Industrial Policy Isn't About Creating Jobs
It's a short-sighted approach that distracts us from the more important question.

Proponents of the ongoing push for national industrial policy, whether they come from the left or the right, frequently argue that we need to promote certain sectors or technologies to create a manufacturing boom. This boom, we're told, is necessary to create more high-paying jobs. But I beg to differ. Industrial policy isn't and shouldn't be primarily about creating jobs. Its primary purpose, if it should exist at all, lies elsewhere.
The ultimate objective of an economy is not to provide jobs per se, but to improve overall living standards. This happens with an ever-increasing availability of quality goods and services that people voluntarily purchase to enrich their lives. Good jobs are a means to this end; they are not the end itself. This reality is easily proven by asking someone who loves his job if he'd continue to do it if it paid nothing. Virtually everyone's honest answer would be no.
Now, don't get me wrong: This requires spending power, and employment is how most of us get that, so the value of employment as a means is high. But it's still a means. If new jobs were truly the only ends, the government could simply pay one-half of the population to produce outputs and pay the other half to destroy those outputs.
Obviously, any plausible justification for industrial policy must include more than job creation. Interventions are often done in the name of national security. This, for example, is the point of the CHIPS Act, which allocates over $50 billion in subsidies to reshore the production of semiconductors away from Taiwan in the event that China decides to invade its neighbor.
Leaving aside the fact that national security is too often and too easily used to justify economic interventions that have little to do with foreign threats, the argument reveals why industrial policy is no tool of job creation.
Think about it this way: Government favoritism in the form of subsidies, tariffs, and other interventions allocates resources (labor and capital) differently than the way resources are allocated by consumers spending their own money. Ordinarily, businesses—spending their investors' money—compete for these consumer dollars. Industrial policy rests on the assumption that such market outcomes don't adequately support higher causes such as national security. If that's true, it's all the justification industrial policy needs. Nothing needs to be said about jobs.
Nor should it. I'm skeptical that industrial policy will really spark a manufacturing boom in the first place. First, subsidies, tax credits, and government loans often end up paying firms to do what they were already doing. In addition, government favors tend to reallocate resources politically and not in ways that truly further the national interest. That means shifting resources away from some non-subsidized businesses toward subsidized ones, independently of their economic merit.
Second, the United States doesn't make these decisions in a vacuum. As Scott Foster explains in the Asia Times, "the globalization of production capacity and new technology development is accelerating away from the United States," in part because "Europe, Taiwan, South Korea and Japan want to keep their leading-edge technologies at home."
Finally, the Biden administration's generous subsidies often come with complications like requiring firms to provide expensive child care or buy American. And to stay friends with European governments, the administration eased requirements that to be eligible for Inflation Reduction Act incentives, electric vehicles should be assembled in North America and exclude critical mineral or battery components from "foreign entities of concern" (i.e., China).
Even if today's industrial policy does trigger an industrial boom, we shouldn't expect a corresponding manufacturing job boom. As Noah Smith reminded his readers in a recent blog post, "Most of the actual production work will be done by robots, because we are a rich country with very high labor costs and lots of abundant capital and technology. Automated manufacturing is what we specialize in, not labor-intensive manufacturing."
The best job creation policy is a strong economy. The government should be content to create a level playing field with transparent rules and strong protection of property and contract rights. Of course, it should also supply public goods like infrastructure and ensure a stable legal system.
Be wary of those who push industrial policy as a means of job creation. It's a short-sighted approach that distracts us from the more important question, which is whether hindering the market allocation of resources is truly justified for national security or other valid reasons.
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At one of our dinners, Milton [Friedman] recalled traveling to an Asian country in the 1960s and visiting a worksite where a new canal was being built. He was shocked to see that, instead of modern tractors and earth movers, the workers had shovels. He asked why there were so few machines. The government bureaucrat explained: “You don’t understand. This is a jobs program.” To which Milton replied: “Oh, I thought you were trying to build a canal. If it’s jobs you want, then you should give these workers spoons, not shovels.”
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The problem with this argument is that low skilled people are not going to go to third world countries to get jobs there. They are going to stay here and either go on welfare or commit crimes.
Indeed, we see people from 3rd world countries come here to do that (as well as the honest ones that compete for low skill, low paying jobs).
The other issue is that we will eventually go to war with China. If not over Taiwan, then something else. Yet if they make everything, how can we do anything but lose? As it is, we're screwed because our defense contractors rely on China.
Sounds like the problem is the welfare system. Better to fix that, for example with work requirements, than by misallocating resources.
Why would we go to war with China? No US interest is served by shooting Chinese people. No Chinese interest is served by shooting Americans. Wars are not things which simply happen absent objectives. And no, I don't think China really wants Taiwan that badly. What they don't want is an American naval base there and they don't want other places like Xinjiang or Tibet to get any funny ideas, so they rattle the saber a lot. Don't believe me? If China really Taiwan conquered so badly, do you think they'd allow commercial airline flights directly to Taiwan?
China has a policy of getting involved in wars with its neighbors, from assisting in the N. Korean invasion of the south to Laos, to Vietnam, Cambodia, 3 or 4 wars with India since WWII. In that respect they are a lot like the US. They just limit their wars to nations closer to home. Some of their neighboring nations are allies, so when the bullying rhetoric turns to armed conflict, the US will jump right in without considering the cost. The best bet is China playing the long game well and getting a treaty to reabsorb Taiwan peacefully in a set number of years. That will happen when Taiwan realizes that the US will not be able to protect them forever. The longer they wait, the weaker their bargaining position. They could probably get a 50-year deal today. Xi could sell that as a win setting a path to a complete Chinese reunification. In 10 years, Taiwan would be lucky to get a 10-year deal.
They don't "allow" commercial airline flights to Taiwan because they do not want Taiwan. They do it because shooting down a commercial airliner would start a war with every nation that had a citizen on that plane. The potential that there could be an American, a Brit, a German, a Frenchman and a Russian on one of those planes is high. No country wants to pick a fight with all of those other nations at the same time.
If you think that we will eventually have a war with China, then you might as well spend every penny that you have today and kiss your family goodbye because it would go nuclear.
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“The ultimate objective of an economy is not to provide jobs per se, but to improve overall living standards.” She’s as wrong about this has those who say it’s to create jobs. An economy is inanimate. It has no objectives. People have objectives, and those objectives reflect individual preferences. It’s the job of politicians to get out of the way as much as possible, so individuals can do what they want, subject to the NAP.
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The only role for government industrial policy is to do things that the private sector can't or won't do, and there aren't many such things. The government can take a longer view than the private sector; can prevent tragedies of the commons and the externalisation of costs, and identify the need for and arrange the supply of public goods (the positive version of the tragedy of the commons, if you like). But beyond that, it's hard to see what else the government should have as industrial policy that the private sector can't arrive at by itself.
Political policy will be a different issue.
An article on industrial policy that completely fails to mention why manufacturing was driven overseas in the first place- environmental policy.
If environmental policy was intended to improve the environment rather than destroy this country a requirement would have been included requiring goods imported into this country be produced meeting our environmental standards.
Sounds hard? USDA is prepared to certify agricultural products from China as organic. This is no different.
Tax policy drove manufacturing overseas as well, to Ireland and Singapore. Like our southern states, they'd rather that citizens have family-sustaining jobs.
Industrial policy seems to have worked well for Korea, which started making steel and ships, color TVs when they had no color channels, and then memory chips. Industrial policy worked for China when they gave solar cell makers free factories and equipment.
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