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Unanimous Supreme Court Finds No Standing to Challenge FDA Regulation of Mifepristone (UPDATED)
Not a single justice was impressed by the unimpressive standing theories offered in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. FDA.
Today the Supreme Court held that anti-abortion doctors lack standing to challenge the Food and Drug Administration's regulations governing mifepristone. This was as expected. Justice Kavanaugh wrote the opinion for a unanimous Court in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. Food & Drug Administration. Justice Thomas also wrote a separate concurrence on third-party and associational standing.
As I documented in a series of posts (linked here and below) the arguments offered in support of standing by AHM and the lower courts were never particularly strong, particularly once courts concluded that challenges to the FDA's initial approval of mifepristone in 2000 were time barred. There was never much question that the Supreme Court would conclude that the plaintiffs lacked Article III standing in this case. The only question was whether it would be unanimous (as opposed to 8-1 or 7-2). Access to mifepristone was never at risk from this litigation.
Here is how Justice Kavanaugh summarizes his unanimous opinion for the Court:
In 2016 and 2021, the Food and Drug Administration relaxed its regulatory requirements for mifepristone, an abortion drug. Those changes made it easier for doctors to prescribe and pregnant women to obtain mifepristone. Several pro-life doctors and associations sued FDA, arguing that FDA's actions violated the Administrative Procedure Act. But the plaintiffs do not prescribe or use mifepristone. And FDA is not requiring them to do or refrain from doing anything. Rather, the plaintiffs want FDA to make mifepristone more difficult for other doctors to prescribe and for pregnant women to obtain. Under Article III of the Constitution, a plaintiff 's desire to make a drug less available for others does not establish standing to sue. Nor do the plaintiffs' other standing theories suffice. Therefore, the plaintiffs lack standing to challenge FDA's actions
As Justice Kavanaugh explains, AHM offered a variety of theories for Article III standing to challenge the FDA's decision to loosen the regulation of mifepristone, but none were adequate.
The plaintiffs do not allege the kinds of injuries described above that unregulated parties sometimes can assert to demonstrate causation. Because the plaintiffs do not prescribe, manufacture, sell, or advertise mifepristone or sponsor a competing drug, the plaintiffs suffer no direct monetary injuries from FDA's actions relaxing regulation of mifepristone. Nor do they suffer injuries to their property, or to the value of their property, from FDA's actions. Because the plaintiffs do not use mifepristone, they obviously can suffer no physical injuries from FDA's actions relaxing regulation of mifepristone.
Rather, the plaintiffs say that they are pro-life, oppose elective abortion, and have sincere legal, moral, ideological, and policy objections to mifepristone being prescribed and used by others. The plaintiffs appear to recognize that those general legal, moral, ideological, and policy concerns do not suffice on their own to confer Article III standing to sue in federal court. So to try to establish standing, the plaintiffs advance several complicated causation theories to connect FDA's actions to the plaintiffs' alleged injuries in fact.
The standing theory Justice Kavanaugh addresses first, and that received the most attention at oral argument, was that the FDA's decision to loosen restrictions on mifepristone would result in more emergency room visits by women suffering complications, and that this would result in conscience injuries to anti-abortion doctors forced to provide care in such situations. Without being dismissive of the genuine conscience-based objections some doctors may have to facilitating abortions, Justice Kavanaugh explained why these claims were insufficient to demonstrate standing.
The doctors contend that FDA's 2016 and 2021 actions will cause more pregnant women to suffer complications from mifepristone, and those women in turn will need more emergency abortions by doctors. The plaintiff doctors say that they therefore may be required—against their consciences—to render emergency treatment completing the abortions or providing other abortion-related treatment.
The Government correctly acknowledges that a conscience injury of that kind constitutes a concrete injury in fact for purposes of Article III. . . So doctors would have standing to challenge a government action that likely would cause them to provide medical treatment against their consciences. But in this case—even assuming for the sake of argument that FDA's 2016 and 2021 changes to mifepristone's conditions of use cause more pregnant women to require emergency abortions and that some women would likely seek treatment from these plaintiff doctors—the plaintiff doctors have not shown that they could be forced to participate in an abortion or provide abortion-related medical treatment over their conscience objections.
That is because, as the Government explains, federal conscience laws definitively protect doctors from being required to perform abortions or to provide other treatment that violates their consciences.
As Justice Kavanaugh notes, "plaintiffs have not identified any instances where a doctor was required, notwithstanding conscience objections, to perform an abortion or to provide other abortion-related treatment that violated the doctor's conscience. Nor is there any evidence in the record here of hospitals overriding or failing to accommodate doctors' conscience objections." (And, as he notes, EMTALA does not require otherwise.)
Conscience injuries were not the only theories offered by the plaintiffs, but they were no more successful.
In addition to alleging conscience injuries, the doctors cite various monetary and related injuries that they allegedly will suffer as a result of FDA's actions—in particular, diverting resources and time from other patients to treat patients with mifepristone complications; increasing risk of liability suits from treating those patients; and potentially increasing insurance costs.
Those standing allegations suffer from the same problem—a lack of causation. The causal link between FDA's regulatory actions and those alleged injuries is too speculative or otherwise too attenuated to establish standing
As I noted in several of my posts, the claims that the FDA's decision to allow mifepristone on the market would result in cognizable injuries to any doctors who were part of the suit was always speculative, and made much more so once the case was narrowed to the consideration of the FDA's modification of mifepristone prescribing requirements.
Writes Kavanaugh:
the law has never permitted doctors to challenge the government's loosening of general public safety requirements simply because more individuals might then show up at emergency rooms or in doctors' offices with follow-on injuries. Stated otherwise, there is no Article III doctrine of "doctor standing" that allows doctors to challenge general government safety regulations. Nor will this Court now create such a novel standing doctrine out of whole cloth. . . .
We recognize that many citizens, including the plaintiff doctors here, have sincere concerns about and objections to others using mifepristone and obtaining abortions. But citizens and doctors do not have standing to sue simply because others are allowed to engage in certain activities— at least without the plaintiffs demonstrating how they would be injured by the government's alleged underregulation of others.
Justice Kavanaugh also (in a footnote) explains why third-party standing cannot solve the standing puzzle for doctors here.
The doctors also suggest that they can sue in a representative capacity to vindicate their patients' injuries or potential future injuries, even if the doctors have not suffered and would not suffer an injury themselves. This Court has repeatedly rejected such arguments. Under this Court's precedents, third-party standing, as some have called it, allows a narrow class of litigants to assert the legal rights of others. See Hollingsworth v. Perry, 570 U. S. 693, 708 (2013). But "even when we have allowed litigants to assert the interests of others, the litigants themselves still must have suffered an injury in fact, thus giving them a sufficiently concrete interest in the outcome of the issue in dispute." Ibid. (quotation marks and alterations omitted). The third-party standing doctrine does not allow doctors to shoehorn themselves into Article III standing simply by showing that their patients have suffered injuries or may suffer future injuries.
Note that this footnote leaves in place the form of third-party standing that doctors relied upon to challenge abortion restrictions pre-Dobbs (and to which Justice Thomas objects in his concurrence).
AHM also sought to establish organizational standing, relying upon Havens Realty. This too failed. Justice Kavanaugh explains why AHM's invocation of Havens Realty falters, and does so in a way that may correct the overly generous interpretation of Havens Realty adopted in some circuits and academics.
According to the medical associations, FDA has "impaired" their "ability to provide services and achieve their organizational missions." … That argument does not work to demonstrate standing. . . .
They claim to have standing not based on their mere disagreement with FDA's policies, but based on their incurring costs to oppose FDA's actions. They say that FDA has "caused" the associations to conduct their own studies on mifepristone so that the associations can better inform their members and the public about mifepristone's risks. Brief for Respondents 43. They contend that FDA has "forced" the associations to "expend considerable time, energy, and resources" drafting citizen petitions to FDA, as well as engaging in public advocacy and public education. Id., at 44 (quotation marks omitted). And all of that has caused the associations to spend "considerable resources" to the detriment of other spending priorities. Ibid.
But an organization that has not suffered a concrete injury caused by a defendant's action cannot spend its way into standing simply by expending money to gather information and advocate against the defendant's action. An organization cannot manufacture its own standing in that way. The medical associations respond that under Havens Realty Corp. v. Coleman, standing exists when an organization diverts its resources in response to a defendant's actions. 455 U. S. 363. That is incorrect. Indeed, that theory would mean that all the organizations in America would have standing to challenge almost every federal policy that they dislike, provided they spend a single dollar opposing those policies. Havens does not support such an expansive theory of standing. . . .
Havens was an unusual case, and this Court has been careful not to extend the Havens holding beyond its context. So too here.
Of note, Justice Kavanaugh observes that AHM had not made an informational standing claim, and perhaps they or some other organization may file such a claim in the future, but I am not sure that would make a difference in the outcome.
Finally, Justice Kavanaugh addresses the objection that if AHM cannot sue the FDA then no one can sue (a point I addressed here).
Finally, it has been suggested that the plaintiffs here must have standing because if these plaintiffs do not have standing, then it may be that no one would have standing to challenge FDA's 2016 and 2021 actions. For starters, it is not clear that no one else would have standing to challenge FDA's relaxed regulation of mifepristone. But even if no one would have standing, this Court has long rejected that kind of "if not us, who?" argument as a basis for standing. See Clapper, 568 U. S., at 420–421; Valley Forge, 454 U. S., at 489; Richardson, 418 U. S., at 179–180. The "assumption" that if these plaintiffs lack "standing to sue, no one would have standing, is not a reason to find standing." Schlesinger, 418 U. S., at 227. Rather, some issues may be left to the political and democratic processes: The Framers of the Constitution did not "set up something in the nature of an Athenian democracy or a New England town meeting to oversee the conduct of the National Government by means of lawsuits in federal courts." Richardson, 418 U. S., at 179; see Texas, 599 U. S., at 685.
I will address Justice Thomas' concurrence in a separate post.
Finally, it is worth noting that this opinion says nothing about whether or not any of the FDA's decisions concerning mifepristone were proper, nor does it address whether the Comstock Act limits the distribution of abortifacients. As a matter of administrative law, I found the challenges to the FDA's mifepristone decision-making unpersuasive, and the FDA is not tasked with enforcing the Comstock Act, so that was never really a part of this case.
* * *
For those interested, here are my prior blog posts about the AHM mifepristone litigation and the issues it raises:
- "The Next Abortion Battlegrounds," June 22, 2022;
- "Assessing the Legal Claims in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. FDA," March 8, 2023;
- "AHM v. FDA: A Contrary View and a Rejoinder," March 28, 2023;
- "Blue-State AGs Have A Mifepristone Lawsuit of Their Own," March 29, 2023;
- "Two (Wrong) Mifepristone Court Rulings in One Day," April 8, 2023;
- "The Good and Bad of the Fifth Circuit's Abortion Pill Ruling," April 13, 2023.
- "BREAKING: Supreme Court to Consider Fifth Circuit's Abortion Pill Decision," Dec. 13, 2023.
- Supreme Court Denies Red State Effort to Intervene in Mifepristone Case, Feb. 20, 2024.
- Can Emergency Room Doctors Sue the FDA for Failing to Regulate Mifepristone More Aggressively?, Mar. 26, 2024.
- Mifepristone in the Supreme Court—Comments on Oral Argument (Updated), March 26, 2024.
- Who Can Sue the FDA?, April 2, 2024.
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In return for a unanimous opinion the liberals were forced to sign onto an opinion containing the words "pregnant women" over and over.
I thought it might have ended up 8-1 with Thomas dissenting. Instead he wrote a concurrence to reiterate that doctors who support abortion should not have standing either.
And now, your moment of cynical zen: The plaintiffs should have figured out how to tie their emotional injuries to suing for damages over it. Then lawyers, and thence politicians, will fall all over each other to sign up.
Boy, faction fight: abortion vs. suing lawyers.
I am glad to see this observation:
The real example is seat belt laws, which New Hampshire STILL does not have.
Live free AND die.
Uh, that depends.
We should be able to sue politicians for decisions that slow technological progress, murdering like continuously compounded interest as the decades drag on and we are further and further behind where we shoud be.
Pardon me, some shadows just ran by my window. I hafta go check it out...
When we previously discussed this case, I pointed out that this would be the necessary implication of finding standing here: that doctors could challenge any regulation by claiming it affected health. It's doubly wrong; it's wrong because the effect is too attenuated from the policy decision, but it's also wrong because treating patients is not a harm to doctors. (If anything, it's a benefit to doctors if more people get sick or hurt.)
What I don't understand is how they could have had standing in 2000 when the FDA approved it, but not now when the FDA expanded its approval of it.
I think this decision will come back to bite some of the environmental leftists though as they will lose some of their standing.
Did they have standing in 2000?
Adler wrote:
"As I documented in a series of posts (linked here and below) the arguments offered in support of standing by AHM and the lower courts were never particularly strong, particularly once courts concluded that challenges to the FDA's initial approval of mifepristone in 2000 were time barred. "
I read the above to say that yes, they did have standing in 2000...
That doesn't say they had standing in 2000. It just says they have no authority to challenge the initial approval. It implies that the arguments are weaker now than then, though, but it doesn't mean they were strong at any point.
How do you get that, Dr. Ed 2? If the arguments were the same, the standing analysis would have been the same.
You're reading it wrong, then.
The doctors' theory of standing derived primarily from the availability and use of mifepristone, not the manner or ease with which it was obtained. Thus, if they were "harmed" in any way, it would have been primarily by the 2000 FDA approval, not the 2016 or 2021 changes. So, when a challenge to the approval was found to be time-barred, the strongest grounds they had for asserting their theory of standing was removed.
To be sure, they claim an incremental harm tied to the 2016 and 2021 changes, in order to continue to support their standing argument. But for those actions, they would have to demonstrate that they're harmed not just by the availability and use of mifepristone, but specifically by those women who gained access to it under the 2016 and 2021 rule changes.
So their burden is higher once you exclude the 2000 approval.
You read it wrong.
The standing claims would have been weak back in 2000, the doctors couldn't demonstrate any sort of injury.
As that initial approval became time barred those weak standing claims became weaker, 9-0 weaker.
The case that reached the Supreme Court originally included a challenge to the 2000 approval. By the time the case reached the Supreme Court that claim was gone. The lower courts decided the plaintiffs waited too long. The Supreme Court did not agree to decide whether plaintiffs were entitled to vacate the 2000 approval. The opinion did not need to discuss that decision. On remand the courts should withdraw the finding that the lawsuit was filed too late and instead dismiss due to lack of standing.
It is weird, isn't it, how your incorrect assumptions always come back to destroy your enemies?
Anyway, this was a correct decision on standing. The Fifth Circuit should be ashamed of themselves.
HA HA! That would require shame.
As should the District Court. 9-0 is quite the bench slap. A well-deserved bench slap.
Well, given the District Court judge in question, he will probably just comfort himself with allowing the next crazy lawsuit to go forth.
After all, what are they going to do? It's not like they can even stop him from plaintiffs forum shopping to get him, and just him!
I suspect Kacsmaryk’s first attempt will be simply continue the case by maintaining that Missouri, Kansas and Idaho have standing to join as plaintiffs. Per Adam Unikowsky:
https://adamunikowsky.substack.com/p/it-aint-over-til-its-over
Don't even get me started on that. It's almost like he doesn't care about things like "regular process" or "how things are supposed to work," when it comes to advancing his own causes.
As a judge, he's a joke.
He is on a Mission From God. Reason, science, and the ways of man are inconsequential in the context of his divine works.
Careful, around here that's considered a good argument.
That's why these clingers are culture war casualties.
I really want to know what these guys are like on “regular” cases that won’t get much attention. Are they out of their depth? Erratic? Are they actually weirdly normal to deal with? Do they just pawn as much as they can on magistrates and court staff to save time for their special crusades?
Correct, you don’t understand. At least you got one thing right.
The review process initiated in 2002 was not dependent on Article III standing. From the opinion, p. 3:
“In 2002, three pro-life associations submitted a joint citizen petition asking FDA to rescind its approval of Mifeprex. FDA denied their petition.”
(emphasis added) A “joint citizen petition” is statutory and does not require Art. III standing.
The decision treats Haven's Realty almost as harshly as Bivens. Neither case is formally overruled. Neither case can be allowed to grow.
The government was forced to make a concession on EMTALA. Doctors are free to refuse to perform abortions because the law does not apply to doctors. It applies to hospitals.
"The government was forced to make a concession on EMTALA. Doctors are free to refuse to perform abortions because the law does not apply to doctors. It applies to hospitals."
But what happens if ALL the doctors refuse?
Then there wouldn't be lawful abortions, presumably?
Grampa Ed drools:
Go read the EMTALA and get back to us.
1. Props to Kavanaugh for a very clear and lucid opinion.
2. Thomas's concurrence is suspiciously long - 8 pages or so. almost all of which is unnecessary for the case. I wonder whether he's priming the pump for a case down the road where he wants to deny associational standing.
The final paragraph of the concurrence seems to suggest as much.
No other justice joined, so it's hard to tell if no one agrees with him on the issue, or if they agree with "No party challenges our associational-standing doctrine today.... In this suit, rejecting our associational-standing doctrine is not necessary to conclude that the plaintiffs lack standing." and don't want to join an obvious advisory opinion on an unbriefed issue.
Reading Thomas's concurrence, I would be rather surprised if we do not see a similar, much shorter separate opinion from him in the upcoming NetChoice cases, raising similar doubts about NetChoice's associational standing, and referring readers to this opinion for why.
I mean, yes… and no. Yes, that's what he's doing (more precisely, third party standing is his concern; the associational thing is incidental). No, in that he pulls this shit all the time, and while he sporadically gets one justice or another to go along with him, he is too dogmatic and impatient to ever build towards a radical goal like that.
Funny the Pharmaceutical-Industrial Complex doesn’t have the same Ethical problems with Milfepristone as they do with Lethal Injection meds
Frank
Hm, almost makes you wonder if maybe they're not analogous.
This was an easy case to decide.
I hope the attorneys for the plaintiffs invest their fees wisely.
"I hope the attorneys for the plaintiffs invest their fees wisely."
Any fees the plaintiffs' attorneys received are probably long gone.
For some years, I’ve been deeply suspicious of the Supreme Court’s standing precedents. It often looked like little more than an excuse to avoid deciding a case’s merits. Kavanaugh’s explanation of standing here may make me change my mind. The explanation was clear, simple and compelling. I’m not sure that I like the policy result (that there are some cases where literally nobody can bring a suit to undo bad government action) and I’m sure that I will resent it in future cases but the justification of the standing rule as necessary to separation of powers is convincing.
Justice Kavanaugh's reasoning was basically a reaffirmation of long established precedent, especially Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U. S. 555, 560–561 (1992).
What was the "bad government action" in the decided case?
You're as bad a reader as Dr. Ed. Rossami didn't say there was a bad government action in the decided case.
[I’m not sure that I like the policy result (that there are some cases where literally nobody can bring a suit to undo bad government action)]
There are and should be many such cases because not every policy or action should be decided in court. There are some matters that are properly the charge of the other two branches of government.
Un-elected bureaucrats can act politically and nobody can do anything about it. Rule of law baby!
1. What do you think federal courts are if not even less accountable unelected bureaucrats?
2. Yes rule of law includes things like limits on the exercise of judicial power, the commitment be Congress of certain actions to federal agencies through rule-making procedures it has designed. Why would you make such a vapid and obvious point?
To hone this point a bit.... The most obvious and direct check would be Congressional legislation to adjust the various organic statutes in ways that force changes to bureaucratic behavior. Doesn't even need a public comment period.
But Congress has become indolent and nearly paralyzed from tending and pruning its own statutes.
Second most obvious and slightly less direct check is electing a new president who will appoint different agency heads. Rehnquist gets at this point in his MVMA v State Farm dissent.
It’s also funny how agencies and their personnel have to respond to public comment, including those most directly impacted by the proposed action, the elected executive, the elected Congress, and the judicial branch. In some sense they’re the MOST accountable part of the government.
Where/when did the Justices act politically?
They merely said, "In sum, the doctors in this case have failed to establish Article III standing. The doctors have not shown that
FDA’s actions likely will cause them any injury in fact. The
asserted causal link is simply too speculative or too attenuated to support Article III standing."
There's absolutely NOTHING about politics in that decision.
This is just Bob from Ohio being stupi . . . .
Oops! I'm not allowed to call anyone stupid.
TBF a decision regarding the limits of judicial power is inherently political. But it’s no more or less political than what the agencies do. And it’s no more or less political than how the rule of law usually operates. And this would be the same even if they adopted the plaintiff’s theory!
If the decision had been written by one of the liberals it would have had less sympathy for the beliefs of the plaintiffs who live in fear of treating a miscarriage and more sympathy for the plight of the women who have to go to a doctor to get a pill.
"Where/when did the Justices act politically?"
Never said that.
Un-elected bureaucrats refers to clerks/civil service employees at government agencies and offices, not judges. Its a common term, which I did not invent, never applied to judges.
The FDA decision was political, not scientific.
“The FDA decision was political, not scientific.”
So sayeth the man who has a three year degree reading case-books! The epitome of expertise! I’m sure your years editing boilerplate contracts has given you unique insight into:
Biochemistry, the human reproductive system, pharmacology, the FDA approval process, medical ethics, etc etc.
Seriously Bob, please lay out your findings that would sustain peer review as to why the FDAs approval was not “scientific.” We’re all dying to know what studies you conducted to reach this conclusion.
If that’s too hard can you at least detail exactly how the development and approval of mifepristone failed to meet scientific standards with the appropriate reference to scientific literature?
No? Maybe you could explain the pharmacology at least?
No? Can you at least demonstrate you got higher than a C in college level biology or chemistry? Oh right you went to law school, so that’s unlikely. High school maybe?
Or do you just want to admit for once in your life that you’re full of shit?
It's almost like there are elected officials in our system of government.
Since there isn't a post on it yet, I thought I should mention that I just read Justice Jackson's opinion in Starbucks that was released today (concurring in part and dissenting in part).
Have to say ... I was impressed.
History. Analysis of Hecht. Narrow. And Judge Friendly.
She continues to write thoughtful and considerate opinions that really get into the nitty-gritty of details. That isn't to say that I always agree with her, but she always makes me think.
I do like a well written opinion - I'll take a look this evening.
Why do you think she didn't get any other Justices to join her?
Well, from a legal-realism perspective, she wouldn't get six justices because her opinion is slightly (literally, slightly, one of the four prongs) more favorable to the NLRB.
I am guessing that Kagan and Sotomayor just didn't want to put up a fight on this one, especially as the result doesn't change (Jackson's opinion concurred in part) and it's basically a one-off.
Plus ... gotta say, we are still waiting for the big admin decision.
(In other words, I think Jackson's opinion was basically just doing a deep dive into the law and history, and I enjoyed it. But in the end, that, and, what, ten dollars? ... will get you a cup of coffee at Starbucks.)
Labor law is apparently her “thing.” Kind of like Sotomayor and the Fourth Amendment. Or Gorsuch and Indian Law. Or Ginsburg and juries. The one person who consistently will go it alone on their view if necessary and usually gets it right on that topic.
LTG-
Weirdly, I did not know that! Appreciate the knowledge drop.
But yeah, I have been very impressed with Jackson so far, and this continues the streak. Loved (LOVED!) the Friendly call-out. It was almost like she was saying, "Yo, law nerds, I know you're out there!"
She may be a fine Chief Justice someday. In name or in practical terms.
More of a vibe I’ve noticed than knowledge. We all know about Gorsuch and Indian Law. But I noticed that Sotomayor pretty early on would stake out her own path on the 4th amendment and would be the only one discussing the big picture. Jones concurrence, dissent in Utah v Strief dissent in Heien v North Carolina are good examples. Ginsburg was the most consistent juries are awesome person on the Court I think: dissented in Gore and State Farm and a solo in Cooper Industries. But was also an Apprendi maximalist.*
*Except for Oregon v Ice…which is actually a problem for this theory and had a weird split.
While I agree that the opinion was well-written and thought-provoking, the result she would have reached strikes me as unworkable, for reasons explored in some detail at oral argument. I think that's the reason she couldn't get anyone to join.
She would essentially change the "likelihood of success on the merits" prong from an objective evaluation of the strength of the parties' positions to a prediction as to what the Board would do, with a strong presumption that the Board would favor the party it intervened on behalf of (basically always the union or union organizers). There is no statutory language supporting this approach. Rather, it derives from Justice Jackson's view of the overall purpose of the Board and the development of labor law generally. It kind of reminds me of the canard "remedial statutes should be liberally construed" - a pretext for results-oriented decision-making.
I think Kagan and Sotomayor rightly resisted grafting a new standard onto the normal preliminary injunction test without express Congressional authorization. Jackson articulates the argument quite well, and ably demonstrates how it fits with broader Congressional intent behind the development of federal labor law. Even so, it remains an argument for putting a thumb on the scale in favor of union organizers on the basis of little more than a general policy preference for stronger unions.
TBH I had guessed that it would have been 7-2, with Alito and Thomas throwing precedent to the wind to come up with a tortured rational for standing in this (but only this) case. I'm glad to see I was wrong.
There are a number of reasons why I think that did not happen.
First, there is no mention of the concurrence in Justice Kavanaugh's opinion. It would not surprise me if he gave Justice Thomas assurances that he could say whatever he wanted in that provided he joined the main opinion.
Second, although it was Justice Kavanaugh writing for the Court, the writing style appears to have a similar framework to how Justice Kagan or Justice Barrett write opinions. Considering how "standing" doctrines have been tortured in recent years, I would not put it past Chief Justice Roberts to want to get a 9-0 opinion here and Justice Kavanaugh was willing to accept whatever was needed to reach that result.
I think Thomas is more principled than Alito and also a bit smarter about playing a long game and working towards the further restraints on standing described in his concurrence. So not that surprising that he voted with the majority.
I *am* surprised Alito didn't dissent. He's an outcome-oriented partisan hack. But maybe the theory of standing here was just too ridiculous even for him.
He bought the incredibly stupid standing theory in California v Texas though.
Justice Alito's flagpole may get a rest for a while after his wife reads this decision, notes her husband's vote, and places a pillow and blanket on the couch.
I *am* surprised Alito didn’t dissent. He’s an outcome-oriented partisan hack. But maybe the theory of standing here was just too ridiculous even for him.
When a unanimous 3-judge panel of 5th Cir. loses Alito on a core socio-religious conservative issue ... you know the fundamental argument is ack-whass.
And the 5th Circuit had already narrowed Kacsmaryk's original opinion! That's how far out in left field (or right field, in this instance, I suppose) the guy is.
So once again the conservatives on the Court have said to the conservative legal entrepreneur industry, "Guys, you gotta give us something to work with." This will be back, with a better standing argument.
I agree that anti-abortion absolutists -- fueled by superstition, misogyny, partisanship, and disaffectedness -- will never quit. There is little reason to believe they could prevail in modern America, though, regardless of how hard they pray for a miracle.
The concurrence is a classic Thomas sole concurrence, surveying the rough edges of an activist doctrine (this time, associational standing) and calling for reexamining its constitutionality and scope. It's worth reading whether or not one agrees with him, and on that note, it's notable that this opinion doesn't make a full-throated call to overrule cases but merely voices doubts. My Elections professor used to refer to this sort of thing as "keeping us honest."
I especially appreciate the point about preclusion and bites at the apple, which is a point often overlooked in debates about standing.
Sounds right. We don’t want anyone to use the courts to force a specific political policy, that gets the cart before the horse.
That said, the drug in question, mifepristone, is not a form of “contraception”. It does not prevent conception, it is a poison administered after the fact to kill the human being who was conceived. If the courts properly considered all human beings as full persons, then this drug could at the very least be outlawed as a lethal poison.
This should be at least one area in which Democrats and Republicans can find common ground. There is no disagreement on promoting actual family planning, for example by making contraceptives widely available. But masquerading deadly poisons as legitimate medical care is something that needs to come off the table entirely.
I don't think anyone is arguing mifepristone is contraception. It's used to induce abortions and I haven't seen anyone from the pro-choice side argue otherwise.
There have been some debates about whether contraceptive mechanisms that interfere with implantation are abortifacients or not, but that's not what we're talking about here.
FWIW, there's definitely people on the right opposed to making it easy to have access to family planning. Those are usually the same people who get upset that people want to abort unintended pregnancies which makes it a lot easier to think that they're actually just trying to control women's bodies rather than actually caring about dead fetuses.
There are also other indicated uses for mifepristone besides terminating pregnancy. It's a successful therapeutic for certain hyperglycemic conditions.
The "administered after the fact to kill the human being" line is sloganeering. (1) The only people defining a zygote as a human being are doing it using religious texts that don't discuss embryonic development because at the time those texts were written people still thought a homunculus lived in each sperm. (2) religious texts aren't supposed to be how America guides its secular society. (3) people DO agree that toddlers are "human beings." (4) There is great resistance to regulating the availability of the most common lethal substance dosed into toddlers, i.e. lead bullets. (5) for those who think religious texts should be laws, the second amendment doesn't overshadow God's law against murdering children. (6) So what we're really talking about is a very specific, very niche, type of dogmatic virtue-signaling. It's not an actual policy discussion.
"defining a zygote as a human being"
What is it then?
Racoon? Dog? Bird? Frog?
A fertilized and implanted human "egg" is a separate and distinct human organism. Science, not religion.
Yes, many such humans die before birth [miscarriage or stillbirth] but it does not change their human status.
But it does change the moral calculus of the burden the state can place on sentient human women. It’s a question of how much violence is justified in ensuring that the pregnancy is carried to term. You are willing to let women die or risk destruction of their reproductive organs/bodies waiting for miracles. (And then lie and scoff when confronted with reality). You are willing to abuse children by using government force to make them continue to give birth. You are willing to restrictions on the rights of women you don’t know on the off chance they might be pregnant. I mean once this is your moral calculus what’s your limit: ankle monitors on all women of child bearing? Random blood and urine screens? Simply locking them
up as cattle? What AREN’T you willing to do to push this moral vision?
Well actually we can know what you’re aren’t willing to do: anything beyond virtue (or vice if you prefer) signaling. You’re never going to look a child rape victim in the eye and tell her she needs to carry the child to term. You’re never going to physically restrain her when she tries to seek care elsewhere. You’re never going to tell a woman she isn’t septic enough to have her unviable pregnancy terminated because it theoretically might survive for a few hours outside the womb. You’re never going to tell a family that their mom is dead. You’re never going to do any of the difficult emotional work involved in making your perfect moral universe come to fruition. A coward who relies on the callousness of others to make himself feel better about his worldview.
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Do you also oppose use of chemotherapy agents?
Because superstition trumps science?
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Wait 'til this guy learns what a bunch of Republicans in backwater states are trying to do.
I don't know that you can say anything about finding "common ground," when you fundamentally don't accept reality.
No one has believes mifepristone is "contraception." It is used to terminate pregnancies. It's also used to help resolve miscarriages, so it has a genuine medical purpose aside from its use as medication abortion.
I keep saying it but - it's so tiresome, dealing with you fucking liars. Because of course there is broad consensus on maintaining the availability of contraception, among the broader American public. But what you mean by "contraception" and what your political leaders mean by it is hidden behind these layers of reasonable-seeming deceit that must be disentangled before they can be addressed at all.
One of the word-tricks your side is using these days is playing on the lack of attention to the distinction between the point of conception - i.e., when a zygote first exists - and implantation - i.e., when most people would understand "pregnancy" to begin. People like you will claim to be in favor of "contraception" but then oppose common forms of contraception that prevent implantation as "abortifacients."
So you might sound reasonable to people on the other side, but you're coming for Plan B, IUDs, and oral contraceptives. Your plea for common ground, then, turns out to be completely false. You oppose most common forms of contraception. The only things that pass muster are physical barriers.
So this fucking lie - why can't we find common ground? - is just tiresome. Your side is lying its way into power and will impose a severely restrictive view on what is to be permitted at its very earliest opportunity - and for what? For some magical space-daddy? It's all so insane.
You can't reason with superstition.
You can't reason with belligerent ignorance.
You can't reason with bigotry.
You can and should, however, kicked the bigoted shit out of ignorant, superstitious losers in the culture war.
> then this drug could at the very least be outlawed as a lethal poison.
In fact, after Dobbs, a number of States have done just so.
Today The Court upheld access to mifepristone. People who still read, read the headline and think access has been saved, yeah, sigh of relief. Nothing to worry about.
Later the Court upholds the Comstock Act, an entirely separate bill with worse consequences. People are surprised.
It's difficult to guard a democracy full of people with better things to do than worry about the fine details of federal legislation against a determined and organized and hostile minority.
Good media would help but I am reasonably sure at this point that the average journalist is not that much smarter than the average citizen.
I don't know what you're talking about, I'm much more interested in reading about how the Hunter Biden conviction will weigh personally on Joe Biden's campaign, also TRUMP TRUMP TRUMP
"As I documented in a series of posts (linked here and below) the arguments offered in support of standing by AHM and the lower courts were never particularly strong, "
Actually they are very strong, and in fact even stronger is that the concept of standing itself is unconstitutional. Nothing in Article III or the constitution prohibits such cases and controversies from being brought. Standing is just a way for courts to ignore doing its job because some don't like the case.
Your comment was dumb and ignorant once; you don't have to spam it in every thread about the decision.
Actually it was brilliant and smart every time, so I will keep posting it in every thread about the decision!
Has SCOTUS ruled (not in this case) on whether or not a state can prohibit mifepristone from being mailed or shipped to its people from elsewhere in the US? Article I, section 10, clause 2 appears to leave open that possibility.
I keep seeing headlines like this and wonder what REASON thinks is the real issue
Man pleads guilty to tricking pregnant girlfriend into taking abortion pill
Man Who Drugged Wife’s Drinks to Cause Abortion Gets 180 Days in Jail
Mason Herring, 39, of Houston, pleaded guilty on Wednesday to injury of a child and assault of a pregnant woman.
Coercion to abortion is a crime in all 50 states even involving a minor
‘A recipe for disaster’: The abortion pill and the problem of coercion