Please enjoy the latest edition of Short Circuit, a weekly feature written by a bunch of people at the Institute for Justice.
New on the Short Circuit podcast: a deranged prosecutor, a gag order, and what a jailer should have known.
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002
Gag orders, sleeper berths, and a prosecutor's "dodgy side hustle."
Please enjoy the latest edition of Short Circuit, a weekly feature written by a bunch of people at the Institute for Justice.
New on the Short Circuit podcast: a deranged prosecutor, a gag order, and what a jailer should have known.
Jodi Kantor and Adam Liptak of the New York Times have published a remarkable story about Dobbs that reports on private correspondences, votes at conference, and more. This post will highlight sixteen of the largest disclosures, and close with some broader thoughts. And I've presented this narrative in (roughly) chronological order.
Now available for viewing on C-Span
On December 12, I participated in a timely panel discussion at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study on "Free Speech, Political Speech, and Hate Speech on Campus." The panel included Jeannie Suk Gersen, Nadine Strossen, and Erica Chenoweth, and was moderated by Tomiko Brown-Nagin.
A recording of that event is now available for viewing on C-Span here.
From the C-Span description.
Scholars from Harvard, Princeton, and New York Law School discussed campus speech amid the Israel-Hamas war at an event hosted by Harvard University. Topics included fostering a culture of mutual respect for disagreeing viewpoints, distinguishing between protected hate speech and harassment and bullying, protests on college campuses, and whether universities should take a stance on controversial issues. Prior to this event, Harvard University President Claudine Gay and other university presidents received backlash and calls for resignation due to their congressional testimony on antisemitism on college campuses.
12/15/1791: First Ten Amendments ratified.
What's on your mind?
Unlocking phones may reach SCOTUS, but there's a potential catch.
One of the major issues in the law of digital evidence investigations is how the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination applies to unlocking phones. As I wrote here at the Volokh Conspiracy back in 2020, the lower court caselaw is a total mess. No one can say what the law is. And I've been waiting for a case to come down that might be a good candidate for U.S. Supreme Court review to clear up the mess.
Here's a possibility: The Utah Supreme Court's ruling today in State v. Valdez. In this post, I want to talk about Valdez and consider if it would be a good prospect for Supreme Court review.
The Facts
Valdez was charged with kidnapping and assault of his ex-girlfriend. The government had a warrant to search his phone, as a lot of the evidence was thought to be of their communications. And his ex-girlfriend's phone, which would also have the communications, had gone missing. But Valdez's phone was locked, with a nine-dot pattern passcode needed to access it, and the police could not break in. The government asked Valdez for his password, telling him that if he declined they might damage the phone to try another way to bypass the encryption. But he refused to provide the passcode, and he told them to just destroy the phone. The government was never able to get into the phone.
At trial, the government wanted to put on testimony that Valdez refused to unlock the phone as evidence of his guilt. The defense objected, arguing that Valdez had asserted his Fifth Amendment privilege. The trial court overruled the objection, allowing the testimony. During the closing argument, the prosecution emphasized that the text messages between the defendant and his ex-girlfriend stored on his phone would answer whether this was a real kidnapping (as the prosecution claimed) or consensual (as the defense asserted). And in that context, the prosecution argued, the refusal to unlock the phone was incriminating. The jury convicted the defendant.
The Valdez Ruling
The parties in the case both assume, as the court of appeals ruled below, that the government cannot comment on a defendant's assertion of his Fifth Amendment privilege under Griffin v. California, 380 U.S. 609 (1965). Griffin ruled that the government can't comment on the defendant's refusal to testify at trial, and it's not obvious it extends to a pre-trial assertion. But the Utah Supreme Court accepts that framing, assuming for the purposes of argument that the key question is whether Valdez had a Fifth Amendment privilege not to provide his passcode. And the court concludes that the answer is yes. As it summarizes:
We first address the State's argument that providing a passcode is not a testimonial communication. We disagree. Providing a passcode is testimonial because it is a communication that discloses information from the person's mind. We then move to the State's other arguments. We conclude that the foregone conclusion exception does not apply here. That exception arises in cases involving compelled acts of producing evidence to determine whether the act has any testimonial value because the act implicitly conveys information. Such an analysis is not necessary in a case involving a verbal statement that explicitly provides information.
The Utah Supreme Court thus agrees with the court of appeals that the conviction cannot stand, as it was based on a Fifth Amendment violation and it was not harmless error.
Why This Might Be Cert-Worthy
Will the U.S. Supreme Court review Valdez, assuming the state seeks review? Maybe.
Here's the case in favor.
First, there's a state Supreme Court split on how the Fifth Amendment privilege applies to orders to compel a password in order to execute a warrant for a phone. Unless I'm missing something, Valdez joins the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling in Commonwealth v. Davis in upholding the privilege in that setting. On the other hand, the New Jersey Supreme Court disagreed with that view in State v. Andrews, ruling that the foregone conclusion doctrine applies and the defendant can be forced to disclose the password if the government can show he knows it. So at the very least, there is a 2-1 split on compelled disclosure of passwords.
Second, Valdez would come to the Supreme Court in a better procedural posture than other cases. Most compelled unlocking cases involve interlocutory appeals. The government gets an order requiring the defendant to say the password or unlock the phone, and the government seeks enforcement of the order. Whether the order can be enforced then goes up on appeal while the rest of the case is still pending. That can create procedural barriers, most significantly if the state wins in the state supreme court; the U.S. Supreme Court probably lacks jurisdiction to review the ruling under the final judgement rule. Here, by contrast, there's a final judgment.
Some Potential Complications
But there are some complications.
First, Valdez is a compelled disclosure case, not a compelled unlocking case. There are state supreme court splits on both compelled disclosure and compelled unlocking. But the issues are potentially very different, as the Valdez court explored in depth. In a case that involves an interlocutory appeal, the two issues are often either presented together or at least are easy to address together. The government has an order, and it just wants "in" to the phone so it can execute the warrant. Typically, prosecutors are happy if the defendant either unlocks the phone or gives the government the password to unlock it. Either is fine.
It's different with Valdez. The record in Valdez is that he was asked to provide the passcode, not to enter it. And the issue is whether the government could have testimony on that. If the Supreme Court were to take Valdez, it might have to only answer the compelled disclosure issue, and then save the compelled unlocking issue for another day.
That's certainly possible. But it might be odd to only address half of the puzzle. Compelled unlocking and compelled disclosure raise different legal issues, but they go together in practice. Would the Supreme Court want to take on one half of the puzzle without being able to take on the other half? I don't know.
A second question is whether the somewhat uncertain assumptions framing Valdez might deter the Justices. As Footnote 6 of Valdez points out, the parties are assuming that Griffin applies to commenting on pre-trial evidence. And there are also interesting Salinas v. Texas issues lurking: Assuming that the refusal to unlock the phone counts as an assertion of the privilege, what follows from that is an issue not explored by Salinas. But maybe the U.S. Supreme Court would just put that set of issues aside, taking Valdez for the specific issue on which the parties have agreed the case rests.
As always, stay tuned.
I wrote about Hyman v. Daoud, a case that sought the takedown of various online items—including mainstream media articles—in November 2020. I then wrote in 2021 about an attempt to get Google to deindex my article (among others), aimed at causing it to disappear from search results. And four days ago Google got the following takedown request from someone, seeking to deindex my 2020 and 2021 articles, plus various other media articles:
Re: Unknown
NOTICE TYPE: Court Order
Explanation of Court Order
Pursuant to the confidential , court order, which states the following:
FURTHER ORDERED AND ADJUDGED that within ten (10) of being furnished a copy of this Order any internet-related services, internet service provider, host provider and/or search engine shall remove and cause to be removed from any Site (including the web sites themselves and all URLS and links, even if they change) all statements, posts, social media, or videos or documents related to directly or indirectly to this lawsuit, and/or Kelly Hyman, Paul G. Hyman, Jr., Kaylee Hyman and Zachary Hyman and/or any website or posting defamatory, slander, or any statements against Kelly Hyman, Paul G. Hyman, Jr., Kaylee Hyman and Zachary Hyman on the internet, television, radio, print or any other forms of media including, but not limited to the Sites …
TARGETED URLS:
- http://conlinpa.com/2016/04/03/hyman-v-daoud/
- https://beforeitsnews.com/libertarian/2020/11/an-odd-response-from-one-of-the-lawyers-in-the-kelly-hyman-v-alex-daoud-case-2763652.html
- https://reason.com/volokh/2020/11/24/overbroad-injunction-used-to-try-to-vanish-articles-about-daughters-property-lawsuit-against-father/
- https://reason.com/volokh/2021/02/19/attempt-to-vanish-my-article-about-attempt-to-vanish-other-articles/
- https://therealdeal.com/miami/2014/11/18/judge-former-miami-beach-mayor-can-stay-in-his-home/
- https://www.cbsnews.com/miami/news/notorious-father-faces-eviction-by-daughter/
- https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2672285/Disgraced-former-Miami-Beach-mayor-court-battle-daughter-million-dollar-home.html
- https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/community/miami-dade/miami-beach/article3985285.html
12/14/1964: Heart of Atlanta Motel v. U.S. and Katzenbach v. McClung are decided.
From a Dec. 1 Justice Department press release:
According to court documents, Hridindu Sankar Roychowdhury, 29, of Madison, pleaded guilty to attempting to cause damage by means of fire or an explosive. On Sunday, May 8, 2022, at approximately 6:06 a.m., law enforcement responded to an active fire at an office building located in Madison. Once inside the building, police observed a mason jar under a broken window; the jar was broken, and the lid and screw top were burned black. The police also saw a purple disposable lighter near the mason jar. On the opposite wall from the window, the police saw another mason jar with the lid on and a blue cloth tucked into the top; the cloth was singed. The jar was about half full of a clear fluid that smelled like an accelerant.
Outside of the building, someone spray painted on one wall, "If abortions aren't safe then you aren't either" and, on another wall, a large "A" with a circle around it and the number "1312." During the investigation, law enforcement collected DNA from the scene of the attack.
In March 2023, law enforcement identified Roychowdhury as a possible suspect. Local police officers observed Roychowdhury dispose of food in a public trash can; the officers recovered the leftover food and related items, and law enforcement collected DNA from the food. On March 17, law enforcement advised that a forensic biologist examined the DNA evidence recovered from the attack scene and compared it to the DNA collected from the food contents. The forensic biologist found the two samples matched and likely were the same individual.
Code is law, they say.
I wrote last week about an oral argument in the Fourth Circuit involving geofence warrants. Geofence warrants are warrants to obtain the location data that Google users let Google collect if they opt in to Google's location history service, which about a third of Google users do. Geofence warrants have been possible because, if you opt in, Google keeps a copy of the location history. And records are kept can be compelled, at least if the legal process is valid.
All of which makes this Google announcement from yesterday of great interest. Google will no longer keep location history even for the users who opted in to have it turned on. Instead, the location history will only be kept on the user's phone.
The Timeline feature in Maps helps you remember places you've been and is powered by a setting called Location History. If you're among the subset of users who have chosen to turn Location History on (it's off by default), soon your Timeline will be saved right on your device — giving you even more control over your data. Just like before, you can delete all or part of your information at any time or disable the setting entirely.
If you're getting a new phone or are worried about losing your existing one, you can always choose to back up your data to the cloud so it doesn't get lost. We'll automatically encrypt your backed-up data so no one can read it, including Google.
Additionally, when you first turn on Location History, the auto-delete control will be set to three months by default, which means that any data older than that will be automatically deleted. Previously this option was set to 18 months. If you want to save memories to your Timeline for a longer period, don't worry — you can always choose to extend the period or turn off auto-delete controls altogether.
These changes will gradually roll out through the next year on Android and iOS, and you'll receive a notification when this update comes to your account.
Unless I'm missing something, this will entirely defeat geofence warrants— which, I would speculate, was probably the point of Google's policy change. If Google doesn't keep the records, Google will have no records to turn over. If the government comes to Google with a court order for geofence data, Google will just say, sorry, we don't keep that stuff anymore.
My very tentative sense, from a public policy standpoint, is that this seems like a bit of a bummer. Geofencing was being used to solve some really serious crimes—like murders, rape, and armed robberies—when there were no known suspects or leads and the case had gone cold. Having governments be able, with sufficient cause, to go to a court, get a court order, and then obtain potentially responsive location records that could provide a lead to investigate was, on the whole, a good thing.
Of course, that public interest has to be balanced with the public interest in privacy. But my sense is that geofence warrants have been implemented (and could be implemented in the future) in ways that provide far greater privacy protection than normally exist with warrants. Every technique raises risks of abuse. But if you had to look at all the pluses and minuses of different techniques, a court order regime to access geofence records had more pluses and fewer minuses than those records not existing.
It will be interesting to see if we learn why Google made this change. Google is a private company. It has to answer to its shareholders, not to the public interest. And it's totally plausible that this was just a sensible business decision. If Google can provide location history for those who want it without keeping the records, Google presumably benefits by not having to deal with the privacy headaches of responding to geofence warrants.
If this is what drove Google' decision, it's an example of a less-appreciated way that the market regulates privacy. If you're providing a data service, responding to court orders for user data is not part of your business model. It's a costly hassle. And it can only lead to bad press. So you might look for ways to avoid keeping records, as records never kept are records that cannot be turned over.
As always, stay tuned.
From Thursday's decision by Judge Randolph Moss (D.D.C.) in U.S. v. Sterlingov, which holds that defendant Roman Sterlingov should be barred from "personally reviewing" "the sensitive, supplemental heuristic information that was created by the government's expert (for the benefit of the defense) and provided to the defense in September 2023," which is to say that only his lawyers should have access to it:
Here, good cause exists for limiting access to the sensitive, supplemental heuristic material in the manner that the government proposes. As government counsel persuasively explained at the November 13, 2023 hearing, the material at issue is neither evidence against the defendant nor is it exculpatory evidence. Instead, the information is best understood as a supplemental expert disclosure. It was provided to the defense, at the Court's urging, to ensure that the defense was fully apprised of the heuristics used in Chainalysis's Reactor software, which the government's experts, Luke Scholl and Elizabeth Bisbee, used to cluster certain blockchain transactions at issue in the case. This supplemental expert disclosure did not exist at the time either of the government experts prepared their reports, and the government itself came into possession of the material from Chainalysis only as an intermediary, before passing it along to defense counsel.
The government also explained that the sensitive, supplemental heuristic information provides a more granular account of the behavioral heuristics that Reactor employs than the account previously disclosed to Sterlingov, defense counsel, and an array of defense experts in Bisbee's expert report and appendices. That additional detail includes "exactly how" specific behavioral heuristics are "implemented and weighed," and, significantly, it "includes information about the kickouts"—that is, "what behavior would cause Chainalysis not to cluster" a given address. Armed with this information, those bent on preventing the government (or its expert) from clustering addresses, and thereby identifying their owners and connecting them to potentially illicit transactions, could readily adjust their conduct to evade detection.
By way of analogy, consider criminal enterprises that engage in sophisticated bank robberies. Imagine that the government can identify those enterprises by tracking down shell companies that have engaged in certain behaviors—say, opening a new bank account within x hours of a robbery and making deposits into that account between one and y hours post-robbery and then never again. Imagine further that the government has studied the behavior of particular criminal enterprises and knows that for Enterprise A, "x" equals 48 hours and "y" equals 12 hours, but that for Enterprise B, "x" equals 24 hours and "y" equals 6 hours. Armed with details about their behavioral patterns, the government would be able to identify which criminal enterprise likely robbed a particular bank. And were that information ever to be made public, both Enterprise A and Enterprise B would be able to evade detection by changing their distinctive behaviors.
I have a new piece at The Dispatch on the antisemitism hearing in the House Committee on Education and the Workforce and the poor performance of the presidents of the University of Pennsylvania, Harvard University, and MIT.
From the piece:
The presidents' bad hand in the hearings did not stem from a lack of hate speech regulations. Rather, it was due to the terrible track record that American universities have regarding principled free speech positions on campus. Harvard ranked dead last in the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression's (FIRE) annual campus free speech rankings, and Penn was just one slot above them. Universities all too often have a double standard when it comes to protecting free speech. It is all too apparent that, regardless of their written policies, many universities would not tolerate hateful speech directed toward other, more favored groups on campus. But they have faced more conflicting pressures when it comes to antisemitic speech and the October 7 attack on Israeli civilians. While legitimate time, place, and manner regulations on campus speech are strictly enforced against some, violations are frequently ignored when university officials think that the violators have their hearts in the right place.
As a result, appeals to principles of robust academic freedom and free speech principles from Gay, Kornbluth, and Magill ring hollow. If universities uphold double standards, then there is a strong incentive to make sure that your constituency is on the right side of the double standard. The political scientist Ted Lowi famously wrote of the "end of liberalism," in which classical commitments to neutral principles in constitutional governance had been replaced in the 20th century with an "interest-group liberalism" that simply implemented the results of bargains among competing political interests. In such a world, your interests would be unprotected if you did not have a seat at the table and sufficiently strong leverage in the negotiations.
To a worrisome degree, universities have embraced an interest-group liberalism model of governing. The diversity, equity, and inclusion apparatus is both an outcome and a reflection of that kind of internal spoils system. Jewish students and faculty are now insisting that their interests get a better piece of the pie, and universities know how to respond to such demands. Don't hate the player; hate the game.
Read the whole thing here. Behind a paywall, but if you don't subscribe to The Dispatch, you should!
It's the twelfth case I've seen this year in which something like this apparently happened.
From yesterday's order by Judge Jesse Furman (S.D.N.Y.) in U.S. v. Cohen:
On November 29, 2023, David M. Schwartz, counsel of record for Defendant Michael Cohen, filed a motion for early termination of supervised release. In the letter brief, Mr. Cohen asserts that, "[a]s recently as 2022, there have been District Court decisions, affirmed by the Second Circuit Court, granting early termination of supervised release." He then cites and describes "three such examples": United States v. Figueroa-Florez, 64 F.4th 223 (2d Cir. 2022); United States v. Ortiz (No. 21-3391), 2022 WL 4424741 (2d Cir. Oct. 11, 2022); and United States v. Amato, 2022 WL 1669877 (2d Cir. May 10, 2022). Id. at 2-3.
As far as the Court can tell, none of these cases exist. 64 F.4th 223 refers to a page in the middle of a Fourth Circuit decision that has nothing to do with supervised release. See United States v. Drake, 64 F.4th 220 (4th Cir. 2023). 2022 WL 1669877 corresponds to a decision of the Board of Veterans Appeals. See (Title Redacted by Agency), Bd. Vet. App. A22004268, 2022 WL 1669877 (Mar. 11, 2022). 2022 WL 4424741 appears to correspond to nothing at all. Moreover, the Court contacted the Clerk of the Court for the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, who found no record of any of the three decisions and reported that the one listed docket number (for Ortiz) is not a valid docket number.
So holds the Second Circuit today, in an opinion (Carroll v. Trump) by Judge José Cabranes, joined by Judges Denny Chin and Maria Araújo Kahn. The defense, the court held, isn't one of the rare subject-matter-jurisdiction-based defenses that can be raised at any stage of the case, and thus aren't waivable. And, the court continued, Trump's failure to raise the defense early in the litigation (as an affirmative defense in his Answer to Carroll's Complaint) did indeed waive the defense.
None of this resolves whether the defense, if raised promptly, would have indeed precluded the civil lawsuit against Trump, nor does it speak to the merits of the lawsuit.
The Court granted two petitions for certiorari seeking review of a controversial lower court decision limiting federal approval of mifepristone.
Today the Supreme Court granted certiorari in several cases to be heard later this term. Among the petitions granted were two seeking review of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit's decision in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. Food & Drug Administration, which challenged the FDA's approval and subsequent regulation of mifepristone, a drug that is widely prescribed to terminate pregnancies (i.e. to perform a "medication abortions").
Specifically, the Court granted petitions filed by the Solicitor General and Danco Laboratories (the maker of Mifeprex, a brand of mifepristone). Interestingly enough, the Court did not grant the cross-petition for certiorari filed by AHM.
Based upon the questions presented in the two granted petitions, here is what will be before the Court.
First, and quite significantly, is the threshold question of standing. As I have blogged repeatedly (see posts below), I do not believe that the plaintiffs can satisfy the requirements of Article III standing under current doctrine. Both granted petitions ask the Court to consider standing--and even if they hadn't, because standing presents a threshold jurisdictional question, it would be a part of the case. The centrality of standing to this litigation is particularly interesting because (as happened in the California v. Texas ACA litigation) traditional Article III standing arguments cut strongly against litigants seeking a conservative policy outcome.
The petitions also ask the Court to consider whether the Fifth Circuit was correct to uphold the district court's injunction against the FDA's 2016 and 2021 decisions to revise and relax the conditions placed on the prescription of mifepristone. As framed in the petitions, the questions encompass both the conclusions reached on the merits (that the FDA's actions were arbitrary and capricious) and the relief ordered (a preliminary injunction).
What is not included in the cert grant is whether the Fifth Circuit was correct to reject AHM's attempts to challenge the FDA's initial approval of mifepristone in 2000 as untimely. As I have noted previously, I think this part of the Fifth Circuit's decision was definitely correct, as AHM's arguments relied upon an unduly aggressive reinterpretation of the "reopener" doctrine. The Supreme Court will also not review AHM's substantive argument that the FDA improperly approved mifepristone in 2000.
The bottom line is that the Supreme Court will consider whether the plaintiffs had standing to bring this case and, if so, whether the FDA properly relaxed its regulation of mifepristone in 2016 and 2021. The decision here will undoubtedly affect the availability of mifepristone, but the case no longer includes the question of whether the FDA should have approved mifepristone for the purpose of terminating pregnancies in the first place.
I have blogged a fair amount about the issues in this litigation, and plan to do more. Accordingly, I am indexing my posts here, and will update this list as I blog additional posts.
"A group of eBay employees devised and engaged in a campaign of harassment, stalking, and threats to stop the Steiners from reporting about eBay" in their ECommerceBytes trade publication.
From yesterday's decision by Judge Patti Saris (D. Mass.) in Steiner v. eBay, Inc. (see this post for more on the criminal prosecution):
In 2019, Ina and David Steiner, a married couple living in Natick, Massachusetts, became the target of a months-long harassment and intimidation scheme. The Steiners own and operate a trade publication, ECommerceBytes, which reports on e-commerce companies such as eBay. A group of eBay employees devised and engaged in a campaign of harassment, stalking, and threats to stop the Steiners from reporting about eBay. The conduct carried out by the group included: sending the Steiners threatening online messages; arranging for the delivery of disturbing packages, including fly larvae, live spiders, cockroaches, a Halloween mask of a bloody pig face, a funeral wreath, and a book entitled "Grief Diaries: Surviving Loss of a Spouse"; signing the Steiners up for unwanted email subscriptions; publicly posting the Steiners' address inviting strangers for parties and yard sales; and traveling to Massachusetts and surveilling the Steiners' home.
The government subsequently brought criminal charges against seven individuals involved in the conspiracy. All seven have pled guilty. The Steiners bring this civil suit against those seven individuals, in addition to six other parties: eBay, three former eBay executives, and a separate company and its CEO. The Steiners assert fourteen different claims. Several Defendants move to dismiss the claims brought against them.
The court dismissed some of the claims, but allowed the intentional infliction of emotional distress and negligent infliction of emotional distress claims to go forward. It also allowed the negligent supervision and retention claims to go forward:
"[T]he wide-ranging conspiracy Doe posits, one that tormented an ordinary law student for months on end using actors, poison, and a weapon that can send electricity wirelessly through brick walls, is too far beyond the pale of human experience to credit without supporting evidence, of which Doe has provided none."
From yesterday's opinion by Judge P.K. Holmes, III in Doe v. Bd. of Trustees for Univ. of Ark.:
The Court concludes that the Law School's need to certify its students' character and fitness is a "business necessity" which is "vital to the business" of running a law school. As discussed above, the fundamental "business" of a law school is to produce lawyers. When a law graduate seeks to become a lawyer, a law school must certify that graduate's character and fitness to the relevant state bar in order for the bar admissions process to go forward. Therefore, the Law School's ability to certify the character and fitness of its graduates is integral to its central purpose of allowing those graduates to become lawyers—in other words, "vital to the business."
Further, the Law School had "legitimate, non-discriminatory reasons to doubt" whether Doe's apparent mental instability would be compatible with her chosen profession. The record in this case discloses that Doe assertively pressed her claims of harassment with many professors and administrators at the Law School, including a federal judge, demanding that they use their authority to intervene in the harassment. This is a legitimate basis for [Law School Associate Dean of Student Success] Pollvogt's concern that Doe might not be able to interact professionally with court personnel, especially if she perceived this harassment in a courthouse.
Perhaps more importantly, Doe's mention of the weapon manipulating her cognitive state and impairing her ability to study would have been legitimate grounds for concern about Doe's ability to soundly advise her clients and perform legal research tasks. Given the foregoing, the examination was job-related and consistent with business necessity.
An excerpt from Doe's allegations:
12/13/1873: Justice Samuel Nelson died.

New from Reason: a look into what Javier Milei has accomplished and what it will take to make the most of Argentina’s window for real change. Out now for subscribers.