The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

The Supreme Court at the 2023 State of the Union

President Biden goes off script on abortion.

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Tonight President Biden gave the State of the Union address. In attendance were Chief Justice Roberts, Justice Kagan, Justice Kavanaugh, Justice Barrett, and Justice Jackson. Justices Kennedy and Breyer were also in attendance. When they entered, there was a standing ovation on both sides of the aisle.

https://twitter.com/witchestruth/status/1623138985642979328

The President's address included only one bit about the Supreme Court. Here were his prepared remarks:

Congress must restore the right the Supreme Court took away last year and codify Roe v. Wade to protect every woman's constitutional right to choose. The Vice President and I are doing everything we can to protect access to reproductive health care and safeguard patient privacy. But already, more than a dozen states are enforcing extreme abortion bans. Make no mistake; if Congress passes a national abortion ban, I will veto it.

But Biden issued a watered-down version of these already-tepid remarks:

Congress must restore the right that was taken away in Roe v. Wade and protect Roe v. Wade [applause] give every woman a [?] right. The Vice President and I are doing everything to protect access to reproduction health care and safeguard patient safety. But already, more than a dozen states are enforcing extreme abortion bans. Make no mistake about it; if Congress passes a national abortion ban, I will veto it.

He didn't say the Supreme Court took away the right. He didn't say Congress should codify Roe v. Wade. And he didn't even clearly say constitutional right to choose. He only threatened to veto a bill that will never get passed. Alas, the camera did not cut to the Justices while Biden delivered these remarks, so there was no reaction shot. Biden did not do a reprise of Obama's 2010 State of the Union.

Biden did make a joke about the Chief Justice providing a court order so he can attend the Super Bowl.

There was zero mention of "Court reform." No mention of his much-vaunted Supreme Court commission. And no mention of his new Supreme Court appointee, Ketanji Brown Jackson. Or as he said it recently, Ketanji Drown Jackson.

At 2:26:30 (on the C-SPAN feed), Biden makes his way back to the Justices. He says "Sorry you guys had to sit through that. I apologize." Justice Kagan laughs out loud and the Chief smiles.

So much for using the bully pulpit to go after the Supreme Court.

Next, Biden asks Justice Breyer "are you doing okay." Breyer says nods his head, "yes." Then Biden walks over to Justice Kennedy, and brings Justice Breyer back into the conversation. He then recounts a lengthy story about Kennedy's nomination to the Supreme Court in 1987. Biden recounted how he recommended then-Judge Kennedy to President Reagan.

On balance, this usually-staid exercise was actually refreshing. It was nice to see Justices Kennedy and Breyer back in their element. And even though we are repeatedly told that the Supreme Court is an existential threat to democracy, Republicans and Democrats alike cheered for the Justices (including two members of the Dobbs majority), and the President joked around with the Chief. Things are not so bad.

Free Speech

Libel Lawsuit (Related to Causing-Suicide Allegations) Between Two Trans Political Commentators,

"Defendant White would go on to accuse Ms. Erlick of sexually abusing and—most importantly, including by Defendant White’s own reckoning—causing the death of the person (Danie) who made the accusation."

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It's Erlick v. White (@EliErlick v. @BlaireWhite), just filed today in S.D.N.Y.:

3. Defendant Blaire White is a notorious YouTuber that promotes farright conspiracy  theories and has traded on the fact that she is transgender to push hatred against other members of the trans community….

10. Ms. Erlick is a trans woman, activist, and graduate student.

11. Defendant White has a history of attacking other trans individuals, recognized by New York Courts. "[S]ince January 2017, White has intermittently created and uploaded episodes of a video series entitled 'Triggering Tr[*]nnies' which features taunts of people who identify as 'trans.'… In this Court's view, all of these comments may be fairly described as 'queer slurs' because they were clearly intended as insults." Straka v. Lesbian Gay Bisexual & Transgender Cmty. Ctr., Inc., 2020 N.Y. Slip Op. 32116 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 2020).

12. In or around August of 2022, Defendant White sent a private, social media message to Ms. Erlick stating her (White's) intention to create one of those a video about Erlick.

13. That message read: "Hey Eli, any statement about the allegations of sexual abuse and/or your admitted plan to illegally give children drugs? I'll be doing a video on this. Thanks!"

14. Ms. Erlick responded in relevant part by providing a link responding, among other things by linking a full response, saying, "I wrote a response years ago before they [e.g. the person who made an accusation of sexual abuse] deleted their accusations."

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Free Speech

First Amendment Protects Right to Livestream Police Stops

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From Sharpe v. Winterville Police Dep't, decided today by Judge Julius Richardson, joined by District Judge Michael Nachmanoff:

This case asks whether a town's alleged policy that bans video livestreaming certain interactions with law enforcement violates the First Amendment…. Defendants have thus far failed to establish that the alleged livestreaming policy is sufficiently grounded in, and tailored to, strong governmental interests to survive First Amendment scrutiny….

[T]he alleged policy restricts … protected speech. Creating and disseminating information is protected speech under the First Amendment. "'[A] major purpose of' the First Amendment 'was to protect the free discussion of governmental affairs.'" … [T]hese principles extend the First Amendment to cover recording—particularly when the information involves matters of public interest like police encounters…. "The act[ ] of … recording videos [is] entitled to First Amendment protection because [it is] an important stage of the speech process that ends with the dissemination of information about a public controversy." … Recording police encounters creates information that contributes to discussion about governmental affairs. So too does livestreaming disseminate that information, often creating its own record. We thus hold that livestreaming a police traffic stop is speech protected by the First Amendment.

But not all regulation of protected speech violates the First Amendment. The burden now flips to Defendants. And the Town's speech regulation only survives First Amendment scrutiny if Defendants demonstrate that: (1) the Town has weighty enough interests at stake; (2) the policy furthers those interest; and (3) the policy is sufficiently tailored to furthering those interests….

The Town purports to justify the policy based on officer safety. According to Defendants, livestreaming a traffic stop endangers officers because viewers can locate the officers and intervene in the encounter. They support this claim by arguing, with help from amici, that violence against police officers has been increasing—including planned violence that uses new technologies. On Defendants' view, banning livestreaming prevents attacks or related disruptions that threaten officer safety.

This officer-safety interest might be enough to sustain the policy. But on this record we cannot yet tell. There is "undoubtedly a strong government interest" in officer safety. And risks to officers are particularly acute during traffic stops. But even though the Town has a strong interest in protecting its officers, Defendants have not done enough to show that this policy furthers or is tailored to that interest. Nor is that gap filled here by common sense or caselaw. So we cannot conclude, at this stage, that the policy survives First Amendment scrutiny….

Judge Paul Niemeyer disagreed in part:

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Judiciary

Should There Be Three-Judge Panels for National Injunctions

A proposal to limit state AG (and other) forum-shopping for national injunctions.

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There is widespread concern that it has become too easy for ideologically motivated plaintiffs--such as state attorneys general of the opposite party of the sitting president--to seek and obtain nationwide injunctions against federal policies they oppose by selecting the right district court in which to file the suit. Thus conservative plaintiffs file suit in single-judge divisions in Texas, while liberal plaintiffs file suit in uniformly liberal divisions in California. Such forum shopping can increase the likelihood of obtaining a favorable judgment and, with increasing frequency over the past decade, an injunction that halts a federal policy nationwide.

One way Congress could address this is by enacting legislation requiring that suits that seek such relief be filed in particular places. Under the Clean Air Act, for example, suits challenging regulations of nationwide scope and application generally must be filed in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, whereas suits against more localized decisions (such as individual permits or state implementation plans) get filed in the relevant district courts.

In a Bloomberg essay, Professor Alan Morrison suggests another potential fix: Requiring suits that seek nationwide injunctive relief against the federal government to go before three-judge panels. This approach is used for some other types of litigation, such as some election-related lawsuits, and used to be required for suits seeking to enjoin federal laws on constitutional grounds. Morrison thinks it might also make sense here.

From Morrison's article:

Eliminating forum shopping at the district court level is a much larger and perhaps unsolvable problem, but Congress can significantly lessen its effects on national injunctions by enacting a statute—providing that no injunction against a federal agency or officer may benefit any person beyond the named plaintiffs unless it is by a three-judge district court, which includes at least one circuit judge.

Under that statute, a plaintiff seeking relief for others would have to include a request for a three-judge court in the complaint, and the district judge to whom such a case was assigned would have no power on their own to issue any form of injunctive relief beyond the named plaintiff.

The statute should also provide that further review of a grant or denial of either a preliminary or permanent national injunction shall be by a writ of certiorari to the Supreme Court, filed within 30 days of the order to be reviewed. . . .

Under the proposed statute, forum shopping would continue, and opponents of actions by the Biden administration would probably file in the Fifth Circuit, just as those who disagreed with the Trump administration often chose the Ninth Circuit.

The biggest change would be that the law would require two judges to issue an injunction that extended beyond the immediate parties.

This statute would also be consistent with many federal laws that provide for direct review of an agency's final rule in the courts of appeals, where a stay can be issued only by at least two members of a three-judge panel.

Details need to be worked out, but the first step is to recognize that the Supreme Court will not and cannot solve this problem. Congress must start addressing it directly, hopefully by enacting mandatory three-judge court legislation for national injunctions.

I am sure there are some non-obvious downsides to this approach, but it seems like a proposal that merits serious consideration.

Campus Free Speech

DEI Inc. v. Academic Freedom

Amna Khalid and Jeffrey Aaron Snyder argue that we should not kid ourselves about the threat university DEI bureaucracies pose to academic freedom, but is there a better way?

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Reflecting on Hamline University's disgraceful decision to fire an adjunct professor for showing a painting of Muhammad in an art history class, Amna Khalid and Jeffrey Aaron Snyder argue in the Chronicle of Higher Education that DEI, as it has become ensconced in many universities (what they call "DEI Inc.) can pose a threat to academic freedom.

What is "DEI Inc" Here is how they describe it:

DEI Inc. is a logic, a lingo, and a set of administrative policies and practices. The logic is as follows: Education is a product, students are consumers, and campus diversity is a customer-service issue that needs to be administered from the top down. ("Chief diversity officers," according to an article in Diversity Officer Magazine,"are best defined as 'change-management specialists.'") DEI Inc. purveys a safety-and-security model of learning that is highly attuned to harm and that conflates respect for minority students with unwavering affirmation and validation.

Lived experience, the intent-impact gap, microaggressions, trigger warnings, inclusive excellence. You know the language of DEI Inc. when you hear it. It's a combination of management-consultant buzzwords, social justice slogans, and "therapy speak." The standard package of DEI Inc. administrative "initiatives" should be familiar too, from antiracism trainings to bias-response teamsand mandatory diversity statements for hiring and promotion.

Note their emphasis on how DEI programs are structured and administered, rather than the purposes such programs ostensibly serve. Khalid and Snyder are not arguing against genuine efforts to diversify college campuses and foster greater inclusion of those from different cultures or backgrounds.

As they discuss, what happened at Hamline is the natural consequence of creating and empowering DEI Inc within a university campus. It's a consequence of the policies and practices, not the end goals.

But lest one think this is a "right-wing" complaint against diversity as a goal, Khalid and Snyder also criticize "anti-woke" efforts from the Right:

The censorship of ideas because students with particular political beliefs might take offense is precisely what's happening across the country with anti-critical-race-theory legislation.The notion of harm is central to these "divisive concepts" laws, which have used Trump's now-revoked 2020 Executive Order 13950 as a template. Among the things prohibited in this EO was that "any individual should feel discomfort, guilt, anguish, or any other form of psychological distress on account of his or her race or sex."That white students could shut down discussions of "white privilege" and "structural inequality" because they make them uncomfortable is a most egregious affront to academic freedom. Laws like Florida's "Stop WOKE Act" underscore that policies oriented around harm-avoidance in the classroom are educational dead ends.

Any agenda, ideology, or institutional assumption that students need to be protected from ideas that may make them uncomfortable is a threat to academic freedom.

As they conclude:

To safeguard high-quality teaching that powerfully and accurately communicates our disciplines and fields, academic freedom must be vigorously defended. Students, DEI administrators and other campus stakeholders should understand that professors have the right to decide what and how to teach based on their academic expertise and their pedagogical goals. They should also know that there is no academic freedom without academic responsibility. Academic freedom is not a license to mouth off or teach whatever material suits our fancy. Moreover, when thorny issues arise pertaining to classroom instruction, we have a responsibility to listen to students' concerns and take them seriously. This does not mean, however, that students should be able to dictate the curriculum.

The Hamline case should serve as a wake-up call for anyone who cares about classroom teaching, critical thinking, and the future of higher education. Some may see this controversy as an exception or an outlier. It's not. It's a bellwether of how DEI Inc. is eroding academic freedom. Let's not forget it took an outpouring of sustained, high-publicity resistance, not to mention a lawsuit, for Hamline to soften its charge of "Islamophobia" against Prater and affirm its commitment to academic freedom.

When institutions proclaim that academic freedom and inclusion coexist in a kind of synergistic harmony, they are trafficking in PR-driven wishful thinking. In the hardest cases, there is no way of upholding an "all are welcome here" brand of inclusion while simultaneously defending academic freedom. Instead, we should turn to the wise words of Hanna Holborn Gray, former president of the University of Chicago: "Education should not be intended to make people comfortable, it is meant to make them think."

Free Speech

Roman Polanski Can't Block IMetPolanski.com Site

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From the WIPO Arbitration & Mediation Center Administrative Panel Decision in Polanski v. Uziel (Arbitrators Brian J. Winterfeldt, Warwick A. Rothnie & Marie-Emmanuelle Haas), decided two weeks ago but just posted on Westlaw:

In 1977, the Complainant [film director] was arrested in the United States and charged with unlawful sex with a minor. The Complainant pleaded guilty, but fled before being sentenced. He remains wanted by the United States criminal justice system.

Since that time a number of women have come forward alleging that the Complainant sexually abused them. The Complainant denies these allegations and says he has never been prosecuted, let alone convicted, in relation to any of these allegations.

A film directed by the Complainant, D'après une histoire vraie had its premiere at the Cannes Film Festival in May 2017. It subsequently featured in three further film festivals in Switzerland, Brazil, and Bulgaria early in October 2017 before its commercial release in Paris, France on October 30, 2017.

The disputed domain name was registered on October 31, 2017. Since at least November 3, 2017, it has resolved to a website. The website is headed 'Silence is the Enemy'. It referred to the (then) recent allegations against Harvey Weinstein and then notes that another 'famously infamous man of the movies is again in the spotlight'. The website then explained that the Complainant appeared on October 30, 2017 at La Cinémathèque Francaise as the guest of honour for the launch of a month long retrospective of his oeuvre.

Initially, the website then stated that two named women had recently come forward to make allegations against him. The text included hyperlinks to press reports of the allegations. This text was shortly after replaced with text linking to the allegations against the Complainant by five or six women.

Then, the website set out some paragraphs including quotes allegedly made by the Complainant. The website then continued: 'We can't bear the thought of another woman's or girl's innocence taken away by him. Age and prison time do not cure pedophilia. Polanski has a long history of rampant sexual abuse.

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Ilhan Omar and Joe Rogan, A Short Play

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Scene 1: One day on Twitter

Glenn Greenwald: Republicans criticizing Rep. Omar for saying Israel has hypnotized the world shows that members of Congress prefer Israel's interests to Americans' right to free speech.

Rep. Omar: It's all about the Benjamins.

Scene 2, later on Twitter<

The crowd: That's antisemitic! You are repeating the classic trope that nefarious Jews buy off domestic political leaders to serve their own interests while being disloyal to their home country.

Rep. Omar: I was talking about AIPAC having too much influence in Congress.

The (media) chorus: She was talking about AIPAC having too much influence in Congress, what's the big deal?

Scene 3: Several years later, on a popular podcast somewhere in America

Rogan: "It's crazy Did you see [Adam Schiff] sitting next to Ilhan Omar, where she's apologizing for talking about it's all about the Benjamins? Which is just about money. She's talking about money. That's not an antisemitic comment, I don't think that is. Benjamins are money. … The idea that Jewish people are not into money is ridiculous. That's like saying Italians aren't into pizza. It's fucking stupid."

Scene 4: later during the same podcast episode

Rogan: You can't criticize Israel without someone calling you antisemitic.

Scene 5

Narrator: Omar was not talking about AIPAC, and Rogan was not criticizing Israel.

THE END.

Are Circuit Court Decisions from Before 1892 Binding On The Circuit Courts of Appeals?

The Evarts Act of 1892 established the modern-day circuit courts of appeals.

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The Judiciary Act of 1891, commonly known as the Evarts Act, restructured the federal judiciary. This law created the now-familiar circuit courts of appeals. At the time, there were nine circuit courts of appeal. Now there are twelve.

Prior to the Evarts Act, there were circuit courts in the states. For example, there was the U.S. Circuit Court for District of Maryland. (This court may seem familiar to those who've read Ex Parte Merryman). And Justice Bushrod Washington decided Corfield v. Coryell while riding circuit on the U.S. Circuit Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

I have a question, for which I cannot find the answer. Would a pre-1892 decision of the U.S. Circuit Court for District of Maryland, which was in the 4th Circuit, have been binding precedent on the U.S. Circuit Court for the Fourth Circuit after 1891?

In a related context, I know that decisions of the "old" Fifth Circuit are binding precedent on the Eleventh Circuit, which broke off from the Fifth Circuit in 1981. But I am not certain about the relationship between the pre-Evarts Act Circuit Courts and post-Evarts Acts Circuit Courts of Appeals.

If you have any insights, please email me. I never check the comments or tweets. (But you all knew that already).

Harassment

Throuple Trouble

Threats of suicide and of disclosing an ex's sexual orientation may count as threats for harassment purposes (for the non-polyamorous as much as for the polyamorous, of course).

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From Diedra T. v. Justina R., decided Friday by the Nebraska Supreme Court, in an opinion by Justice Jeffrey Funke:

Justina and Diedra met in 2015 and became "best friends." Thereafter, Justina, Diedra, and Diedra's husband began having sexual relations. Justina and Diedra agree that they never held themselves out as girlfriends, but disagree as to whether they described the relationship between Justina, Diedra, and Diedra's husband as polyamorous.

On March 30, 2022, Diedra filed a petition and affidavit to obtain a domestic abuse protection order against Justina on behalf of herself and her children. The petition alleged that Diedra ended her sexual relationship with Justina around March 2021 and "completely cut off" and blocked contact with Justina on March 15, 2022. Diedra further alleged that Justina had previously threatened to kill herself if they could not continue their sexual relationship and became "more obsessive" after Diedra ended that relationship. Diedra also alleged that after she cut off contact with Justina, Justina began texting and calling her from various phone numbers, begging Diedra to talk to her and threatening to disclose her relationship with Diedra and Diedra's husband to Diedra's employer and to kill herself. According to Diedra, Justina sent her 150 or more messages per day.

In addition, the petition alleged that Justina came to Diedra's home on March 29, 2022, and refused to leave until police ordered her to depart. Diedra alleged that she showed police her phone, which contained 63 texts, as well as missed calls, from Justina within the past 24 hours. Diedra also alleged that Justina texted and called her 10 more times on March 29 after she left Diedra's home….

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Abortion and the 13th Amendment

Judges cannot take the Supreme Court's silence as a ground to subvert Supreme Court precedent.

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It is easy enough for a District Judge to be all alone in Amarillo or Lubbock. But it is quite difficult for a judge to maroon herself on a deserted island along the Acela corridor. Yet, Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly somehow managed that Crusoan feat.

Judge Kollar-Kotelly is presiding over prosecutions against anti-abortion advocates. And post-Dobbs, the defendants had the temerity to state that "the Constitution does not confer a right to abortion." Bad move to accurately state Supreme Court precedent. Sua sponte, the court ordered briefing on whether "any other provision of the Constitution could confer a right to abortion as an original matter, which may or may not be addressed in Dobbs, such that Dobbs may or may not be the final pronouncement on the issue, leaving an open question." This is the sort of move that an eager law clerk cooks up, but a judge is supposed to veto. Not here.

You see, Dobbs was a 14th Amendment case. But Dobbs did not address the 13th Amendment. The majority opinion did not answer whether a restriction on abortion amounts to "involuntary servitude." Thus, this issue was left open! Apparently, Justice Alito hid an invisible elephant in a non-existent mousehole.

Judge Kollar-Kotelly explained:

Mindful that that this Court is bound by holdings, and in consideration of the Supreme Court's longstanding admonition against overapplying its own precedent, it is entirely possible that the Court might have held in Dobbs that some other provision of the Constitution provided a right to access reproductive services had that issue been raised. However, it was not raised.

I suppose anything is possible. Maybe Justice Thomas penned a secret concurrence about the Thirteenth Amendment, and spiked it. (Josh Gerstein, go find it!) But this analysis is not how lower court judges are supposed to treat Supreme Court precedent. Consider an easy example. Imagine if a district court judge, pre-Dobbs requested supplemental briefing on whether the Preamble to the Constitution protects a right to fetal personhood. After all, it "secure[s] the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity." Nothing in the text says Posterity has to be born. And neither Roe nor Casey squarely addressed this issue. How would that sort of order fly from Victoria or Wichita Falls?

Judge Kollar-Kotelly framed her order in terms of minimalism, but she is inviting the parties to put forward arguments that could overturn Supreme Court precedent. And to what end? This constitutional issue has almost no bearing on the case. The judge is simply riffing on an accurate statement from a defendant's brief. Are we really going to get an entire constitutional exegesis on involuntary servitude in a dictum?

If the Thirteenth Amendment actually protected a right to abortion, then Dobbs must be overruled. And why stop there? What about the Free Exercise Clause and RFRA? Those issues are being litigated, and were not settled by Dobbs. Hell, everyone forgets about the Ninth Amendment? That provision was actually cited in Roe, and I don't think Justice Alito affirmatively rejected those pearls of wisdom from Justice Blackmun. Another invisible elephant!

I think there is some room for lower-court judges to decline to extend Supreme Court precedent to new contexts, but judges cannot take the Supreme Court's silence as a ground to subvert Supreme Court precedent.

For decades, conservative lower-court judges dutifully, and begrudgingly, followed Roe and Casey. Do not forget that Judge Ho joined the Fifth Circuit opinion that ruled in favor of Jackson Women's Health Organization. But what we are seeing here is massive resistance to Dobbs, much like we are seeing massive resistance to Bruen, and will soon see massive resistance to Students for Fair Admission. Judges do not like these rulings, so they will be read as narrowly as humanly possible, to maintain the pre-2022 status quo.

For those curious, the district court judges in Texas have an almost-perfect affirmance rate at the Fifth Circuit. Me thinks that not even the Reidified D.C. Circuit would affirm an order finding that the Thirteenth Amendment protects a right to abortion. And if this case slips upstairs, that's a GVR.

Phony cybersecurity regulation

Episode 441 of the Cyberlaw Podcast

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This episode of the Cyberlaw Podcast is dominated by stories about possible cybersecurity regulation. David Kris points us first to an article by the leaders of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Administration (CISA) in Foreign Affairs. Jen Easterly and Eric Goldstein seem to take a tough line on "Why Companies Must Build Safety Into Tech Products." But for all the tough language, one word, "regulation," is entirely missing from the piece. Meanwhile, the cybersecurity strategy that the White House has reportedly been drafting for months seems to be hung up over how enthusiastically to demand regulation.

All of which seems just a little weird in a world where Republicans hold the House. Regulation is not likely to be high on the GOP to-do list, so calls for tougher regulation are almost certainly more symbolic than real.

Still, this is apparently the week for symbolic calls for regulation. David also takes us through an National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) report on the anticompetitive impact of Apple's and Google's control of mobile app markets. The report points to many problems and opportunities for abuse inherent in the two companies' headlock on what apps can be sold to phone users. But, as Google and Apple are quick to point out, the stores do play a role in regulating app security, so breaking the headlock could be bad for cybersecurity. In any event, practically every recommendation for action in the report is a call for Congress to step in – and thus almost certainly a nonstarter for reasons already given.

Not to be outdone on the phony regulation beat, Jordan Schneider and Sultan Meghji explore some of the policy and regulatory proposals for AI that have been inspired by the success of ChatGPT. The EU's AI Act is coming in for lots of attention, mainly from parts of the industry that want to be exempted. Sultan and I trade observations about who'll be hollowed out first by ChatGPT, law firms or investment firms.

In other news, Sultan also tells us why the ION ransomware hack matters. Jordan and Sultan find a cybersecurity angle to The Great Chinese Balloon Scandal of 2023. And I offer an assessment of Matt Taibbi's story about the Hamilton 68 "Russian influence" reports. If you have wondered what the fuss was about, do not expect mainstream media to tell you; the media does not come out looking good in this story. Unfortunately for Matt Taibbi, he doesn't look much better than the reporters his story criticizes. David thinks it's a balanced and moderate take on the story, for which I offer an apology and a promise to do better next time.

You can subscribe to The Cyberlaw Podcast using iTunes, Google Play, Spotify, Pocket Casts, or our RSS feed. As always, The Cyberlaw Podcast is open to feedback. Be sure to engage with @stewartbaker on Twitter. Send your questions, comments, and suggestions for topics or interviewees to CyberlawPodcast@steptoe.com. Remember: If your suggested guest appears on the show, we will send you a highly coveted Cyberlaw Podcast mug! The views expressed in this podcast are those of the speakers and do not reflect the opinions of their institutions, clients, friends, families, or pets.

Free Speech

England Condemns Lawless Executive Power in Moscow

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From Rench v. City of Moscow, decided last week by Judge Morrison England (D. Idaho):

Plaintiffs Gabriel Rench, Sean Bohnet, and Rachel Bohnet … initiated this action against Defendants City of Moscow …, a political subdivision of the State of Idaho [and Moscow officials] … for constitutional injuries purportedly sustained when Plaintiffs participated in a September 2020 protest and religious gathering….

On March 20, 2020, during the initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Moscow City Council approved an "Emergency Powers Ordinance," … granting the mayor the authority to enact emergency public health orders to combat the spread of the virus. That Ordinance, however, specifically excluded the following:

Unless otherwise specifically prohibited by a Public Health Emergency Order duly enacted by the Mayor, the following activities shall be exempt from the scope of such order: 1. Any and all expressive and associative activity that is protected by the United States and Idaho Constitutions, including speech, press, assembly, and/or religious activity.

On July 1, 2020, pursuant to the Ordinance, the mayor enacted Amended Public Health Emergency Order No. 20-03 …. The Order provided, in pertinent part, that "[e]very person in the city of Moscow" must either: (1) "wear a face covering that covers their nose and mouth when in any indoor or outdoor public setting where the 6-foot physical distancing is not able to be maintained with non-household members"; or (2) "when in places that are open to the public, shall maintain 6-foot physical distancing from a non-household member, whenever possible." Violation of the Order was a misdemeanor.

When the Order was enacted, the City believed that it applied to religious or expressive activities or, more generally, to every person in the City engaged in all activities in a public setting. Somehow, every single City official involved overlooked the exclusionary language included in the Ordinance requiring that the mayor make explicit that the Order was intended apply to all constitutionally protected expressive and associative activity as well.

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Free Speech

Prof. Franciska Coleman (Wisconsin) on "The Anatomy of Cancel Culture," Now at the Journal of Free Speech Law

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From the Abstract; read the whole article here:

In this paper, I undertake a qualitative exploration of how social regulation of speech works in practice on university campuses, and of the extent to which social regulation in practice affirms or undermines the stereotypes and caricatures that characterize the cancel-culture wars.

I first summarize the two narratives that anchor public debates over the social regulation of speech—consequence culture and cancel culture. I then describe the social regulation of speech and its five phases: dissemination, accusation, pillory, sanction and direct action.

I explain how these five phases were reflected in the speech events under study and the extent to which their real-world features challenge or support the cancel-culture and consequence-culture narratives. I end by suggesting further research on the implications of this phases framework for efforts to balance universities' dual commitments to free speech and inclusive community on their campuses.

Free Speech

School District Consents to Protecting Citizens' Rights to Read from School Library Books at Board Meetings

"The Court permanently enjoins the District ... from ... prohibit[ing] ... speakers ... from reading or quoting verbatim from the text of any book or written works available in any FCS library or classroom, while addressing the school board during the public-comment period at school board meetings."

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From the Jan. 30 Consent Judgment in Mama Bears of Forsyth County v. McCall (N.D. Ga.):

As part of the Parties' settlement of this matter, … the Court[s] enter the following order, which the Court finds appropriate and consistent with the Court's prior order issuing a preliminary injunction[:] …

[a.] The Court permanently enjoins the District … from enforcing any current or future FCS public participation policy to prohibit … any … speakers entitled to speak at an FCS school board meeting … from reading or quoting verbatim from the text of any book or written works available in any FCS library or classroom, while addressing the school board during the public-comment period at school board meetings.

[b.] Plaintiffs are each awarded nominal damages in the amount of $17.91 [plus costs and fees to be calculated later] ….

The $17.91 in nominal damages seems to be a little bit of symbolism offered by plaintiffs' lawyers, Institute for Free Speech, in this case and in others. Congratulations to Endel Rohe Kolde (Institute for Free Speech) and Erika Birg (Nelson Mullins Riley & Scarborough).

Kelo

My New Video on Kelo v. City of New London

The video is part of the Federalist Society's series on important Supreme Court decisions.

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Susette Kelo's famous "little pink house," which became a nationally known symbol of the case that bears her name.

 

The Federalist Society recently posted a video I made for them about the Supreme Court's controversial ruling in Kelo v. City of New London (2005). In Kelo, a narrow 5-4 majority ruled that private "economic development" qualifies as a"public use" allowing the government to use eminent domain to seize private property and transfer it to a new private owner, under the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment. In the video, I briefly describe the background of the case, the majority's rationale for its decision, and why that rationale had serious flaws from the standpoints of both originalism and living constitutionalism. I also summarize the widespread judicial and political backlash against the court's ruling.

I go over these issues in much greater detail in my book The Grasping Hand: Kelo v. City of New London and the Limits of Eminent Domain. The debate over Kelo and public use continues to this day. Several Supreme Court justices have expressed interest in revisiting the case and perhaps overruling it.

In his 2019 memoir, the late Justice John Paul Stevens expanded on his earlier admission that his majority opinion included a serious misreading of precedent (though he continued to believe that the Court got the bottom-line result right). There aren't many prominent Supreme Court decisions where the author of the majority opinion later conceded that it was partly base on an "embarrassing to acknowledge" error.

I hope the video will serve as a useful introduction to Kelo and the still-ongoing debate over eminent domain and public use.

A Series of Unfortunate Travel Events

Yet I still made it to my destination.

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Today I had an unusually large number of travel glitches. Yet, much to my astonishment, I still made it to my destination.

  1. My inbound flight was delayed about 40 minutes. No big deal for a Sunday evening flight.
  2. After we boarded--approximately one hour late--the flight attendant announced that we need to switch to a new plane due to technical problems. A bigger deal, as switching hardware always creates more delays.
  3. We had to wait for the new plane to land, taxi, deplane, and be cleaned, which took about 45 minutes.
  4. Shortly before we were set to push back, the pilot announced that he was going to "time out." (The FAA limits the number of "duty hours" a pilot can fly in a given day.) The pilot said he pleaded to push out early so he wouldn't exceed his hours. But no luck. I was certain they would cancel the flight. But much to my surprise, the pilot announced that there was a "Standby" pilot on duty at the airport, who could take over the flight. About 30 minutes later, the new pilot comes on board. Ultimately, we finally took off about 2.5 hours late. Kudos to United for having enough flexibility in hardware (a new plane) and staffing (a standby pilot) to avoid cancelling the flight.
  5. While in the air, I received an e-mail from Avis--they couldn't hold my reserved car for more than two hours, so the reservation was closed. Now I would have to go to the rental desk when I landed, rather than go to my reserved spot number. And there is no guarantee anyone would actually be at the desk after 1 AM. Avis may have even sold out of cars! Fortunately, there was still a manager on duty, and I promptly received a car. However, Avis should not have cancelled the reservation. I included my flight number on the record, and Avis should have been able to track that my flight was delayed.
  6. I drive to the hotel, and one last glitch for the night. The Marriott reservation system was down. Bonvoyed! There were about 5 people in the lobby, milling around. Curiously, four of them were on my flight--one of them was my seatmate! Eventually, the system comes back online. I make it to my room at 2:30 a.m.

I am shocked, shocked, that despite all of these glitches, I actually made it to my destination, there was a car available, and I got into my room. So many things went wrong, and I was certain I would spend the night back home in Houston. My advice: never panic, stay calm, and realize no trip has to be taken.

In any event, two talks tomorrow, err today. Stay tuned!

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