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Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine on Remand - Still Struggling with Standing
No, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit's initial standing rulings were not faithful applications of Supreme Court precedent.
Yesterday, on remand from the Supreme Court, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit remanded Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. FDA (the mifepristone case) to the district court. As readers likely recall, a unanimous Supreme Court concluded that AHM lacked standing to sue the FDA for loosening the rules governing mifepristone. Indeed, it was not a particularly close call.
As Josh Blackman notes in a post below, Judge James Ho wrote a separate concurrence defending the panel's initial decision as a faithful application of applicable Supreme Court precedent that relied upon the federal government's prior representations about whether federal conscience laws protect doctors from having to perform abortions where doing so would violate their consciences. I accept that the Solicitor General offered the Court a more robust reading of federal conscience protections than may have been provided in other cases, and that this argument provided the Court with a basis for concluding that the plaintiffs lacked standing, but this concession by the SG was not necessary to resolve the case.
I reject Judge Ho's claim that the Fifth Circuit (and district court) "applied governing Court precedent to determine whether Plaintiffs have standing to bring this suit." For reasons I explained in multiple posts (see listing below), even if one assumes that federal laws would not have protected members of AHM from having to perform abortions in emergency settings, AHM still failed to satisfy the requirements of Article III standing under existing doctrine.
As the Supreme Court explained in its AHM decision, in order to establish standing the plaintiff doctors would have to establish that the FDA's loosening of restrictions on mifepristone was "likely" to "cause them to provide medical treatment against their consciences." Even without the protection of federal conscience laws, this was a showing none of the plaintiffs could make, and this was doubly so once the case was limited to the FDA's loosening of the restrictions on mifepristone, and no longer encompassed the decision to approve mifepristone for sale in the first place. So narrowed, it was entirely speculative that any member of AHM would ever even witness an emergency room visit occasioned by the FDA's less stringent regulation of mifepristone, let alone that one would have been threatened with having to violate his or her conscience.
As I explained in a post about the Fifth Circuit's initial ruling in the case:
Article III standing requires, among other things, that plaintiffs have suffered an injury-in-fact that is both "concrete and particularized" and "actual or imminent." Speculative injuries or those based on a mere probability of future harm are insufficient. As the Supreme Court explained in Clapper v. Amnesty International USA, a "threatened injury must be certainly impending to constitute injury in fact, and that allegations of possible future injury are not sufficient."
Here the plaintiffs argue that some of their member doctors suffer an injury because they have to provide medical care to women who suffer complications from mifepristone. Assuming that this constitutes an injury (a contestable assumption), the plaintiffs have a problem of identifying that this injury is actually going to happen to them as a result of the government's action.
The Fifth Circuit panel seeks to overcome this hurdle by arguing that plaintiffs "are statistically certain" to suffer their alleged injury of having to provide emergency room care to women suffering complications from mifepristone. But to make this argument, the panel has to sidestep existing doctrine and play a bit of sleight of hand with the relevant allegations and claims.
For starters, the claim that an organization can claim standing because there is a strong statistical probability that some of its members will suffer an injury from a government action has been expressly considered and rejected by the Supreme Court in prior cases, most notably Summers v. Earth Island Institute in 2009. There the environmental plaintiffs had sought to argue that it was virtually certain that some among their hundreds of thousands of members would be harmed by the U.S. Forest Service's failure to allow for public comment on a salvage timber sale. Four justices found this to be sufficient for standing; five did not.
Writing for the Court in Summers, Justice Scalia explained that even accepting the probability that "some (unidentified) members have planned to visit some (unidentified) small parcels affected by the Forest Service's procedures and will suffer (unidentified) concrete harm as a result," that was not enough to satisfy the requirements of Article III. Such an approach to standing would, Justice Scalia explained, "make a mockery of our prior cases, which have required plaintiff-organizations to make specific allegations establishing that at least one identified member had suffered or would suffer harm."
The Fifth Circuit does not even mention Summers, but does try to suggest that there is standing here because the injuries are not merely probabilistic, but "statistically certain." Alas, this claim does not hold up to scrutiny, as it is based on a bit of sleight of hand.
The panel tries to argue that an injury to one of the plaintiffs is certain because there are so many women that have taken mifepristone, and complications are so common, that it is inconceivable that some of AHM's members will not be called upon to provide emergency room care. The panel stacks the deck though in the way it presents the numbers, however. For instance, it notes that five million women have taken the drug since 2000. Based on the FDA's acknowledgement that in two-to-seven percent of cases will involve potential complications from the drug not fully working, this means there have been between 100,000 to 350,000 cases in which women have needed additional treatment. But note that these numbers are for a twenty-plus-year period. On an annual basis, this represents 5,000 to 17,000 cases. Even making the demonstrably false assumption that all of these cases require a visit to one of the thousands of emergency rooms in the United States, it is far from a "statistical certainty" that one of the plaintiff doctors will handle one of these cases, as these cases represent a tiny fraction of the over 130 million emergency department visits each year.
There is an even deeper problem with the panel's analysis, however. It is well established that standing is not dispensed in gross. As the Supreme Court has repeatedly reaffirmed, a plaintiff "must demonstrate standing for each claim he seeks to press and for each form of relief that is sought." Standing to challenge one agency action does not necessarily establish standing to challenge another. More specifically, even if the plaintiffs can establish that they will suffer an actual or imminent injury from one FDA action (such as the 2000 approval of mifepristone) that does not mean that they will suffer an actual or imminent injury from another FDA action (such as the 2016 or later revisions to the rules governing mifepristone).
This aspect of standing matters in AHM v. FDA because, as the panel correctly concluded, the plaintiffs' claims against the FDA's 2000 approval of mifepristone are barred by the statute of limitations. All that's on the table are the later actions—those in 2016 or later—which merely altered the restrictions placed upon the distribution and administration of mifepristone. And in order to demonstrate standing, the plaintiffs needed to show that they will suffer an actual or imminent injury from these later actions. Yet this is not the analysis the Fifth Circuit panel conducted.
Rather than consider whether the plaintiffs could demonstrate even a reasonable likelihood that the FDA's changes to rules governing mifepristone would cause an injury-in-fact, the Fifth Circuit instead focuses on alleged injuries attributable to the approval of mifepristone. This is the wrong inquiry. In order to challenge the 2016 and later regulatory revisions, the plaintiffs need to show an actual or imminent injury that is fairly traceable to these specific actions—the FDA's loosening of the restrictions on mifepristone—which necessarily only represent a fraction of all the mifepristone-related complications requiring emergency care relied upon in the Fifth Circuit's opinion.
This is fatal to the Fifth Circuit's analysis, as there is nothing in the pleadings to support the claim that it is even reasonably likely, let alone "statistically certain," that one of the plaintiffs will be forced to provide care as a consequence of the FDA's 2016 and later modifications to the rules governing mifepristone. Put another way, even accepting that "emergency room care is statistically certain in hundreds of thousands of cases" resulting from the use of mifepristone (over a span of decades), this does nothing to establish the likelihood of such consequences from the FDA actions the plaintiffs are actually able to challenge.
The Fifth Circuit's later opinion in the case gestured at addressing these concerns (and sought to distinguish Summers) but never engaged with the inherently speculative nature of AHM's claims (nor addressed AHM's repeated misrepresentation of Clapper). As I noted in another post:
The problem here is that AHM is alleging precisely the sort of speculative injuries the Court held were insufficient in Clapper v. Amnesty International. Thus allowing this case to go forward would, in effect, allow groups of doctors to challenge any agency decision that could conceivably result in an increase in injuries among an identifiable group of people. AHM tries to address this problem by citing the comment in Clapper footnote 5 that standing can sometimes be shown "based on a 'substantial risk' that the harm will occur," yet manages to conveniently truncate the quote every time it this argument is made. What footnote 5 actually says is that: "In some instances, we have found standing based on a 'substantial risk' that the harm will occur, which may prompt plaintiffs to reasonably incur costs to mitigate or avoid that harm." That latter requirement—costly anticipatory actions to prevent harm—is not met here.
This may all mean that no one may ever sue the FDA for failing to regulate a drug more stringently (a point I address here), but that is an accepted consequence of existing standing doctrine.
It may also be the case that existing standing law is a mess (as some jurists have argued), but that does not change the fact that AHM lacked standing to sue the FDA under current doctrine, and it was not a particularly close call.
* * *
For those interested, here are my prior blog posts about the AHM mifepristone litigation and the issues it raises:
- "The Next Abortion Battlegrounds," June 22, 2022;
- "Assessing the Legal Claims in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. FDA," March 8, 2023;
- "AHM v. FDA: A Contrary View and a Rejoinder," March 28, 2023;
- "Blue-State AGs Have A Mifepristone Lawsuit of Their Own," March 29, 2023;
- "Two (Wrong) Mifepristone Court Rulings in One Day," April 8, 2023;
- "The Good and Bad of the Fifth Circuit's Abortion Pill Ruling," April 13, 2023.
- "BREAKING: Supreme Court to Consider Fifth Circuit's Abortion Pill Decision," Dec. 13, 2023.
- Supreme Court Denies Red State Effort to Intervene in Mifepristone Case, Feb. 20, 2024.
- Can Emergency Room Doctors Sue the FDA for Failing to Regulate Mifepristone More Aggressively?, Mar. 26, 2024.
- Mifepristone in the Supreme Court—Comments on Oral Argument (Updated), March 26, 2024.
- Who Can Sue the FDA?, April 2, 2024.
- Unanimous Supreme Court Finds No Standing to Challenge FDA Regulation of Mifepristone (UPDATED), June 13, 2024.
- Struggling with Standing, July 30, 2024.
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Thank you for this.
It is imperative that people (like you) do the effort to show what actually happened.
The contrast between this post, and the ... um.... other post is stark and illuminating.
You approach this fairly and neutrally, but I will reiterate what I already said- Judge Ho's concurrence is an embarrassment, designed to appeal only to those who don't actually understand what happened, or don't care.
Co-sign.
Tangent.
"this concession by the SG was not necessary to resolve the case."
If the concession was not necessary, will judicial estoppel still apply if the government tries to contradict the Solicitor General?
No.
"Not only as a matter of law but also as a matter of fact,
the federal conscience laws have protected pro-life doctors
ever since FDA approved mifepristone in 2000. The
plaintiffs have not identified any instances where a doctor
was required, notwithstanding conscience objections, to
perform an abortion or to provide other abortion-related
treatment that violated the doctor’s conscience. Nor is
there any evidence in the record here of hospitals overriding
or failing to accommodate doctors’ conscience objections"
It wasn't necessary. But I think that the Court rightly highlighted the particular provision, and that it applies. It would be difficult to say, "Actually, you can punish doctors, NOTWITHSTANDING FEDERAL LAW and dicta construing same, even though EMTALA regulates hospitals, not doctors."
Not to get into the weeds here, but the issue is that the 5th Cir. had a result in mind, and they reached it regardless of things like "law" or "facts" or "standing."
I don't think there are criminal prosecutions for EMTALA, but there could potentially be an official reliance defense if that were a thing. Plus, someone who actually faces that consequence might then have standing because they can at least demonstrate a concrete past harm (although they'd still have to show the likelihood of it reoccurring).
"Not to get into the weeds here, but the issue is that the 5th Cir. had a result in mind, and they reached it regardless of things like “law” or “facts” or “standing.”"
They are certainly not alone with this happening in courts at every level.
This happens but less often and less radically than a lot of nonlawyers think - that's why it's making headlines.
I'm not convinced of that.
And until you read a bunch of lower court opinions to see how they deal with precedent you never will be.
Agree the claimed injury was always speculative. Standing requires a showing of imminent injury. Plaintiffs must show objective evidence of injury, not their unsubstantiated subjective fear of it. The plaintiffs were unable to produce a single real live example of the injury they claimed to be afraid of in the decades since the drug was approved and put on the market. They relied solely on affidavits expressing their speculative beliefs and fears about what might posssibly happen some day in the future.
This was telling. If there was a sufficient likelihood of the posited injury (a doctor being required to perform an emergency abortion due to complications from mifepristone) and to confer standing, surely it would have happened at least once, somewhere in the country, in all those years.
Nothing the government said really mattered. These plaintiffs had already pled themselves out of court before government lawyers ever opened their mouths. The lack of standing was so open and shut based on AHM’s own filings that a court would likely be obligated to dismiss this case for lack of standing sua sponte, even if the government’s lawyers hadn’t appeared to oppose it.
Do psychological injuries count?
... okay, I'll say it.
Why? Are you psychologically injured?
I've said this before, and I know it won't do any good- but if you actually want to understand something- THEN LEARN ABOUT IT before trying to dream up ways to argue a point. Really.
Injury-in-fact. Causation. Redressability.
Read the SCOTUS opinion. You can't get standing by claiming that there is a possibility that something might happen, that you can't point to ever happening, and you are worried that this MIGHT happen in the future. Maybe. Even though you got bupkes.
Seriously. Read the opinion. Learn the issues. And then formulate questions.
It depends on what kind.
Suppose you sincerely believe that there is a pedophilia ring in the basement of the Comet Pizza parlor and are sincerely afraid that this ring will come and snatch your child. This psychological injury is real. You actually experience it. But nonetheless, it will not give you standing to sue to shut the Comet Pizza Parlor down.
To see why, let’s walk through the elements of standing. You have an injury in fact. You are in fact fearful. The injury is redressable by the court. If the court orders the Comet Pizza Parlor ahut down, you will in fact feel relieved.
The problem is the second element, causality. You have to show that your psychological injury is caused by the Comet Pizza Parlor. And in order to show that, you would have to show that the Comet Pizza Parlor is actually doing something to cause it, for example that there actually is a pedophilia ring operating within it.
You would fail at this element.
The situation here is similar.
While I don't remember the specific case, I do remember one where a law was successfully challenged on the grounds that even though no one had ever been prosecuted for breaking it, the litigant had standing because he *could* be prosecuted.
What would be the legal consequences to a MD who refused to participate in an abortion and instead watched a woman die in front of him? Why wouldn't that apply here -- the religious right not to participate in an abortion includes the right of knowing one won't suffer legal consequences for exercising that right, because otherwise the right is nonexistent.
The other question I have -- which no one has asked -- is if the MD would have a suit against the company that manufactured the abortion pill. The legal theory would be that the product was defective -- did not perform a complete abortion on its own -- and he was injured by being forced to participate in the abortion. I'm sure he could produce a pastor discussing the traumatic harm this caused him, and in the Bible Belt, a jury would listen to that.
The problem with suits against gun manufacturers is that the guns were not defective -- they hit the person they were pointed at. But here the product WAS defective in that it did not kill and fully remove the fetus. And even if the mother waived liability, the MD didn't/hadn't. So....
And could this be the solution? Instead of arguing Comstock, Red State courts could make it unduly expensive for the drug *manufacturer* to permit these drugs to get to Red States. This would get around the laws folks like Maura Healey (MA Gov) has had passed to protect abortionists in Massachusetts, and if they named the mother as a co-defendant in the suit, she being a state resident, wouldn't that preclude removal to Federal Court?
Although the Federal jury pool is within the state, and the 7th Amendment states that "In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved."
Checkmate...
You’re playing tic-tac-toe, Grampa.
Ugh ... I mean ...
We are close to the whole "I copyrighted my name" thing, aren't we?
Wouldn't it be nice if the so-called conservatives that comment here actually spent less time (badly) dreaming up ways to use Big Gummint to enforce their beliefs on other people?
Oh well.
Unless you have problems with what the RIAA has been doing over the past 20 years, I really don't want to hear about it.
No, that use of copyright law is not "somehow different" from this, although I also fail to see how copyright law even applies. Ye Olde Pharmacist is selling a product which Ye Old Drug Company has sold with some contractual provisions regarding redistribution.
That's contract law, not copyright law -- and the suits against Ye Olde Drug Company is product liability law. Similar to suits against Ye Old Defective Gunmaker by third parties injured by bolts blowing out of defective guns. (If someone was making DEFECTIVE guns that were exploding with the metal parts injuring third parties, there'd be lawsuits and I wouldn't have any problem with that.)
Why are you like this?
I'll bite:
The standard is reasonable likelihood of prosecution. That's not present in this case.
I'm not aware of anyone prosecuted for failing to perform an abortion. If you're aware of such a scenario, let us know.
Not everything has to be a legal harm. I'm also confused by a doctor citing religious harm for his failed attempt at an abortion. He also wasn't forced to participate in an abortion if he chose to participate.
Addressing the fourth paragraph and the one above it, if there is a defective product, you can sue the manufacturer of the product under tort law. You don't get to sue the regulatory agency for their decision to approve the product.
They'd have to sue the manufacturer in a state where there is personal jurisdiction. I don't think the mother could be sued for a product defect so I'm not sure they could avoid diversity jurisdiction. That being said, while $20 is the minimum amount for a jury trial, Federal jurisdiction law requires the case in controversy to be much higher to hear the case. Otherwise, it'll be decided in state court and state law on jury trials would control. Are southern states pro-plaintiff?
The overbreadth doctrine is a First Amendment doctrine which says that plaintiffs have standing to sue if a law would tend to “chill” them from speaking, even if they can’t show an imminent threat of prosecution. It lowers the usual standard for standing in the Free Speech context.
Perhaps the case you recall involved a First Amendment challenge invoking the overbreadth doctrine in a speech case.
But this is not a Free Speech case. And the Supreme Court has been narrowing the overbreadth doctrine even in the Free Speech context.
Red States can simply ban abortifacients themselves, directly. Judge Robert Chambers, a Clinton-appointed federal district judge, recently somewhat reluctantly upheld West Virginia’s ban, finding that FDA regulation of mifepristone does not pre-empt state abortion law. The judge said the situation is analogous to past cases holding that federal regulation of horse slaughter and uranium mining do not pre-empt state bans on these practices. Judge Chambers also held that states can ban products which they regard as immoral without running afoul of the Commerce Clause, and Dobbs permits states to treat abortifacients similarly to horsemeat, cruelly produced pork, etc.
GenBioPro has appealed to the 4th Circuit.
https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/west-virginia/wvsdce/3:2023cv00058/235957/66/
Huh. Interesting!
I will put that in my list of things to look into.
Thank you for bringing that up; I thought I heard about that, but now I want to take a deeper dive.
ope mis-thread
The solution, of course, would be a return to the old requirement that the woman swallow the pill in the presence of the MD or perhaps the pharmacist.
And while I don't claim to understand how the subrogation on this would work, wouldn't the drug manufacturer, harmed by the negligence of the pharmacist and or MD, have legal recourse against them? If they had watched her swallow the pill, she wouldn't have been able to mail it to Alabama and hence Ye Old Big Pharma Company wouldn't have lost the 6 figure lawsuit.
Standing doctrine works as a bar to keep plaintiffs from litigating pure policy questions. What's cool about it is that it also works as a one-way ratchet to empower the justices.
When justices want to litigate policy questions they cite their made-up major questions doctrine, or separation of powers, or elephants and mouse holes, or they write concurrences to signal desire for cases that touch on a particular policy they want to fiddle with, or they demand at cert that the parties brief a policy question the justices are interested in, whether or not the record of the case touched on that question.
Stuff like that keeps the justices at liberty to govern policy, or even to constitutionalize their preferred policies. Standing doctrine may be there for all sorts of good reasons. It's especially popular with the justices because it clears the field of competition for their own policy interventions. It even bars challenges after the justices have decreed as law the policies they prefer.
That's how you get rid of Chevron deference. That's how you clear the way for a flood of dark money in politics. That's how you get a Court with power to gut the Clean Water Act. That's how you get criminal immunity for a partisan majority's preferred presidential candidate.
You don't like any of that? Get an amendment. Get a bunch of amendments.
"That’s how you get rid of Chevron deference. That’s how you clear the way for a flood of dark money in politics. That’s how you get a Court with power to gut the Clean Water Act. That’s how you get criminal immunity for a partisan majority’s preferred presidential candidate."
How did you get the chevron deference in the first place?
If you don't want dark money, *you* should get an amendment.
And you'd need another one for your interpretation of the Clean Waters Act because, in addition to the intent of Congress back in the 1960s, there is the enumerated powers issue. "Navigable waters" is one thing, the muck hole in the back 40 is something else...
And as to "criminal immunity for a partisan majority’s preferred presidential candidate", I don't remember seeing Al Gore being charged for the very same things 20 years ago, or anyone in the DNC being charged for what happened in the 1968 Convention.
Before 2020, I would never have dreamed of a former President being criminally charged for anything. It simply wasn't done.
My point is that you aren't opposed to judges deciding policy questions, you are opposed to the answers the current cadre of judges are giving, as opposed to the answers that a prior cadre of judges gave. It's you folk who made the judiciary political, and don't complain when my side plays the game by the rules that your side has established.
I don't remember Dwight Eisenhower being charged for the very same things either — perhaps because they didn't do the very same things as Trump.
What do you think "happened" in the 1968 convention, and what crime do you think was committed, by whom?
Standing doctrine takes power away from the justices.
I mean, it does, but Judges are the gatekeepers of standing so I understand the skepticism.
In the same way that Marbury v. Madison took power away from the Supreme Court.
You seem to have missed the basic point that Stephen was making.