It's a Bad Year for Criminal Justice Reform at the Supreme Court
A recent pair of cases spotlights the sorry state of affairs.

The U.S. Supreme Court's 2021-2022 term is not yet over and it is already going down in the books as a terrible term for criminal justice reform. A pair of recent dissents by Justice Sonia Sotomayor spotlights the sorry state of affairs.
First, in Shinn v. Ramirez, the Court held that a death row inmate who received ineffective state-appointed counsel at both trial and postconviction state court proceedings is now barred from presenting new exculpatory evidence—evidence of actual innocence—in federal court. "Innocence isn't enough," declared the state attorney during oral arguments, insisting that the federal courts must defer to the flawed state proceedings.
"This decision is perverse," wrote Sotomayor in dissent. "It is illogical." She is right on both counts. As The Washington Post's Radley Balko has detailed, "every court to consider the actual merits of [death row inmate] Barry Jones's innocence claim has ruled that he never should have been convicted of murder. And every court to rule against Jones did so for procedural reasons without considering the new evidence. If Jones is executed, it will not be because there is overwhelming evidence of his guilt. It will be because of a technicality."
The Sixth Amendment guarantees the right to effective counsel in criminal cases. Jones had ineffective state-appointed counsel during trial and postconviction. Now, as his new, effective counsel has turned up evidence of his potential innocence (evidence that the earlier, ineffective lawyers failed to find), the Supreme Court has barred him from presenting such exculpatory evidence in federal court. So much for the Sixth Amendment.
The second notable Sotomayor dissent came in Egbert v. Boule, a ruling which shielded a border patrol agent from being sued in federal court for his alleged violations of the First and Fourth Amendments. Among its many sins, this outcome made a mockery of the Court's 1971 decision in Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, which said that federal officers may indeed be sued in federal court for alleged Fourth Amendment violations.
"Bivens itself involved a U.S. citizen bringing a Fourth Amendment claim against individual, rank-and-file federal law enforcement officers who allegedly violated his constitutional rights within the United States by entering his property without a warrant and using excessive force. Those are precisely the facts of Boule's complaint," wrote Sotomayor in dissent.
She is again right on all counts. Innkeeper Robert Boule alleged that Border Patrol Agent Erik Egbert assaulted him on his own property after Boule asked Egbert to leave. That Fourth Amendment complaint does not differ in any meaningful way from the Fourth Amendment complaint at issue in Bivens.
Thanks to the Supreme Court's flawed judgment, Sotomayor observed, Customs and Border Protection (CBP) "agents are now absolutely immunized from liability in any Bivens action for damages, no matter how egregious the misconduct or resultant injury. That will preclude redress under Bivens for injuries resulting from constitutional violations by CBP's nearly 20,000 Border Patrol agents, including those engaged in ordinary law enforcement activities, like traffic stops, far removed from the border." So much for the Fourth Amendment when a federal officer is involved.
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Why do I not trust your one sided telling of the case? Are you saying the rest of the court is too stupid to see what is apparently obvious, or should I see you and Sotomayor as cultural marxists defending your narratives and power even at the expense of honesty and truth?
Reason has had some utterly awfully lopsided summaries of other sob stories by other writers, none that I know of by this author, Damon Root. However, I have followed the Egbert case enough to know that it is clear violation of the Constitution, ordinary laws, and common sense, and that damned cop should be in prison for assault, perjury, lying his ass off under color of law, perjury, and whatever other forms of perjury they can think up. A genuine chest-beating pig of the worst sort.
I know little of the first case, but Damon Root's reputation and what I know of the second case leads me to believe it also is an understatement, with the caveat that the prisoner could be a career criminal for all I know; but I trust the summary that the guy is being railroaded by corrupt prosecutors and judges who simply don't want to admit mistakes are possible.
So from the discussion below, Root and Sotomayor appear to be arguing for something not before the court. This is kind of the epitome of a strawman argument and probably the basis for their take not adding up or being contrasted with the majority.
They may be completely correct out on their tangent and it could be a tangent fully worth exploring but I wouldn't want to see the SC expand their review to whatever gets them to what they see as the correct decision.
I was responding not to the legal arguments, but to your rant that you don't trust the summaries of the cases. If you meant the legal issues, fine, I apologize, but your rant was so full of invective that it was not clear.
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"You said perjury twice."
"I like perjury."
But, did you bring enough gum for everyone in comments?
"I have come here to chew bubble gum and kick ass...and I'm all out of bubble gum"
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A little O/T, but here's a meme on criminal justice reform, Philly style.
love it. shoulda put him in a Flyers jersey
That's disappointing.
CJ reform — which is shorthand for "the billionaire-funded soft-on-crime #FreeTheCriminals and #EmptyThePrisons agenda" — is almost as important to Koch / Reason libertarians as open borders.
#CheapLaborAboveAll
No it's shorthand for "don't just let the cops and prosecutors do whatever they want.".
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So, both of these are really complicated and procedural cases and this article seems to understate the cases in the majority on Egbert V. Boule as far as I can tell. Shinn v. Ramirez is also super procedural about how appeals work, but I haven't had the chance to really reason with that one yet.
Egbert V. Boule is based, as you said, on Bivens. Bivens determined that the court could create cause of actions separate from the legislature that could be pursue. So, basically, it created situations in which the Court could define the existence of new cause of action outside the legislature. Reading some folks, this is viewed as how we got qualified immunity as well, which is a court created doctrine which denies cause of action that would have otherwise existed. That is, the court creating law. This latter point I don't know well enough to have a feeling on. The general issue is one of court creating law. The Egbert v. Boule case is attempting to cabin or destroy Bevins completely, under the idea that judges shouldn't be able to make law.
Boule sued under the FTCA. This is a actual law, written and passed by the legislature. He lost. He then tried again under Bevins doctrine, and the court chose not to extend that case to his specifics.
The main point against it, is that the facts of the case so closely match Bevins that it's ridiculous to deny it. The majority is basically cabining Bevins and judicial overreach with Gorsuch openly stating that Bevins should just be overturned.
So, there is some argument here from precedent. I think a lot of people are making arguments here from outcomes, that is they think Boule is right or that there should be more paths of bringing a tort against federal officials. I think it is not unreasonable to look at this case and see the Supreme Court winding back the powers of the judiciary to create new doctrine. And I think that's not absurd.
The Shinn v. Ramirez case is also super procedural and I don't know enough at this point to have a strong opinion.
Thanks for the summary. I know a lot of the underlying case and think Egbert deserves to spend a long time in prison; I did not know the procedural complications. My reply to the first comment above concerns only the rant that TFA's telling of the tale is untrustworthy.
The important thing, which is easy to forget, is the Supreme Court doesn't hold criminal trials. They define the constitutionality of court proceedings.
If they had decided in favor to Boule, what would have happened was that a new cause of action would have been created for him, that would have allowed him to take his case to federal court once more under different circumstances defined by the court.
Similarly, Shinn V. Ramirez goes into the question of how evidence is allowed to be presented on appeal to higher courts, not whether Jones is innocent or guilty. That's what Jury trials are for.
Though, in this case I believe if they decided for Jones in this procedural aspect it could lead to the case being thrown out due to ineffective council, and due to double jeopardy would not allow for a retrial. Take that with a grain of salt though. That case is even more procedural and convoluted.
I think we always, always need to be careful of viewing higher court hearings the same as actual criminal or tort proceedings. They decide the constitutionality of questions raised during application of the law. It is different.
That said, I agree with you comment about Egbert v. Boule. As scuzzy as Boule was, this seems clear-cut to me. Federal agencies need a cleaning out.
Also, I could be wrong entirely. This is my attempted understanding of the reasoning with this case in the two opinions given.
That's what Jury trials are for.
Yes. If jury nullification is valid (which I believe), then it would also hold that a proper conviction by a jury should not arbitrarily be nullified by judges' opinions of the representation.
There is also the fact that pardons exist for the exact reason of overturning an unjust conviction that was not procedurally flawed. Sotomayor and Reason are arguing for the courts to overturn the will of the people and usurp a power reserved to the Executive.
Root needs to be bitch-slapped. Sloppy journalism proceeds from sloppy thinking and then reinforces it. Sotomayor just can't pass up an an opportunity to advocate for every decision to be deferred to our betters among the social elite. Could she secretly be Kirkland?
"There is also the fact that pardons exist for the exact reason of overturning an unjust conviction that was not procedurally flawed."
Actually, state level pardons almost never get used for overturning unjust convictions. They are mostly used for restoring rights to people who admit guilt and are deemed to be reformed.
This is certainly SCOTUS's current take on Bivens, but it's an ahistorical take that the originalists should be ashamed of.
Civil suits for violation of rights against individual federal officials go back to the founding, with no immunity. In the case of a judgment against them, the official could petition *Congress* to indemnify him (pay in his stead) if Congress believed the official's actions were reasonable. The rights-violated citizen still got their day in court, and received the compensation for their injury.
See: https://ir.law.fsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1040&context=lr
No, it doesn't. Certainly, Supreme Court precedent in the latter part of the 20th Century invented a right to state-provided effective counsel, but this is not a right guaranteed by the Sixth Amendment.
Just as the Founders enacted a right to freedom of the press without implying that one had the right to a state-provided effective printing press, and the Founders enacted a right to keep and bear arms without implying that one had the right to a state-provided effective firearm, the Founders enacted a right for criminal defendants to the assistance of counsel without implying one had the right to a state-provided effective counsel.
Simply look at the historical context around the passage of the Bill of Rights. It was established in the common law (see 1721's A Treatise of the Pleas of the Crown, Vol. II, by William Hawkins) that criminal defendants did not have a right to hire their own counsel. That right was not established in British law until 1836. The purpose of the Sixth Amendment, accordingly, was simply to make sure the accused could, in fact, hire the assistance of counsel.
Anything more is just another invention of the activist Warren and Burger courts.
It's an example of two things: how much more expensive the legal system has become, and how much Progressives liked a living constitution which they could bend to the current fads.
The right to state-paid counsel is certainly reasonable when most defendants can't afford to pay to defend against even ordinary crimes, let alone serious felonies. But the solution is to reduce the complexity and concomitant cost of justice, not the subsidized price.
Holy fuck that is brutal and grim. The dregs of humanity are to be found in this comments section
Seeing as Sotomayor literally said she would judge cases based on race, why should I listen to a single thing that cunt says?
She's a wise Latinx bub. Barry said so.
He (?) got it from her, she's very humble.
Ad hominem
>>barred from presenting new exculpatory evidence
no procedure should bar exculpatory evidence. ludicrous speed.
The courts should primarily uphold the constitution and secondarily use previous case law to help them decide if the constitution is vague. They should not make law. If there are problems with the law it is the Congress likely with the help of the President (as that's where veto power is held) that should make new law that resolves issues with previous law. The supreme court is not "the cavalry" that rides in at the last minute to save the day.
Some of you should RTFD(issent) - they're readily available.
Root's presentation is correct. Shinn v Ramirez is both absurd and outrageous. We're back in Rehnquist country, where there's no constitutional impediment to the execution of an innocent man.
As for the pardon argument - that ship sailed long ago, owing to the action of governors, mostly GOP, who regarded the political risk as too high to pardon even the provably innocent. (I recall one case where the governor tried to get the prisoner to confess and receive a lower sentence while there was a document on his desk exculpating the prisoner thanks to a DNA test.) It's just too easy for them to say, as the slimeball GWB once said, (roughly) "oh, 30 judges have looked at the case, I'm not going to second-guess them" which is exactly the wrong way to look at pardons.
As for Egbert v Boule - as has been said, no remedy, no right. If you have a claimed right but cannot exercise it you ain't got it.
But I guess the right-wingers/conservatives here don't like it when the libertarians come down on the side of liberty, not gubmint.
Federal courts are concerned with constitutional violations, not second guessing state courts. If Ramirez is alleging ineffective counsel and a 6A violation, then that is what he needs to bring to federal court after exhausting all the state remedies. The federal court can then order a new state trial where effective counsel can present new evidence at the state level.
Federal courts are concerned with constitutional violations, not second guessing state courts. If Ramirez is alleging ineffective counsel and a 6A violation, then that is what he needs to bring to federal court after exhausting all the state remedies.
I guess you didn't read the decision.
I did. It says this is not a matter for federal courts and the federal court isn't interested in the evidence. And I generalized and explained why that is reasonable.
You apparently didn't read it.
This is a bad take Damon; as you should know, the Supreme Court serves the Constitution, not criminal justice reform.
https://reason.com/2020/12/12/trump-lost-because-scotus-answers-to-the-constitution-not-to-him/
They should make up their minds.
If someone claims a federal agent did something illegal to them, they should either be able to sue in federal court or in state court.
If the federal courts are closed, use the state courts.
If the state courts aren't suitable for suits against federal officials, then Congress can give the federal courts *exclusive* authority to hear those cases.
But either way, it would mean the plaintiff would have their day in court.
With all the talk about the 9th Amendment, the right to one's day in court if you claim to be injured would seem to be one of the people's reserved rights. In suits against federal officials, Congress can specify the details - state court or federal.
But "no court at all" isn't a proper anwer.
"...Congress can..." But 'no court...isn't a proper answer." Correct. The answer is: No coercive govt.! Implying, no support.
Humanity's biggest asset is individuals who are free to innovate, e.g., free from coercive politics, free to make choices without interference from others, however "well intended". I contend "good intentions" are no excuse, no justification, for controlling peaceful others. People who want to "live & let live" have a right to life, liberty, property, business, happiness.
This is called, political equality, individual sovereignty, the opposite of a sovereign ruler or sovereign representation. A sovereign citizen cannot co-exist with others who believe they are "more sovereign", "more equal", or "authorities with special privileges". For example, people who have solutions for their needs may be prohibited from fulfilling those needs due to govt. intervention, e.g., monopoly "services", i.e., services forced on those who don't want/need them. Law often protects exploitation, prevents freedom of economic action, immorally, as if "the law is the law" is a magic chant that could explain/justify a wrong. It can't/doesn't, and no one should ever let that lie stand in their way.
We have a right to live and let live. It follows, natural assets are useless without economic freedom. Life as a free person is unlivable in the authoritarian state, the present situation worldwide, the unfree world.
To be free is to selectively, carefully, resist all authority, on principle.
100% disapproval of coercive govt. would be ineffective without changing the govt. paradigm to non-violent. But how?
Humanity's biggest asset is individuals who are free to innovate, e.g., free from coercive politics, free to make choices without interference from others, however "well intended". I contend "good intentions" are no excuse, no justification, for controlling peaceful others. People who want to "live & let live" have a right to life, liberty, property, business, happiness.
This is called, political equality, individual sovereignty, the opposite of a sovereign ruler or sovereign representation. A sovereign citizen cannot co-exist with others who believe they are "more sovereign", "more equal", or "authorities with special privileges". For example, people who have solutions for their needs may be prohibited from fulfilling those needs due to govt. intervention, e.g., monopoly "services", i.e., services forced on those who don't want/need them. Law often protects exploitation, prevents freedom of economic action, immorally, as if "the law is the law" is a magic chant that could explain/justify a wrong. It can't/doesn't, and no one should ever let that lie stand in their way.
We have a right to live and let live. It follows, natural assets are useless without economic freedom. Life as a free person is unlivable in the authoritarian state, the present situation worldwide, the unfree world.
To be free is to selectively, carefully, resist all authority, on principle.