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Bagley and Bray on SCOTUS Denial of Stay in Department of State v. AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition
An exploration of some of the thorny issues that divided the Court.
Over at the Divided Argument substack, Nicholas Bagley and Samuel Bray have a post, "Sovereign Immunity, Equity, and the USAID Temporary Restraining Order," exploring some of the procedural and doctrinal wrinkles that divided the justices in this morning's order in Department of State v. AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition (which I discussed here). It is very worth the read.
Their first observation highlights why it is perilous to make sweeping conclusions about today's order and what it signifies about the court, the justices, or how pending and prospective litigation involving the Trump Administration will unfold.
The Chief Justice's administrative stay and the Court's denial of the application had the salutary effect of avoiding the Court being forced to decide—or to tip its hand about a decision regarding—some major legal questions. It would not be good, for example, for the Court to determine the interplay between sovereign immunity, equity, and the disbursement of federal funds on an application for a stay of an order enforcing a temporary restraining order. That emergency posture is not conducive to deliberate decisionmaking.
This does not mean that the dissenting justices did not have a point. To the contrary, Bagley and Bray note that many of Justice Alito's points are well taken, or at the very least raise significant concerns. Part of the problem is that it is not clear how courts should handle some of these questions in the context of requests for emergency relief. As they conclude the post: "The difficulty of these questions confirms the wisdom of not trying to resolve them on an emergency stay of an order enforcing a temporary restraining order."
A few other points from Bagley and Bray I thought worth highlighting:
One issue at the heart of these various requests for emergency orders is what their purpose is. Is it primarily to preserve the efficacy of the court's ultimate remedial options, or is to accelerate the decision of the case? That matters for how central the merits should be in the analysis at each stage of the case.
And:
The jurisdictional fight at the heart of the case—is this a routine APA suit or is it a claim for "money damages" under the Tucker Act?—will likely prove quite consequential. If it's an APA suit, an order setting aside the funding freeze as to the parties may well be appropriate, perhaps backed up by an injunction if the Trump administration is recalcitrant. The courts have made a practice of entering preliminary injunctive relief in anticipation of such an outcome (though we doubt that practice is sound). If it's a Tucker Act suit, in contrast, the relief will be money damages down the line, and immediate injunctive relief is probably off the table. The eventual resolution of the jurisdictional question may, indirectly, supply a gauge of the Supreme Court's willingness to police President Trump's assertion of authority to impound appropriated funds.
There's more where this came from, so if this is an issue that interests you, as they say, "read the whole thing."
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Thank you for this; very helpful in understanding what the actual issues are. Occasionally it feels as if the Internet was actually a good idea.
I find the references to sovereign immunity quite interesting, along with the citation of Barrett.
Why isn't this considered a "political question" with the NGOs being told to contact Congress?
Because "political question" does not mean "this issue is politically divisive". It instead means questions constitutionally reserved for non-judicial branches of the Government. Failure to satisfy contractual obligations is routinely resolved by the judicial branch.
Have you read the contracts? AND the laws and regulations that they are required to have been written in compliance with?
Notwithstanding that, saying that the Executive must spend money because the Legislature ordered him to is inherently a political question as much as Obama & Biden giving Iran a pallet of cash.
It's a political question, the solution is impeachment -- case in point Andrew Johnson. Remember too that sovereign immunity is supposed to come into this as well...
You are making the same fallacy that (memory is) the Lockner court did when it said that (a) courts decide disputes, (b) this is a dispute, (c) hence the court should decide it.
It is not, in fact, a political question, inherently or otherwise. It is a legal question.
I don't know what the "Lockner court" is, but if that's a reference to Lochner, then the Court did not actually say anything of the kind. Moreover, that is in fact not a fallacy at all.
But in Colorado River, the Supreme Court said that federal courts have a “virtually unflagging obligation… to exercise the jurisdiction given them.”
It would have been nice if someone somewhere—other than Alito et al—considered the core separation of powers issues.
Why do you think they didn’t consider them, instead of simply coming to a different conclusion than you after that consideration?
Because no rational person could come to any other conclusion.
Why was it necessary to impeach Andrew Johnson -- why couldn't Stanton just have gone to whatever US District Court existed at the time?
Who said it was "necessary"? The impeachment wasn't about Stanton getting his job back; it was about removing an obstructionist president.
Obstructing whom?
Congress.
Let's just say that he and they had somewhat different views as appropriate manner to deal with the defeated traitors.
Wow, actual analysis of the complicated questions these cases have posed for the final appellate court. Unlike Blackman's whiny tantrum post because a couple of justices didn't vote for his preferred policy outcome.
Yes, well, Adler (and I, FWIW) think these are interesting and complicated issues, best decided after comprehensive briefing and deliberation, but Blackman knows the answers and would be happy with a one-sentence order that reads: "Trump wins."
Funny how there's a Leukemia Vaccine for Cats, but not for Peoples (how would you tell if a Cat was Autistic?)
“The Chief Justice's administrative stay and the Court's denial of the application had the salutary effect of avoiding the Court being forced to decide—or to tip its hand about a decision regarding—some major legal questions.“. Salutary? I am stunned. No it is not salutary. As noted by Alito, it rewards judicial hubris and sanctions the lower court’s self-aggrandizement of jurisdiction. And this new unchecked judicial power may cost the taxpayer $2 billion dollars. Something salutary produces a beneficial effect. This is the opposite. This damages constitutional order.
Riva, have you read the Bagley and Bray article, or are you once more pontificating about subject matter you know nothing about? Riddle me this. How is decision making by a less well informed Supreme Court preferable to decision making by a Court with the benefit of plenary review?