The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

"You Are Not the Selection Committee. You Are the Welcoming Committee."

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A nice line for prospective parents-in-law, from Abigail Shrier (crediting a friend of hers) in her Free Press advice column.

One more item from the same column—the person seeking advice, about what to do about her 22-year-old daughter's prospective impending marriage, included this in her question:

[G]iven that these two are facing certain separation for a couple years, I feel like her fiancé proposed in order to tie her down. To take her off the market.

Shrier's response:

The only reason any good man ever proposes to a woman is because he wants to "tie her down" and "take her off the market." There is nothing sinister in this—and in fact, much to celebrate.

Academia

George Mason University Scalia Law School Dean Search

Your chance to apply to be a law school dean!

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Do you want to be the next dean of Antonin Scalia Law School at George Mason University, and (sort of!) my boss? Well, now's your chance to apply! You can lead the law school with more Volokh Conspiracy bloggers than any other. See this link for information about the position, and how to apply.

The search committee asked me to put up this post, which I am happy to do. But I am not a member of the committee, myself. So interested applicants should send their queries and and applications to the committee, at the link above, not to me.

Property Rights

Brennan Center Symposium on "2025's Most Significant State Constitutional Cases"

Contributors include Eugene Volokh and myself, among many others.

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Today, the Brennan Center State Court Report published its symposium on "2025's Most Significant State Constitutional Cases." Contributors include  Erwin Chemerinsky, Miriam Sefter, former Ohio Supreme Court Chief Justice Maureen O'Connor, former Texas Supreme Court Chief Justice Nathan Hecht, Anthony Sanders (Institute for Justice), the Volokh Conspiracy's own Eugene Volokh, and myself, among others. Here is an excerpt from my contribution:

In Norfolk Southern Railway Company v. State Corporation Commission, the Virginia Supreme Court held that a law authorizing broadband service providers to take property to install fiber optic cables across railroad-owned land violated the state constitutional requirement that eminent domain can only be used for a "public use" and that a taking for a private entity does not qualify unless it is "for the authorized provision of utility, common carrier, or railroad services…."

The case is significant because it addresses one of the constitutional amendments enacted in multiple states in the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court's controversial 2005 ruling in Kelo v. City of New London, which held that private "economic development" is enough to satisfy the public use requirement of the Fifth Amendment. These post-Kelo reforms — or state court interpretations of preexisting constitutional provisions — have frequently provided stronger protections against abusive takings than the U.S. Supreme Court was willing to enforce under Kelo. The post-Kelo experience provides a potential model for other state constitutional litigation and reform efforts on property rights issues, most notably exclusionary zoning. But such state-level initiatives are not a fully adequate substitute for strong enforcement of federal constitutional protections in these areas.

Eugene's piece addresses North Carolina Bar and Tavern Association v. Stein, an important economic liberties case.

Free Speech

>$230K #TheyLied Judgment Affirmed in Defamation Case Based on Sexual Assault/Harassment Allegations

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Couteller v. Mamakos, decided yesterday by the N.Y. intermediate appellate court, affirmed a default judgment in favor of a defamation plaintiff (for more on the case, see this post about the initial trial decision):

The court providently exercised its discretion by striking defendant's answer based on her "failure to comply with court orders, in the absence of adequate excuses," which permits an inference of willful and contumacious behavior. The record reflects that defendant failed to attend a status conference, did not meet discovery deadlines, and neglected to communicate with counsel, culminating in counsel's application to be relieved. Defendant failed to take any action in this case for over a year, despite the court's instruction to either retain new counsel or notify the court of her intention to proceed pro se. Defendant failed to appear at a scheduled conference notwithstanding the court's warning that a failure to appear would result in sanctions…. Defendant's willingness to permit this case to "linger for years without resolution," caused prejudice to plaintiff and impaired "the efficient functioning of the courts." …

The sole excuse defendant offered was that she did not timely receive the order which directed her to appear because it was sent to the wrong address. However, the record reflects that, about a month before the conference, defendant's former attorney sent the order via certified mail to the same address defendant provided on her motion to vacate. "A demonstrably false excuse will not justify the vacatur of a default."

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Politics

Kai the Hatchet-Wielding Hitchhiker Loses Yet Another Defamation Lawsuit

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From McGillvary v. Grande, decided Tuesday by Judge Jennifer Hall (D. Del.):

In February 2013, pro se Plaintiff Caleb L. McGillvary rose to internet fame as the "Kai the Hatchet-Wielding Hitchhiker," after he stopped an attacker who had crashed a car into pedestrians. Later that year, Plaintiff was convicted of first-degree murder in an unrelated incident, and he is currently serving a 57-year sentence in New Jersey state prison. In 2021, Defendant Todd Grande published a video on his YouTube channel in which he discussed Plaintiff's personal history and purported to analyze his personality.

Plaintiff sued for libel, but the court dismissed the claim:

For one thing, most of the statements in the video are opinions and characterizations, not assertions of fact, and are therefore incapable of defamatory meaning under Delaware law. Second, even if some statements were capable of being defamatory, the facts alleged in the amended complaint do not plausibly suggest that they could have lowered Plaintiff in the estimation of the community or deterred third persons from associating or dealing with Plaintiff. See McGillvary v. Netflix, Inc. (C.D. Cal. 2024) (holding that allegation that McGillvary engaged in public urination did not have a tendency to injure his reputation because "McGillvary already has a reputation for public urination given two other public urination incidents"). Finally, given Plaintiff's status as a limited-purpose public figure—having given interviews to a news program and a late-night talk show—the complaint fails to state a defamation claim because it fails to plausibly plead facts suggesting actual malice.

The court also dismissed the disclosure of private facts (invasion of privacy) claim:

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Sinking And Floating Liquidation

Continuing the debate over liquidation from Bruen to Slaughter.

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Much of the debate about the removal power focuses on practice after the Constitution was adopted. Of course, there is the so-called Decision of 1789. There is also the Decision of 1790, which created the Sinking Fund Commission. However, in the immediate years after the framing, the Decision of 1789 seemed to take hold. Fast-forward one hundred years, and there was the Decision of 1887, which created the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC). As the Progressive Era unfolded, Congress began to create more multi-member commissions with removal protections. Myers v. United States found that the President had the absolute power to remove a single executive branch officer, but Humphrey's Executor upheld tenure protections for FTC commissioners.

How should a court make sense of these competing traditions? For the first century, after ratification the Decision of 1789 seemed to suggest the President's removal power could not be restricted. For the second century after ratification, the Decision of 1887 seemed to suggest that the President's removal power could be restricted. But in the past two decades, the 1887 settlement has been eroded, and we are moving closer to the Decision of 1789.

During oral argument in Slaughter v. Trump, Justice Barrett offered a careful consideration of this chronology.

Barrett acknowledged that recent historical work "shows that independent agencies has a longer pedigree than maybe some thought originally." But she maintained that the Sinking Fund Commission did not really establish a precedent for statutory removal restrictions. It was true that the Vice President and Chief Justice were appointed to the Commission by statute, and the President could not remove them. But the President could remove the other three members of the commission: the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Attorney General. Thus, the President could control a majority of the Commission. And in reality, Washington likely expected Alexander Hamilton to make all of the important decisions. Indeed that is exactly what would happen, so Washington had no need to fire anyone. Moreover, the Sinking Fund Commission, as well as the Revolutionary War Debt Commission, had "very, very limited authority."

Justice Barrett asked Amit Argawal, counsel for Slaughter, to "assume, that I disagree with you about the history." When Justice Barrett asks counsel to "assume" something, you know what she believes. Rather, Barrett said, the first "statutory removal restriction, like the inefficiency, neglect, malfeasance [standard] appeared in the 1887 with the ICC."

Justice Barrett then turned to the topic of liquidation:

But let's say that I think the liquidation argument throughout the 19th century shows that, by the time of the end of the 19th century, up until you get to the ICC, and the emergence of what starts to look like the more modern independent agency, that the government has the better of the argument. 

But let's say that in 1887 after the ICC and then after the FTC and then after Humphrey's when there was more the explosion of independent agencies, that --let's just assume, again for this purpose, that at that point, yes, you do have precedents like Humphrey's. Humphrey's clearly is --is, you know, a good case for you. Do you still lose? If I say as of 1887, it was liquidated, it was settled, but then we did have cases and congressional practices that veered from that unbroken law. . . .

But, counsel, if it had the first --I mean, in --in the --the assumptions that I've asked you to make, it was liquidated as of 1887. So you think liquidation can kind of get a new restart, like kick-start in 1887?

In short can a liquidated practice become unliquidated? Or to use the imagery of the day, can liquidation sink and later float?

Here, I think a useful precedent to consider is Bruen. Leading up to the Reconstruction Era, the notion of an individual right to keep and bear arms had crystalized. And even if there was not a strong enough case based on original meaning, that right had been liquidated through practice. However, after Reconstruction, that settlement was altered. Jim Crow regimes enacted discriminatory gun control laws. Territories in the Wild West enacted gun free zones. And by the start of the twentieth century, governments enacted handgun carry bans. Indeed, the Sullivan Law from New York was on the books for more than a century by the time Bruen was decided.

In Bruen, Justice Thomas dismissed the relevance of the Jim Crow laws, as well as the laws from the Wild West. But there is some resemblance between the chronology of the Second Amendment and the chronology that Justice Barrett described in Slaughter. The line can be drawn roughly before and after the Progressive Era---when so much of the Constitution was damaged. Was the Second Amendment a case of liquidation followed by unliquidation? Did a liquidated right to bear arms float before the Civil War and sink after the Civil War? And how should courts consider these competing streams of authority?

In Bruen, Justice Barrett expressed concerns about liquidation in her concurrence:

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Politics

Happy Saturnalia

Another year of the the Volokh Conspiracy tradition of marking the occasion of this ancient Roman holiday.

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Today is Saturnalia, an ancient Roman holiday with a long tradition here at the Volokh Conspiracy. Admittedly, it's tradition only in so far as I have put up a post about it almost every December 17 since 2006. But, by internet standards, that's a truly ancient tradition, indeed!

The Encyclopedia Romana has a helpful description of Saturnalia:

During the holiday, restrictions were relaxed and the social order inverted. Gambling was allowed in public. Slaves were permitted to use dice and did not have to work. . . Within the family, a Lord of Misrule was chosen. Slaves were treated as equals, allowed to wear their masters' clothing, and be waited on at meal time in remembrance of an earlier golden age thought to have been ushered in by the god. In the Saturnalia, Lucian relates that "During My week the serious is barred; no business allowed. Drinking, noise and games and dice, appointing of kings and feasting of slaves, singing naked, clapping of frenzied hands, an occasional ducking of corked faces in icy water—such are the functions over which I preside."

As in most years, we have no shortage of strong candidates for the position of Lord of Misrule. But the current occupant of the White House has a particularly compelling claim to the title.

Happy Saturnalia to all the friends, Romans, and Volokh Conspiracy readers out there!

NOTE: Most of this post is adopted from previous Saturnalia posts.

China

Trump's Attempt to Deport Chinese Dissident Guan Heng is Part of an Awful Pattern

The administration has sought to deport numerous dissenters back to their oppressors.

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Guan Heng pictured on a background with images about immigration and detainment camps
Guan Heng. (Illustration: Adani Samat Photo: guanguanofficial/Youtube)

 

The Trump Administration's effort to deport Chinese dissident Guan Heng has rightly drawn widespread outrage and condemnation. Guan is a hero for his exposure of the Chinese government's oppression and persecution of the Uyghur minority, and he faces near-certain imprisonment or death if he is deported to China, or to Uganda (a Chinese-aligned state to which the Trump administration may be trying to send him). Legally, he has an rock-solid case for asylum.

Sadly, the effort to deport Guan is part of a broader pattern of Trump administration efforts to deport dissidents and victims of persecution back to the regimes that oppress them. These policies now include deporting Russian dissidents back to Vladimir Putin's brutal dictatorship, refugees who fled oppression in Cuba and Venezuela, Iranian Christians who fled persecution by that country's radical Islamist regime, and Afghans who fled the Taliban (including many who aided the US during the war). Such policies are obviously cruel and unjust. They are also strategically counterproductive.

A policy that essentially aids anti-American regimes in their persecution of dissidents undermines our position in the international war of ideas between these governments' ideologies and ours, and deters future would-be dissidents and allies from working against those governments or aiding us. This isn't making America Great Again. It's making us simultaneously evil and stupid.

Jewish Plaintiffs in Establishment Clause Cases

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I was doing some research on Establishment Clause cases, and noticed the plaintiffs in several leading cases were Jewish. I'm sure I'm missing others.

In Braunfeld v. Brown (1961), Abraham Braunfeld and the other plaintiffs were "member[s] of the Orthodox Jewish faith, which requires the closing of their places of business and a total abstention from all manner of work from nightfall each Friday until nightfall each Saturday."

In Engel v. Vitale (1962), Steven Engel was described as a "devout Reform Jew."

In Flast v. Cohen (1968), the lead plaintiff was Florence Flast. Several sources indicated he was Jewish, but nothing definitive. The other plaintiffs were Albert Shanker, Helen D. Henkin, Frank Abrams, C. Irving Dwork, Florine Levin. I would surmise that at least some of these plaintiffs were Jewish as well. Cohen, the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, was Jewish.

In Lee v. Weisman (1992), student Deborah Weisman was Jewish, and objected to a graduation message delivered by Rabbi Leslie Gutterman, of Temple Beth El in Providence.

In Elk Grove Unified School District v. Newdow (2004), Michael Newdow's mother was "Jewish but secular."

In Town of Greece v. Galloway (2014), Susan Galloway was Jewish.

In Lemon v. Kurtzman (1971), Alton Lemon, the lead plaintiff was not Jewish, but the respondent, David Kurtzman, the Superintendent of Public Instruction, was Jewish.

Update: I found a detailed article that provides a somewhat critical analysis of Jews and the Establishment Clause. Here is a snippet:

Pfeffer and the leading Jewish organizations were gratified by the decisions in McCollum, Torcaso, Engel, and Schempp. These decisions did much more than change the law. They theoretically redefined, in educational institutions throughout America, the place of Christian values and traditions in American culture. Gregg Ivers describes the Engel and Schempp decisions "as the moral equivalent of a dagger through the heart of the traditional Christian values so long embodied in the American civic and religious cultural milieu."268 The alienation and discomfort that Jews had felt on American soil since 1654 were now officially redeemed. The time had come for the nation to journey on a new, secular expressway.

Not all Jews greeted these Court decisions with a spirit of triumph. One Jewish resident of Los Angeles sent Pfeffer the following message: "I feel that because of you and your ilk, in all the civilized nations of the world the most despised, spat upon, hated and shunned person is the Jew."269 Another warned him: "You are getting we [sic] the Jews in a terrible mess, keep it up and we shall all again be persecuted."270 A Christian responded in a similar fashion: "Your motives seem small, petty and personal."271

L. Scott Smith, The Secularization of America's Public Culture: Jews and the Establishment Clause, 32 U. La Verne L. Rev. 257, 293 (2011)

Free Speech

Free Speech Unmuted: Does the First Amendment Protect Supposedly "Addictive" Algorithms?, with Matthew Lawrence

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Can the government regulate social media features because they are "addictive"? Jane Bambauer and I talk with Emory Law professor Matthew Lawrence about whether features like infinite scroll, personalized feeds, "near-miss" reward patterns, and dopamine-driven engagement tactics are comparable to gambling or even drug addiction—and whether that means the government can step in. The conversation digs into current lawsuits, whether there's a constitutionally significant difference between content and design, how addiction is defined in law and neuroscience, and what First Amendment limits exist when regulating digital platforms. A smart, fast-moving discussion for anyone curious about the future of free speech, tech regulation, and the psychology behind our screens.

Our past episodes:

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Search and Seizure

Suspicion That Man Fiddling with Phone Might Be "Filming School Children" Doesn't Justify Detention by Police

"To hold otherwise would allow police officers to demand identification from anyone near a school while using a smartphone—parents taking first-day-of-school videos, a grandparent trying to pull up directions while in the school drop-off line, or dog walkers holding their phone near their chest."

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From Judge Daniel Crabtree's opinion yesterday in Alea v. Ptacek (D. Kan.):

Plaintiff Galicano Alea was walking his dog on a sidewalk adjacent to a public middle school. He was fiddling with his phone to adjust his music selection. But to defendant Julian Garcia, a police officer, it appeared that plaintiff was filming school children. So, he detained plaintiff and demanded identification. Plaintiff refused. Officer Garcia eventually released plaintiff, who continued his walk. Still on school property, plaintiff then encountered a second officer, defendant Scott Ptacek. Officer Ptacek detained plaintiff and demanded identification. When plaintiff refused, Officer Ptacek arrested him for interference with a law enforcement officer. Six months later, prosecuting authorities dismissed all charges against plaintiff. Plaintiff now has sued the officers for violating his Fourth Amendment rights….

Though plaintiff's conduct arguably appeared creepy, Officer Garcia, lacking reasonable suspicion, lacked a lawful basis for the detention. And Officer Ptacek lacked a lawful basis to arrest plaintiff for refusing identification. To hold otherwise would allow police officers to demand identification from anyone near a school while using a smartphone—parents taking first-day-of-school videos, a grandparent trying to pull up directions while in the school drop-off line, or dog walkers holding their phone near their chest….

[D]efendants offer just one crime to support their reasonable-suspicion position: reckless stalking as defined by Kan. Stat. Ann. § 21-5427(a)(1) …:

Recklessly engaging in a course of conduct targeted at a specific person which would cause a reasonable person in the circumstances of the targeted person to fear for such person's safety, or the safety of a member of such person's immediate family and the targeted person is actually placed in such fear[.]

Defendants identify three factors they contend supported reasonable suspicion: the weekend reports about someone photographing children at pools and parks; plaintiff walking near the school during drop-off hours; and plaintiff ostensibly filming children. The court considers each fact, in turn, below, then considers all three of them together….

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Evidence

Self-Represented Litigants Can't Be Denied Right to Object to Witness Testimony

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From Beslow v. Jason, decided yesterday by the Virginia Court of Appeals by Judge Daniel Ortiz, joined by Judges Randolph Beales and Vernida Chaney; the underlying dispute was whether to let a stepmother adopt her husband's child, over the other mother's objection:

At trial, both parties testified to their fitness as parents and the interests of the child. On direct examination, the Beslows [the stepmother] asked Jason [the mother] about her relationship with the child. The Beslows objected when Jason testified that the child said the Beslows would not let her talk to Jason anymore.

The trial court overruled the objection because Jason was answering the Beslows' question, then prohibited the Beslows from making objections as non-attorneys. Jason then explained that she was opposed to the petition for adoption, alleging Shamila was abusive. The Beslows again objected to Jason's testimony as hearsay. The trial court overruled the objection, and reminded the Beslows, "I told you a little while ago that because you're not counsel you're not able to object to evidence." Jason later introduced into evidence pictures of herself and the child, a call log showing calls she made to Vernon's cell phone for her weekly telephone visitation, whether the calls were answered or missed, and text messages the child sent her.

The guardian ad litem noted that the child had been successful at school and enjoyed living with the Beslows. The Beslows enrolled the child in multiple activities and tried to help the child regulate her emotions, which were complicated by ADHD and the presentation of autism. Shamila volunteered at the child's school, helped with a field trip, and ensured that the child attended appointments, practices, and school.

The trial court found that Jason had not abandoned the seven-year-old child and consistently sought custody, and there was no evidence that she could not care for the child financially or otherwise. It further found that the Beslows attempted to limit Jason's visitation with the child, but that they provided a suitable home for the child, and the adoption would not affect physical custody. Based on those findings, the trial court ruled that Jason's withholding of her consent to the adoption was not contrary to the best interests of the child, and denied the petition for adoption….

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Free Speech

Ex-FBI Agents Suing Over Allegedly Retaliatory Firings Can Sue Pseudonymously

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From Chief Judge James Boasberg (D.D.C.) Monday in Does v. Patel:

Plaintiffs are twelve former FBI Special Agents who allege that they were summarily dismissed from the FBI in September 2025 in retaliation for actions they took five years ago to de-escalate civil unrest in downtown Washington, D.C., following the death of George Floyd. Asserting that the terminations violated their First and Fifth Amendment rights, they seek declaratory and injunctive relief, including reinstatement, expungement of personnel records, and backpay.

They now move to proceed pseudonymously, contending that public identification would expose them and their families to immediate risk of doxing, harassment, and physical harm and would also significantly impair their ability to perform sensitive law-enforcement work if reinstated. The Court will grant the Motion, subject to any further consideration by the United States District Judge to whom this case is randomly assigned.

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Free Speech

N.Y. Synagogue Allowed to Fire Teacher for Anti-Zionist Blog Post

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Map of statutory private employee speech protections throughout the country.

 

[1.] The First Amendment applies only to the government, and thus doesn't limit private employers from firing employees based on their speech. But many states have statutes that do impose such limitations, as the map above suggests. (For more on this, see my  Private Employees' Speech and Political Activity: Statutory Protection Against Employer Retaliation and Should the Law Limit Private-Employer-Imposed Speech Restrictions? articles.)

Some of these statutes broadly protect a wide range of employee speech. Others protect particular forms of election-related activity: New York, for instance, bans employers from firing employees for campaigning for a candidate or raising funds for a candidate, party, or political advocacy group.

But New York also bans employers from firing employees for off-the-job "legal recreational activities," defined as

any lawful, leisure-time activity, for which the employee receives no compensation and which is generally engaged in for recreational purposes, including but not limited to sports, games, hobbies, exercise, reading and the viewing of television, movies and similar material.

There is also an exception for activity that "creates a material conflict of interest related to the employer's trade secrets, proprietary information or other proprietary or business interest."

Does blogging, Tweeting, etc. qualify as "recreational activities," much as "reading and the viewing of television, movies and similar material" qualifies? In yesterday's Sander v. Westchester Reform Temple, the N.Y. high court (in a majority opinion by Judge Caitlin Halligan for five of the seven judges) notes the issue but doesn't resolve it:

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