28.2026 7:00 AM

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Cell phone surveillance | Credit: Midjourney
(Credit: Midjourney)

Greetings and welcome to the latest edition of the Injustice System newsletter. It was a big day yesterday at the U.S. Supreme Court for Fourth Amendment buffs, as the justices heard nearly two-and-a-half hours of oral arguments in a case that pits digital privacy and the right to be free from unreasonable search and seizure against a cutting-edge technology that can tell law enforcement officials about the unique location histories of millions of cell phone users.

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At issue in Chatrie v. United States is a law enforcement tool known as a "geofence warrant." In this case, the police told Google to search the location histories of every one of its users in order to determine which users were present in the vicinity of a bank robbery.

Adam Unikowsky, the lawyer for Okello Chatrie, whose conviction stemmed from that geofence warrant, told the justices that the government's tactics should be viewed as an illegal "general warrant," the sort of all-compassing search that the Fourth Amendment was originally written to prevent. "There was not probable cause to search the virtual private papers of every single person within the geofence merely because of their proximity to the crime," he argued.

By contrast, Deputy Solicitor General Eric Feigin told the justices that Chatrie's position, if adopted, would result in an "unprecedented transformation of the Fourth Amendment into an impregnable fortress around records of his public movements that he affirmatively consented to allow Google to create, maintain, and use."

Judging by their questions and statements during yesterday's arguments, a number of justices may share the government's concerns about ruling too broadly in Chatrie's favor. For example, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson told Chatrie's lawyer that, "I see you as making maximalist arguments about this that I'm trying to understand if they're necessary to get to the point that you want to go." "Setting aside your general warrant point," Jackson pressed him, why shouldn't the standard be that a presiding judge at the outset simply focuses on whether the initial geofence warrant was reasonable? In other words, why should the Supreme Court make this into a bigger Fourth Amendment dispute than it needs to be?

But the federal government's "maximalist" position also came under plenty of judicial fire. For instance, Chief Justice John Roberts asked the deputy solicitor, "what's to prevent the government from using this [tool] to find out the identities of everybody at a particular church, a particular political organization?"

"I don't think there's any kind of categorical protection around something like a church," Feigin said. That's not exactly what you want to hear from a government lawyer if you happen to care about robust digital privacy rights.

"So you don't think there's any constitutional protection from such organizations to be subject to focused surveillance that would cover everybody in a particular location?" Roberts retorted, with a note of what sounded like disapproval in his voice.

Justice Neil Gorsuch interjected with his own clearly disapproving summary of Feigin's position. In your view, Gorsuch told the deputy solicitor general, "you don't think it's a Fourth Amendment search at all. You don't need a warrant." And if the government wants "to determine everybody who is at a church, or a political rally, or the abortion clinic, or anything else like that, we [the government] can do that as long as we can get Google to comply. Oh, and we might have a few tools besides warrants to get social media companies to comply with governmental requests."

"So I do think that effectively is our answer," Feigin told Gorsuch. Once again, not a pleasant thing to hear from the government if you happen to be a civil libertarian.

The exact outcome of this case is probably too close to predict based on the oral arguments. Hopefully, the Supreme Court will, at the very least, reject the lamentable view that geofence warrants should not count as a search for Fourth Amendment purposes. But we'll have to wait and see about that.

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NEXT: Why the Federal Government Can't Charge Anyone With 'Domestic Terrorism'

Damon Root is a senior editor at Reason and the author of A Glorious Liberty: Frederick Douglass and the Fight for an Antislavery Constitution (Potomac Books). His next book, Emancipation War: The Fall of Slavery and the Coming of the Thirteenth Amendment (Potomac Books), will be published in June 2026.

Supreme CourtConstitutionPrivacyCivil LibertiesTechnologyFourth AmendmentLaw & Government
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  1. Moderation4ever   2 months ago

    I hope that that SCOTUS at least requires a warrant for the use of this data. It is true the data is available and that raises a concern for how the government might use the data for surveillance. With a requirement for a warrant the government would at least have to identify the crime it hopes to solve with the data.

  2. Earth-based Human Skeptic   2 months ago

    What's the difference between trying to limit (prohibit) access to information and trying to limit (prohibit) actions based on information?

    1. MWAocdoc   2 months ago

      Good question. Limiting access is impossible. Limiting actions as a result of unwarranted access can be "undone" by dropping the charges that resulted from the unwarranted access and compensating the victim. And the law enforcement officer perp should be punished for violating the constitutional rights of the suspect.

  3. Rev Arthur L kuckland (5-30-24 banana republic day)   2 months ago

    That's an easy call
    Geofence warrenty are acceptable against the unclean Republicans, but AR super wrong when used against the socialist "peaceful protesters"

    1. Moderation4ever   2 months ago

      So is it common for Republicans to be bank robbers?

  4. SMP0328   2 months ago

    Chief Justice Roberts usually wants a narrow opinion. So, if he gets his way, the Court will rule that even if the Fourth Amendment was violated, the good-faith exception to the Exclusionary Rule applies because the law enforcement reasonably relied on the judge's decision saying they were entitled to the warrant (see United States v. Leon (1984)). Note that this wouldn't say whether the Fourth Amendment was violated in this case, only that the good-faith exception moots that issue.

    1. MWAocdoc   2 months ago

      In practical terms you may be right. But I do not now and never will accept the concept of "good faith" violations of my - or your - constitutional rights, by a judge or by law enforcement officers.

      1. SMP0328   2 months ago

        Actually, the issue is that since 1974 the Exclusionary Rule has been considered only to be a remedy for Fourth Amendment violations when it would deter law enforcement from so violating. Before then, exclusion was seen as automatic with the violation.

        Contrast Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U. S. 643, 656 (1961) with United States v. Calandra, 414 U.S. 338, 348 (1974).

        Mapp described the Exclusionary Rule as "part and parcel of the Fourth Amendment's limitation." This meant the Fourth Amendment required exclusion of evidence obtained in violation of the amendment.

        In Calandra, the Exclusionary Rule is described as "a judicially created remedy designed to safeguard Fourth Amendment rights generally through its deterrent effect." This meant the rule was only something the Supreme Court had invented to help enforce the Fourth Amendment, so the Court was free to decide when it did and did not apply.

        Since Calandra, the Court has made exceptions to the Exclusionary Rule for situations in which the Court determined law enforcement was not at fault for the Fourth Amendment violation.

        At this point, and with this Court, there are no more than three votes to return to the pre-Calandra version of the Exclusionary Rule.

        1. MWAocdoc   2 months ago

          But the harm is already done. Since it's been demonstrated over a long time that once the suspect has been charged, even flimsy evidence after the tainted evidence has been dropped is sufficient to convict with pliant juries. The only real remedy is to drop all charges with prejudice that came after the violation of due process.

    2. Rick James   2 months ago

      What will Justice What Is A Woman decide?

  5. MWAocdoc   2 months ago

    The Jurists' questions cited in this article and the concerns voiced by the author are, in my opinion, missing the mark. Whatever the original purpose of the Fourth Amendment was generally, the specific concern here is, or should be, "probable cause." If you limit this case to that concept narrowly, you can productively eliminate a lot of confusing chaff and still rule against geofence warrants. The question for the Court should be: "Was there, or would there have been, probable cause to suspect Chatrie of having committed the crime in question if you had not rounded up everyone withing a mile of the commission of the crime?"

    If the answer to that question is, "No," then the geofence warrant - in this case and probably generally - was and continues to be unconstitutional invasion of privacy. That renders whether you voluntarily allowed your bank, for example, to have personal information that you don't want to share with others irrelevant; it also renders abuse (identifying church members) vs. proper use (identifying a bank robber) irrelevant. If you already have cause to reasonably suspect that Chatrie committed the crime, then and only then could you get a warrant to search the electronic records for evidence that Chatrie was near the crime.

  6. Rick James   2 months ago

    At issue in Chatrie v. United States is a law enforcement tool known as a "geofence warrant." In this case, the police told Google to search the location histories of every one of its users in order to determine which users were present in the vicinity of a bank robbery.

    *cough* January 6 *cough*

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