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Costs and Benefits of Due Process
How should we weight the costs and benefits when we conduct due process balancing?
In 2016, Maranda ODonnell was arrested in Harris County, Texas, which includes the city of Houston, for driving with a suspended license to her mother's house in order to pick up her 4-year-old daughter. ODonnell's bail was set according to a fixed written schedule that the judicial officers had to follow in Harris County, Texas at the time. Like hundreds of thousands of others, she did not have a public defender. ODonnell lived "paycheck to paycheck," said she was "worried about whether [her] job will still be there when I get out," and simply could not afford to "buy [her] release from jail." At a brief hearing, the hearing officer set cash bail at $2,500 more than she could afford—and she was jailed.
ODonnell joined a federal civil rights lawsuit challenging these bail practices as an unfair due process violation. In 2017, federal judge Lee Rosenthal found the practices unconstitutional, relying on a detailed set of factual findings, and concluded that Harris County's misdemeanor bail policy violated the Due Process Clause. In 2019, the parties entered a Consent Decree, the first of its kind in the country, which required that most people arrested for misdemeanors be promptly released without having to pay for their freedom, and that more due process, including discovery and public defenders, be provided at bail hearings.
Since March 2020, I have served as the court-appointed monitor for the settlement, along with my colleagues and friends, law professor Sandra Guerra Thompson from the University of Houston Law Center, economics professor Songman Kang from Sungkyunkwan University in Seoul, Korea, and political scientist Dottie Carmichael from Texas A&M University. As monitors, we closely studied the bail reforms in Harris County.
What we learned surprised us. We knew that ending the cash bail system would free tens of thousands of people each year who would otherwise have ended up in jail. Before the consent decree, 90 percent of people arrested for misdemeanors had secured bonds imposed, which had to be paid before being released, and almost all were higher than $500. Afterwards, nearly 90 percent of misdemeanor arrestees were released on bond, mostly for $100 or less. We knew that liberty would benefit from this Consent Decree.
In the years of our work studying these reforms, however, we also consistently found that these reforms also powerfully benefited public safety. Every year since the reforms took effect, both misdemeanor arrests and rearrests have both declined. We recently summarized these findings in a law review article, and I discuss them more briefly in my new book.
That was not what opponents of these reforms predicted. They feared that protecting due process would result in rampant crime. Instead, we saw offending go down and the misdemeanor system shrink.
Yet, due process has typically had little to say about cash bail practices, which do not exist anywhere in the world but in the U.S. and the Philippines, where it is a quite modern practice. A few courts have found money bail systems to be unconstitutional and in violation of due process, but most have not. In 2011, in Turner v. Rogers, the U.S. Supreme Court held that a person could not be incarcerated for civil contempt for failure to pay child support when he lacked notice, a lawyer, or the chance to show that he had no ability to pay. Yet, scores of due process challenges to bail systems and other detention practices have failed.
Why does due process seem to have so little to say about the fairness of the process at pretrial bail hearings? As the U.S. Supreme Court famously put it in its landmark 1987 ruling in Salerno v. United States, approving the federal Bail Reform Act: "In our society, liberty is the norm, and detention prior to trial or without trial is the carefully limited exception."
That famous quotation, expressing a central due process commitment, has mainly been honored in the breach. The starting place of the Salerno decision seems reasonable enough: we have a due process right to liberty, and jailing people not convicted of a crime should be done only if, based on substantial evidence, they pose a risk to public safety. The Court emphasized the Bail Reform Act's high standard requiring "clear and convincing" evidence of a public safety risk, together with other process protections before pretrial detention could be ordered. And as with other due process settings, the Court found that a range of procedures could provide meaningful hearing rights.
Yet, when one rigorously examines the actual balance between providing procedural protections pretrial, and public safety, a very different picture emerges. Maybe it is not a zero-sum balance at all. Maybe it is more like the Culley case, which I discussed in my first post, where the Justices acknowledged that having a fair hearing serves both individual and government interests. Due process typically does.
And in Harris County, while it did cost something to implement due process reforms, including making public defenders available at bail hearings, the results have improved public safety. People may think that locking more people in jail makes them safer. Instead, freeing tens of thousands of people made the larger Houston community safer. Also telling, before the reforms, about two-thirds of misdemeanor cases in Harris County resulted in guilty pleas. Typically, after just two to three days in jail, people would plead guilty if they could not afford to pay for their release. Today, instead, about two-thirds of misdemeanor cases are eventually dismissed. And in the very small number of cases that go to trial, acquittal rates are high.
All of that tells us quite a lot about the benefits and limited costs of improving due process. Studies like that can be done in any number of other settings. And judges can more carefully balance the relevant costs when they conduct due process analysis. The Supreme Court's decision in Mathews v. Eldridge calls for such balancing in the administrative hearing context. And in general, as with the Salerno ruling that applies in bail settings, due process has historically involved balancing to reflect the fairness demands of the practical context. The lesson, though, from Houston, is that we can have due process, live in a fair society, and enjoy more security.
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"Instead, we saw offending go down and the misdemeanor system shrink."
We have no idea how many people are out there driving on a suspended license.**
Maybe they just stopped arresting people.
"misdemeanor" is not a universal term across states. In Merryland, it can mean assault, with up to a five year sentence.
**Not that I am saying a suspended license should be a jailable offense. Often its for small things like failing to provide paperwork, or failing to pay fees.
The real issue is not cash bail: its the overcriminalization of many petty crimes.
Well, that brings up another point. Isn't the laxity against minor offenses the cause of many later major offenses.
So I don't find that convincing at all. I see in my own neighborhood the Broken Windows theory vindicated.
Broken Window theory? I know of it.
There's also "Careful, or things might get broken. Things break, you know." syndrom, where police act as highway robbers in search of money.
Driving without a license leads to murder?
No, driving without a license leads to a very amusing court hearing when the sovereign citizen tries to convince the judge that his constitutional right to travel means he doesn't need a license.
1: If they can't pay the bail, how do they pay the fine?
2: "Safer" is not defined on convictions -- "safer" is defined by number of accidents per thousand miles and crimes *committed* -- not reported -- per thousand inhabitants.
I didn't see that here.
3: In a reduced number of convictions, I didn't see any basis for concluding fewer misdemeanors committed.
4: Choosing to drive on a suspended license is like chosing to rob a bank -- a CHOICE.
IL eliminated cash bail and in the lead up to it... you would have thought the apocalypse was incoming if we just listened to law enforcement and prosecutors. It seems to be working as intended.
Low level crimes people get out. Higher or more dangerous crimes (murder, armed robbery, sexual assault) people remain detained. Which they would have been under the old cash system anyway because judges would just set people's bail so high they could never pay it.
What I like is that it gives the Court options. In a domestic abuse situation, there would be no contact orders as condition of release. Now they do that with GPS monitoring to make sure they stay away. If its stay away or go back to jail...most people stay away. If they cut off the bracelet or ignore the geographic limitations, they are thrown right back into custody so the consequences are somewhat immediate. With drug crimes, judges can make treatment a condition of release. If its treatment or sitting in jail, people often choose treatment. These are simple examples but overall it seems the system is working as intended.
There are some downfalls. People with petty traffic ticket warrants from other counties can't simply post 200dollars and be released when they are in our county. No bond warrants require them to be shipped to the issuing county for a judge there to decide what to do- a process that sometimes can take days. If it was cash bail days, the warrant would have a bail amount listed so they could just post wherever they got picked up at. Now they can't (as cash bail is completely eliminated). Which has led to the somewhat absurd situation where a person is charged with a fine only offense (so jail is not a sentencing option) but if they skip court and get a warrant, they can end up sitting days in jail to get in front of the correct jurisdiction to resolve it. The legislature is aware of these faults and is likely to tweak the system this legislative session.
What's strikingly missing here is any discussion of a mechanism. Why would removing cash bail cause fewer misdemeanors to be committed? If we are going to accept the theory on this amount of empirical evidence, we need to have a mechanism.
The other theory that seems quite obvious to me, and also needs addressing, is that while the number of misdemeanors committed went up, the reduced conviction rate caused cops to reduce the level of enforcement, resulting in fewer misdemeanors being documented. If two thirds of cases get dismissed, and even many of the remaining third result in acquittals, then why would the cops bother making arrests in the first place?
Or, if the cops have been making a lot of unjustified arrests and the accused no longer have to plead guilty because they can't afford bail, maybe making unjustified arrests no longer helps the cops get a good performance review? And that pattern - if it exists - might not even be intentional, since the first indicator of a justified arrest is a conviction.
We don't know. It would be good to look deeper.
The normal way to check your theory would be to survey the public to get victim statistics. That might work for misdemeanours with an actual victim serious enough for the victim to remember.
But some misdemeanours will be fairly trivial and so quickly forgotten and some like the one Brandon mentions don’t have victims.
Somehow I doubt Brandon’s very interested in checking your (crashingly obvious) theory. I love the smell of activist in the morning.
Without asserting this as fact, the obvious to me possible mechanism is that cash bail => more people stuck in jail (and/or more people getting convicted) => more people's lives significantly disrupted => more crime by those people. (To make it more concrete: if one loses one's job and car because one is in jail, one may be more likely to turn to crime.)
I find myself flabbergasted that there is a express constitutional text on the subject - the Excessive Bail Clause of the 8th Amendment - which gets repeatedly ignored as people look to the Due Process Clause to address the constitutionality of bail.
Why not frame things in terms of how the 8th Amendment should be interpreted and arguing for giving it more teeth, rather than accepting as a given that it has a meaning shrunk into practically nothing, and then trying to expand the Due Process Clause to cover exactly the same subject?
Because what policy makers and judges consider excessive, and what normal people like you and me would consider excessive, are not necessarily the same thing. So due process is a backup.
But the supposed Due Process argument is essentially an argument that the bail is excessive. The argument is that people are being put in jail because they can’t pay it. This is an argument the bail is exessive. If people can pay the bail, the supposed Due Process problem goes a way.
Why not call a spade a spade and call this an excessive bail problem?
It would be like accepting as unalterable that what judges mean by the word “press” in the First Amendment is only ink pressed onto paper with mechanical pressure, and then using Due Process as a backup argument to cover all other forms of symbolic communication. It wasn’t done that way. “Press” was expanded to address the complete modern range. Why not do the same thing to the word “excessive” in the Excessive Bail Clause? An argument that a bail level is fundamentally unfair is simply an argument that the bail level is excessive. If it isn’t excessive, it’s fair.
But the supposed Due Process argument is essentially an argument that the bail is excessive. The argument is that people are being put in jail because they can’t pay it. This is an argument the bail is exessive. If people can pay the bail, the supposed Due Process problem goes a way.
Why not call a spade a spade and call this an excessive bail problem?
It would be like accepting as unalterable that what judges mean by the word “press” in the First Amendment is only ink pressed onto paper with mechanical pressure, and then using Due Process as a backup argument to cover all other forms of symbolic communication. It wasn’t done that way. “Press” was expanded to address the complete modern range. Why not do the same thing to the word “excessive” in the Excessive Bail Clause? An argument that a bail level is fundamentally unfair is simply an argument that the bail level is excessive. If it isn’t excessive, it’s fair.
Why not argue that excessive bail means excessive FOR THE INDIVIDUAL given the imdividual’s particular circumstances, and that for a misdemeanor, bail a defendant can’t afford to pay is ipso facto excessive?
If the bail level for due process is less than that for the excessive bail clause, then the excessive bail clause is doing no work, it’s there purely for decoration. Why did the Framers bother to decorate the Constitution with a meaningless phrase?
My biggest difficulty with current proposals to eliminate cash bail entirely is that it generally seems to mean that people who would have been releasable under a fairly high bail in the past cannot be released at all. This is the opposite problem of poor people getting unaffordable bail.
The 8th Amendment creates a right to bail. So if people who would be releasable under a high bail become unreleasable after bail reform, then eliminating their right to bail violates their constitutional rights.
So it seems to me that one could reduce or eliminate bail in misdemeanor cases where bail would always be available, without eliminating it in felony cases where (as I see it) absent unusual corcumstances a defendant is entitled to bail as a matter of constitutional right.
“How should we weight the costs and benefits when we conduct due process balancing?” — it’s an intriguing heading, but the post suggests (based on an example which may or may not generalize) that due process pays for itself so well that a detailed balancing test is not needed!
Precisely. By choosing this particular example where - let us stipulate he is correct - due process is cost free, and indeed even reduces costs - he shows that he is unserious about the real conflict between due process and cost. It's "All must have prizes" time.
A serious man would give us an example of conflict and offer us his opinion as to how these considerations should be weighed against each other.