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Why the Indian Child Welfare Act is Unconstitutional
Well, you can't say that my new book, Classified: The Untold Story of Racial Classification in America, was not well-timed. Last week, the Supreme Court took up the issue of affirmative action in admissions, and directly addressed the question raised in my book as to whether the classifications are too incoherent to be a justified basis for an asserted compelling interest in diversity.
Yesterday, the Supreme Court held oral arguments in Brackeen v. Haaland on another issue discussed in my book, the question of "Indian" identity under federal law. The case involves a challenge to the constitutionality of the Indian Child Welfare Act. The plaintiffs argue that the Act is unconstitutional because it illegally commandeers state courts to enforce federal law, and because it imposes a racial classification that violates the equal protection component of the Fifth Amendment's Due Process clause.
My view is that the law is unconstitutional at least for the latter reason, as I explain below. I reviewed the transcript of the oral arguments from yesterday, and I think the plaintiffs' attorneys failed to get across one key point as to why the case is distinguishable from the leading precedent of Morton v. Mancari. In the latter case, the Court held that tribal membership is a political, not a racial, classification. This allowed the allowing individuals to assert tribal membership to gain a preference in employment with the Bureau of Inidan Affairs.
ICWA is intended to protect Indian families from having their children unjustly taken away from them by non-Indian courts. However, under ICWA, by contrast, the federal government can impose Indian identity on a child against the parents' wishes, even when the child is not a member of the tribe. And it can do for the benefit not of the child, but of either the tribe or even Native American demographics writ large. Surely there is a distinction between allowing a liberal definition of "Indian" to provide an employment benefit and imposing an even more liberal definition of "Indian child" to the child's detriment on a child who may have no cultural or other connection to any Indian tribe beyond that one parent is a member and the child is eligible for membership. Anyway, here is my analysis:
There are several things that distinguish ICWA from the situation in Mancari.
First, in Mancari and like-minded cases, the government was providing a benefit to an individual if he or she was a tribal member.
ICWA, by contrast, often requires special measures for tribal members that are to their disadvantage, but that are seen to be advantageous to their tribe or to the Indian community in general. For example, for non-Indian families, parental rights can be terminated for sufficiently abusive behavior proven by "clear and convincing" evidence. Indian children, by contrast, cannot be removed from their parents unless the government can prove "beyond a reasonable doubt," based on expert witness testimony, that the child is in critical danger. This may be beneficial to the Indian community at large by keeping more children connected to their Indian culture, but it's dangerous for the child.
Second, while Mancari involved an individual who chose to assert Indian status, under ICWA Indian status, and the legal ramifications of that status, are imposed on a child and the child's family. Even parents who are willing to relinquish their tribal membership cannot escape ICWA's jurisdiction over their children. In a 2016 case, the Oklahoma Supreme Court held that the Cherokee Nation's interest in moving a child from a non-Indian foster home to an ICWA-compliant one outweighed both birth parents' wishes. This was so even though one birth parent was not an Indian, and the Indian birth parent had filed paperwork to unenroll from the tribe. ICWA was intended to help Indian parents who did not want their children adopted outside their tribe. In practice, however, ICWA allows tribes to intervene in custody proceedings against the parents' explicit wishes, even when one parent is not Indian and the other does not wish to be considered one.
Third, and relatedly, ICWA requires courts, with limited exceptions, to override the normal best interests of the child standard in custody matters in favor of a blanket presumption that it is in the best interest of the Indian child to be placed with Indian adults. Again, it's one thing to allow someone to claim a benefit based on Indian tribal membership, it's another thing to impose a harm on a child because the government wants to help the Indian nations retain their members.
While placement with Indian adults can be overriden for "good cause," in practice there is still a different standard for children deemed Indian and other children. California and Texas courts have explicitly said that there are two different best interest standards: an individualized one for white, black, etc., kids, and an "Indian best interests" standard,
Importantly, even if one concluded that the special status of Indian nations allows the federal government to overrule normal state child welfare rules for Indian children, ICWA has a bizarrely overbroad definition of "Indian child." Unlike a case in which someone steps forward to claim tribal membership, whatever their overall ethnic heritage breakdown may be, ICWA applies to any child deemed an Indian even if one parent is not an Indian at all, the other parent is only a fraction of Indian heritage, and the family has no significant cultural ties to the relevant Indian tribe. Why is such a child deemed an Indian and only an Indian, when, for example, the child may be 255/256 European? This makes ICWA look more like a one-drop rule racial classification than like a political one meant to protect Indian tribal sovereignty.
Not only that, but the child is deemed an Indian even if the child isn't a member of any tribe, so long as one parent is a member, and the child is eligible for membership. But if the child isn't a member, it's not at all clear how the Indian classification can be deemed political rather than racial.
Finally, perhaps the oddest and most racialist part of ICWA is that if the child's tribe declines custody, the law gives a custody preference to Indians who are members of any other tribe that wishes to claim the child. The federal government has argued that many tribes have deep historical connections with each other. The plaintiffs rejoined in this case that many tribes are entirely culturally distinct. Moreover, tribes that do have historical ties, such as the Hopi and Navajo, were often enemies. Essentially, ICWA treats the tribes not as individually sovereign political entities, but as subdivisions of a broad racial classification.
So under ICWA, you could have the following scenario. A man, John Smith, with 1/1024 Cherokee heritage discovers when his father dies that his father had membership in the Cherokee tribe. To honor his father, he applies for Cherokee membership and gets it. Beyond that, he has no cultural or other ties to the Cherokee tribe, and his membership has no impact on his day to day life. Ten years later, he marries a woman who is an immigrant from China. They soon have a baby girl. When they write their will, they ask that if they both die, custody of their girl be given to their very close friends, the Chins, who are both Chinese. Their will notes that they trust the Chins implicity, the Chins have agreed to take custody of the girl should it be necessary, and that it's very important to the couple that the girl be exposed to her Chinese heritage, which the Chins will do.
A few years later, the Smiths die in a tragic auto accident. The Chins take their daughter in, and move to adopt. However, before the adoption can become final, a state child welfare official learns that Mr. Smith was a member of the Cherokee tribe, and thus his daughter is eligible for membership. As required by ICWA, the Cherokee tribe is contacted. The tribe declines to intervene, but, because the Chins live in Arizona near the Navajo reservation, their attorney contacts the Navajo tribe. The Navajo tribe's attorney intervenes, arguing that the court should place the girl with a Navajo family so she "doesn't lose touch with her indigenous heritage." While the state could could ultimately decide to place the girl with the Chins, a judge will have to first overcome the law's presumption that the child should be placed with a Navajo family. This strikes me as insanely racialist.
For all these reasons, I think that ICWA quite obviously in practice is based on imposing a racial classification even on families who do not wish to be so classified. It imposes burdens on families and children in which one parent happens to have inherited tribal membership based on that parent's racial heritage. A more narrowly tailored law, focusing on protecting Indian parents who affirm their Indian identity from having their child's fate determined by non-Indian courts to the detriment of their Indian heritage, might well be constitutional. This law is not.
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"even when the child is not a member of the tribe." (Butthead Voice) hahahahah you said "Member"
as a half "Member of the Tribe" I halfway resemble your remark.
You do get Extra Credit for correctly using the term "Indian" instead of the politically correct "Native American" (isn't anyone born in United States of America a "Native American"?) or the even more PI "Indignant Person"
Frank "in my Wigwam beating on my Tom-Tom"
Even when the child is not a member of the tribe, the policy could still be seen to benefit the child, if maintaining Indian identity is a good thing.
I get that coming up with reasons why something might be constitutional isn’t really your job, but do you ever come up with reasons why a law is unconstitutional when you like it on policy grounds?
I mostly like modern first amendment law but believe it has strayed very far from what I believe the constitution actually protects. Particular examples include how difficult proving defamation and protected sexual expression have become.
Martin, when did you stop beating your wife?
Unlike that question, my question could (theoretically) be answered with a single example. (As Soronel Haetir did.)
Before the ICWA was enacted, several state social welfare systems were probable perpetrators of genocide both according to the International Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (CPPCG) and also according to 18 U.S. Code § 1091 - Genocide. I refer to § 1091(a)(6).
The CPPCG and § 1091 criminalize the German Nazi action, which is called rabunek dzieci in Polish.
From the article:
That doesn't mean the German government should say that anyone with one parent with Jewish heritage, no matter how remote, should be turned over to Israel for child welfare proceedings, regardless of the wishes of both parents, so long as the child is eligible for Israeli citizenship, does it?
Before the ICWA, it was often an openly declared goal of a state social welfare agency to eradicate Indian culture, and an Indian child was taken often without good reason to be given to a non-Indian couple.
So?
Yes, and that was terrible. Thankfully we are working to fix that. However, do not want our fix to do more harm than necessary.
Can we please answer the question before us?
So children today should suffer because state government's were "probable perpetrators" six decades ago? There's no magic blood, Indian children should receive the benefit of the same "best interests of the child" test every other child does and sacrificing them for the perceived political benefit of the tribes is a monstrous act of generational warfare.
I'm not so sure this has Constitutional dynamics-- it's possible the government can indeed discriminate based on race in this way and I've only read the summarized discussions not the briefing. But as a matter of public policy, the next Congress should vote on repealing the act on its entirety. Let's repeal it or, if not, get every lawmaker on record on whether they support this racist law.
I don't understand why parents who are abandoning their kids to a foster home have any say in whether that child should be protected from being taken away from their tribe.
Parent: I would like to have this loving couple adopt my child.
Loving couple: We will love and care for this child as if they were our own.
US Government: Nope. Your child is an Indian and so will be raised by this tribe that may have no connection to the child and possibly couldn’t care less about them.
https://www.texastribune.org/2022/11/10/indian-child-adoption-scotus/amp/
My view here is that Indian status is not a race issue, it is primarily a sovereignty/citizenship issue. The issue could clearly be resolved by identifying affected Indians as tribal members.
The unusual situation here is that Indian tribal sovereignty is a dependent sovereignty. Unlike states, who reserve all sovereignty not constitutionally assigned the federal government, the federal government can infringe on tribal sovereignty whenever and however it wants. Tribal sovereignty exists at the federal government’s mercy, only if and to the extent the federal government doesn’t extinguish it. And Congress has extinguished it. It completely extinguished tribal sovereignty for Alaskan natives in the 1970s, for example.
So we are in the unusual situation of a dependent sovereignty where Congress can simply override a tribe’s rules whenever it wants. This means it can enact its own definitions for particular purposes independently of what the tribe says or wants.
And thus Congress can create a definition of an “Indian” for particular purposes that’s different from the tribe’s definition, and do so even against the tribe’s and its members’ will. It can do so for a single purpose, with a definition that’s not used for any other purpose. And yet that definition is still in the nature of a sovereignty/citizenship classification, not a racial classification.
"And Congress has extinguished it."
By making all Indians American citizens, they arguably did already.
There’s a long line of Supreme Court cases that say they didn’t. Justice Gorsuch in particular has emphasized and expanded on those cases in a string of cases favoring Indian tribes. The current Supreme Court majority seems inclined to shy away from and somewhat temper Gorsuch’s position that tribal sovereignty is an absolute and retains its full force whereever and whenever Congress hasn’t specifically and explicitly overridden it. Gorsuch was recently in the dissent in an Indian rights case after a string of majority opinions. Ginsberg’s replacement by Barrett appears to have lost Gorsuch his makority and resulted in a somewhat less actively pro-Indian Court. But the current Court nonetheless seems very, very far from moving to your proposed opposite position, that tribal sovereignty totally fails to exist any more and just isn’t a thing.
"There’s a long line of Supreme Court cases that say they didn’t."
There’s a long line of Supreme Court cases that said abortion was a constitutional right.
"very, very far from moving to your proposed opposite position"
Sadly right. But I'm still correct.
The question of whether Congress extinguished tribal sovereignty is a question of statutory construction. If ordinary statutory construction methods are used, not “I’m just going to say this is what Congress meant because it’s what I want” construction methods but actual fair ones. there can be no question that Congress did not do this. There are many Congressional statutes that explicitly address tribal sovereignty and which would be nonsensical if such sovereignty didn’t exist. Moreover, the exceptional cases where Congress did explicitly extinguish tribal sovereignty, e.g. Alaskan natives, would be nonsensical surplussage if Congress had already done this wholesale for tribes as a whole. There can simply be no question, by any ordinary or fair methods of statutory construction, methods that actually look at the statutes and don’t simply spit out ones personal wishes as the answer ‘cause surely that’s what Congress must have intended, that Congress never extinguished Indian tribal sovereignty generally.
No special privileges based on race or tribe, anything else violates the 14A.
Nothing in the 14th Amendment extinguished tribal sovereignty. Indians were not US citizens at the time it was enacted tribes were foreign countries.
Under your principle, how could discrimination on the basis of state citizenship be constitutional? Every time one state enacts a law that another state doesn’t, discrimination on the basis of state citizenship or residence occurs. If the 14th Amendment requires non-discrimination so absolute sovereignty is not a defense against it, how could states ever be permitted to enact laws of their own? The federal government would have to be the only source of law, and would have to enact uniform laws equally applicable in every state. None of these discriminatory highway speed limits, 60 on highways in one state and 75 for a similar highway in another.
Tribal sovereignty is a myth. Congress, as you agree, could eliminate it.
Can Congress eliminate Maine's sovereignty?
The limits of Congressional power in establishing a state or in disestablishing a state have never been defined. Congress more or less created W. Virginia magically. What if a state's population drops so much that it does not even qualify for one Congressional district? Currently a Congressional district represents 761,179 residents.
It always gets at least one Representative and 2 senators automatically, even if it has a single resident (OK, it could probably only have one senator if a single resident, but the one person might potentially do both). There are several states with fewer residents with the average number for a Congressional district. To come up with a quick wxample, Wyoming had 576,851 people in the 2020 census.
Under the principle of one-man-one-vote, it may make sense to abolish Wyoming and distribute its territory among surrounding states.
The continued existence of the State of Wyoming seems to be a violation of the US Constitution Article 1 Section 9 Clause 8, which is the title of nobility clause.
Giving the residents of Wyoming greater voice in Congress than other residents of the USA is tantamount to a title of nobility.
The disproportionate voice of the citizens of Wyoming in Congress is a much bigger problem than the ICWA.
The device was the 1861 Wheeling Convention formed a government, complete with a legislature, which claimed to be the legitimate government of all of Virginia, and this claim was accepted by Washington. This claim allowed that government, as the government of Virginia, to consent to the formation of a new state of West Virgina from territory within the state of Virginia, in compliance with the Constitution’s requirement that the legislature of the state concerned must consent to such a new state being formed.
It still seems like legal prestidigitation.
It was. They just play acted complying with the actual constitutional requirements, while knowing quite well that they were violating them.
Rather like having Confederate state legislatures voting on ratification of amendments, as the Constitution required, but with soldiers on the legislative floor to make sure they voted the right way. The moment the soldiers left the chamber, the vote was rescinded, but the federal government blew that off.
The Civil war/Reconstruction provides a lot of ugly precedents like that, which we should just ignore on the basis that you can't run a government in peace time on the basis of precedents established when part of the country was under military occupation by the rest of the country.
Are there actually any "Indians" in America, anymore, for constitutional purposes? I'd argue that "Indians" were, constitutionally, citizens of different sovereigns, the Indian tribes, rather than Americans. The Indian Citizenship act abolished Indians as non-citizens back in 1924.
Now we're all Americans. Some of whom might be Indian Americans in the same sense I'm an Irish American. But that sense lacks all constitutional significance.
Yes, because Congress abolished dual citizenship in 1924... didn't it?
A depraved white racist tries to deny the existence of American Indian national political groups in order to deny original sin of white American settler colonists.
A depraved racial supremacist Zionist settler colonist in stolen Palestine plays the same sick game when he tries to exculpate himself of the crime of genocide by denying that Palestinians have been a distinct ethnic group for thousands of years.
The Bureau of Indian Affairs has existed since 1824. What about all the tribal reservations that are established by federal treaties? Denying the existence of Indians does not wipe out the original sin of white racist settler colonists. This denial compounds the original sin.
I would actually argue that the Indian Citizenship act was unconstitutional, because the people made citizens weren't actually subject to the US government's jurisdiction, constitutionally. It would be like declaring that all Canadians were Americans, as a pretext for annexing Canada.
But I'm asking for some consistency here. Though I know I'm not get it. We shouldn't be treating Indian tribes as separate sovereigns for one purpose, and then not for other purposes, we should make up our minds which it is.
>ICWA requires courts, with limited exceptions, to override the normal best interests of the child standard in custody matters in favor of a blanket presumption that it is in the best interest of the Indian child to be placed with Indian adults. Again, it's ... another thing to impose a harm on a child because the government wants to help the Indian nations retain their members.
That's illogical. A "blanket presumption that it is in the best interest of the Indian child" is a statement that the child is *not* being harmed--indeed that the action *is* in the child's best interest.
If you really want to claim that they're imposing a harm, you'd have to argue that the government must use certain standards to decide that something is in the best interests of the child, and that making a blanket presumption is not among those standards.
Once that is done, you'd still have to argue that this particular action is against the child's best interests. Good luck with that (especially since being in one's native culture is plausibly in a child's interests).
How confidently wrong your hypothetical is.
(1) The Navajo Tribe could NOT intervene in a case where the child has no connection to the Navajo Tribe. 25 USC 1911(c) ("the Indian Child's Tribe shall have a right to intervene; note: 25 USC 1903(5) expressly defining "Indian Child's Tribe" as the tribe the child is a member or is eligible for membership)
(2) The wishes of the parents are good cause to go against the placement preferences. See 25 CFR 23.132(c)(1) which expressly states wishes of the parents is good cause to go against the placement preferences.
This article is misleading and uniformed- the point of looking like propaganda. Hard to believe this author is a professor anywhere.
The problem is you can't redress something today for something done six decades ago. The best you can do is to not engage in the reprehensible practices of the past.
"The Way to Stop Discrimination on the Basis of Race Is to Stop Discriminating on the Basis of Race"
Queenie's gonna getcha! I mean not following the King's English roles for Capitolization!
I believe Queen Almathea is telling us that an ICWA adoption case is akin to an international child custody case like Golan v. Saada, 142 S. Ct. 1880 (2022).
For one thing, as noted in the post, the applicability of ICWA doesn’t depend on tribal membership.
I didn’t feel like being accused of editing a quote.
You can have if you have a TARDIS.
With current technology, we can't. Setting aside whether this is Constitutional and speaking as a matter of policy: Are we doing what's in the best interest of the child or not?
If we are, then there's no need for the ICWA, Indian Children today get the same best interest test everybody else does. If we're not, then we're choosing to harm children today because other children were harmed decades ago, because Indian Children get the worst test where their interests are secondary to tribal interests. You can't unhurt the hurt children who are now either dead or senior citizens, you can only make the choice whether you're hurting children or not. I think we probably shouldn't. If our policy is to hurt Indian Children, then what? We're just going to keep doing this until the sun burns out? If not, then when does it stop?
I think making it harder for non-relatives to adopt them is a benefit ICWA gives to Indian children, and all children should be subject to ICWA's requirement that all relatives be affirmatively proven unwilling or unable to adopt before anyone else is allowed to.