Joe Manchin Strikes a Deal To Fix Antiquated Environmental Review Regulations. Will It Do Any Good?
The West Virginia senator proposes marginal reforms to a federal permitting process that policy wonks say needs a root-and-branch overhaul.

There's a growing bipartisan consensus that the U.S. spends too much time and too much money approving new infrastructure projects.
A side deal worked out by Sen. Joe Manchin (D–W.Va.), Democratic congressional leaders, and the White House as part of their 'Inflation Reduction Act' addresses this problem by attempting to streamline environmental reviews mandated by the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA).
The thrust of the reforms is in the right direction, but some advocates of NEPA reform say the available details paint the Manchin deal as too tepid to really combat the law's awesome power to delay new infrastructure.
"They're in the right direction but it still feels too small ball and piecemeal," says Eli Dourado, a senior research fellow at the Center for Growth and Opportunity.
Enacted in 1970, NEPA requires federal agencies to study the environmental effects of their actions, whether funding a new highway or issuing a permit for a new power plant. That might seem reasonable enough. But over the decades, the length of these studies and the time agencies take to complete them has grown immensely. Environmental impact statements (the most intensive form of NEPA review) take 4.5 years on average and run over 650 pages.
The law also gives third parties ample opportunity to file complaints or sue over supposedly inadequate agency studies, which can drag things out even longer.
The purpose of the law is to protect the environment, yet critics argue that NEPA has become a net negative for the environment by stretching out approvals of the new, cleaner energy infrastructure of the kind that the Inflation Reduction Act would fund. If approving a new nuclear reactor takes decades, people will continue to get their power from existing coal-fired power plants.
A summary of the agreement obtained by the Washington Post earlier this week includes a raft of ideas to speed NEPA-mandated reviews along.
They include setting maximum two-year timelines for review of major projects and a year for lower-impact projects. If a federal court, as part of NEPA litigation, orders an agency to redo a study, agencies would have 180 days to get the job done.
The idea of setting timelines for NEPA review is an oft-proposed reform. The Trump administration adopted such timelines as part of its regulatory tweaks to NEPA. While throwing out most of those reforms last year, the Biden administration kept the timelines in place.
The trouble, says Dourado, is that even "if you give an agency a timeline, they blow right through deadlines all the time and it's hard to enforce."
Project sponsors waiting on the agency to issue their approvals often lack the standing to sue over delays. Even if sponsors could sue, there's no guarantee that courts would require agencies to speed things along.
"Even if you did get in front of a court, judges are going to enforce NEPA. If they decide if a document is incomplete in some way, or is deficient in any way they could very well send it back," says Dourado.
A few other ideas included in Manchin's deal might be more impactful. It proposes expanding the number of projects that can be eligible for vetting by the Federal Permitting Improvement Steering Council, which coordinates the NEPA reviews of multiple agencies when they're all required to sign off on the same project.
Sen. Rob Portman (R–Ohio), writing in Barron's in 2021, noted that projects covered by the council managed to get through environmental review in just 2.5 years on average, as opposed to the typical 4.5 years. The council has approved roughly 30 of the 63 projects that are eligible for its review since it was created in 2015.
Baruch Feigenbaum, a transportation researcher with the Reason Foundation (which publishes this website) says better agency coordination on NEPA review can speed up permitting when the agencies themselves are committed to improving the process. But it doesn't stop willful foot-dragging.
"You can come up with this provision but you can't force federal agencies to go faster," he says.
Dourado says the most promising idea in the Manchin deal would be expanding the number of 'categorical exemptions,' which would allow agencies to sign off on projects without having to prepare either environmental impact statements or slightly less onerous environmental assessments.
Manchin said Monday that his permitting reforms had the backing of Senate Leader Chuck Schumer (D – N.Y.), House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D–Calif.), and the Biden Administration.
Some Democrats, citing environmental concerns, have already expressed uneasiness with the compromise. The White House has also been rather fickle on NEPA reform, at times acknowledging the need for changes while also rolling back the Trump administration's streamlined regulations.
In theory, it should be possible to get some Republican lawmakers to vote for permitting reform. Folks like Sen. Mike Lee (R–Utah) have long proposed even more sweeping changes to NEPA.
The odds of that don't seem particularly promising.
At a press conference on Tuesday, Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R–W.Va.) said she was "skeptical" of the deal worked out by Manchin and Democratic leaders, reports the Register-Herald. She called for him to support a resolution nullifying the White House's NEPA changes and to commit to putting up permitting reform for a vote before the Inflation Reduction Act.
For advocates of sweeping reform, it's obviously frustrating that even Manchin's marginal reforms to the law might not prove politically feasible.
On the other hand, the failure of marginal reform maintains the pressure on Congress to do the kinds of comprehensive NEPA reform people on the left and right agree is necessary.
"I am concerned that something along these lines will pass and everyone will conclude that permitting reform is done," says Dourado. The Manchin deal is "not anywhere near the magnitude that we need to actually make our federal bureaucracy capable of making decisions."
Rent Free is a weekly newsletter from Christian Britschgi on urbanism and the fight for less regulation, more housing, more property rights, and more freedom in America's cities.
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It will do a lot of good for the connected and not so much for the rest of us.
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the dude's burned. Schumer either got him back for previous vote or this was in the works the whole time.
He apparently was promised a pipeline in WV. Only reason he sold the vote. But sounds like Sinema will say no the spending bill Schumer got him to agree to it sounds like.
hopes are higher than I am right now.
NEPA has been the bain of any meaningful projects for years and a gift to activist class, however, there are signs that the courts are starting to wake up to their tricks. Recently, I've seen two different federal courts put a kabosh on endless lawsuits on projects that they have been successfully delaying for decades, one in Montana and one in Idaho. Twenty years ago a NEPA proposal was about a dozen pages long and took less than two years to get approval, today their hundreds of pages long and take an average of five years. And there is no evidence (in fact the evidence is to the contrary) that they benefit the environment or society. Meaningful reform is both needed and long overdue.
Wish they'd do that here in Maine. The enviromentalists want renewable hydro energy, but they don't want to cut down trees to make room for power lines needed to transport it.
We need to do away with above ground transmission lines as much as possible. They are to subject to weather. I'm sure underground lines have their own drawbacks, everything does.
The funny thing is that several studies show that keeping transmission right of ways cleared actually benefits wildlife. Uninterrupted forests aren't beneficial for many wildlife species, that require edge habitat and succession habitat to survive.
It is said that when the Europeans first arrived, a squirrel could travel from the Atlantic to the Mississippi without touching the ground.
That is wrong. All archeological data shows pre contact Amerindians practiced forest clearing. It's based upon a myth that isn't supported by the actual evidence. The settlers marveled at how the forests were so open that you could drive wagons through them without having to build roads. Most tribes, especially east of the Mississippi were agrarian societies, before the introduction of the horse converted plains tribes to nomadic cultures. As a result, they cleared forests and grasslands to grow crops. Based on the crop rotation, which required years of fallow, they actually required extensive forest clearing, since only about a third of cropland was planted any season.
Said by who sarcasmic?
There's also always the question of how valuable the deal is vs. the costs associated with getting it done. But, that's a hard question.
Christian, you forgot to mention Manchin got a $6.6 billion natural gas pipeline in his state to sign onto Biden's spending plan. IMHO, failing to mention it shows you didn't do your homework, or you didn't want to embarrass Democrats who've promised to shut down the fossil fuel industry.
Further (and this is a comment on Reason of late), you failed to mention why politicians love the permit process, especially when they can and do revoke permits all the time (e.g. you might have told us how many times Joe's pipeline was denied, or how many times the Keystone pipeline was approved, then revoked). So I'll tell you: politicians love the permit process, because it encourages campaign cash contributions and under the table payments to them. In a free market, you can do what you want with your property provided you don't harm others or their property, which is what we need regarding pipelines. We don't even need eminent domain, because there will be property owners happy to take a payment to allow a pipeline to go through their property, and if not one property owner, then there's his neighbor who might be interested in the money.
And it turns out Schumer is putting in language to undo West Virginia v EPA, and make CO2 ( or C2O for Mike) a pollutant
Poor Dee.
Next year we will find out what white privileged lobbyist pet project in WV this was designed to 'streamline' (steam roll) into an approval.
Or, the failure of even marginal reforms will discourage any attempt at more sweeping reforms. Take what you can get, when you can get it.
Instead of blunt tools like time limits, how about studying existing impact assessments and seeing which factors are assessed and found never to cause a problem, and then legislating away the need to assess those factors?