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Supreme Court

From Weed to Whiskey: Is This the Supreme Court's Next Big Commerce Clause Case?

What’s at stake in Ream v. U.S. Department of the Treasury.

Damon Root | 7.23.2026 7:00 AM

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07.22.26-v1 | Illustration: Ioannis Syrigos/Dreamstime/Rfaizal707/Envato
(Illustration: Ioannis Syrigos/Dreamstime/Rfaizal707/Envato)

Earlier this week, lawyers for Ohio craft brewery owner John Ream, who wants to distill hard liquor at home for his own personal use but is barred from doing so by federal law, asked the U.S. Supreme Court to hear what could prove to be a major case about the reach of federal power.

The case is Ream v. U.S. Department of the Treasury. At issue is the constitutionality of the federal ban on home distilling. According to the federal government, the ban on making hard liquor at home is a legitimate exercise of the congressional power "to regulate Commerce…among the several States." As an authority for that view, the government has cited Gonzales v. Raich (2005), in which the Supreme Court upheld the federal ban on marijuana as applied to California medical marijuana patients whose use of the plant was legal under state law and whose cultivation and consumption of the plant took place entirely within the confines of that single state. "If Congress can regulate this under the Commerce Clause," protested Justice Clarence Thomas in dissent, "then it can regulate anything—and the Federal Government is no longer one of limited and enumerated powers."

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The petition for writ of certiorari in Ream seeks to overturn the ruling in Raich that earned Thomas' ire. "At bottom," argues the brief filed by Ream's legal team, "this case asks whether the federal government must still identify an enumerated power before sending Americans to prison for what they do at home." As for the Raich precedent, the brief urges SCOTUS to "overrule Raich or at least clarify that Congress's commerce power does not extend to regulation of local, noncommercial conduct and that its exercise is subject to meaningful judicial scrutiny."

A case about the legality of home distilling would be a fitting addition to the Supreme Court's Commerce Clause jurisprudence. That's because the line of cases that led up to Raich effectively started with 1942's Wickard v. Filburn, another case about the home production of a federally regulated item.

Roscoe Filburn, the farmer at the center of that landmark case, grew extra wheat on his farm for his family's personal use, either to make flour for cooking or as feed for his livestock. The problem was that Filburn's extra wheat exceeded the maximum quota that had been set by federal regulators acting under the aegis of President Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. The New Dealers had established such quotas in the hopes of boosting prices by artificially restricting supplies.

Filburn's extra wheat never entered the marketplace, nor did it cross any state lines. Still, according to the Supreme Court, that extra wheat nevertheless counted as "Commerce…among the several States" for federal regulatory purposes because Filburn's actions exerted a "substantial economic effect" on the national wheat market by growing a product that he might otherwise have bought.

The Raich case later extended that logic to cover the intrastate cultivation and consumption of medical marijuana and its "impact" on the national black market in controlled substances.

The Ream case now asks the Supreme Court to fundamentally change its course on the Commerce Clause by overturning Raich and setting strict limits on what actually counts as a federally regulatable activity.

Time will tell if a shot of homemade whiskey will produce a different legal result than a puff of homegrown weed.

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NEXT: Brickbat: Exactly Wrong

Damon Root is a senior editor at Reason and the author of three books, including A Glorious Liberty: Frederick Douglass and the Fight for an Antislavery Constitution (Potomac Books). His latest book is Emancipation War: The Fall of Slavery and the Coming of the Thirteenth Amendment (Potomac Books).

Supreme CourtCommerce ClauseRegulationCongressConstitutionLaw & Government
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  1. Murray Rothtard   2 months ago

    The precedent is very very clear on this case. And very very terrible.

    I've got my fingers crossed for a surprise.

    1. charliehall   2 months ago

      The 18th and 21st Amendments give the government massive power to enact arbitrary rules regarding alcohol.

      1. LIBtranslator   2 months ago

        Those Initiation-Of-Force Amendments passed thanks to less than 2% of the votes spoiled by Prohibition Party and the Communist Party supporters, several aliases notwithstanding. Was this a case of pent-up demand for men with guns to kick down doors, shoot people and dogs, and declare assets the property of the Looter Political State?

    2. LIBtranslator   2 months ago

      Pandora was right if this little one nourishes hopes that the Trumpanzee-packed Comstock Court is going to lessen federal initiation of deadly force. All the King's Churches and all the King's hens cry out for altruism, sacrifice, coercion and Guyana Kool-Ade. Surely they deserve to get what they beg for...

  2. Joe   2 months ago

    "clarify that Congress's commerce power does not extend to regulation of local, noncommercial conduct and that its exercise is subject to meaningful judicial scrutiny."

    And then say goodbye to many environmental laws, rules, and regulations. Pollution is hardly commerce, even if interstate. See Constitution for amendment process to get EPA back.

    1. Rossami   2 months ago

      Or put this responsibility back on the states - as the Constitution intended.

      1. charliehall   2 months ago

        Great! Lawsuits against states that don't contain their pollution within the states' borders will bankrupt them, and they will deserve it.

  3. LIBtranslator   2 months ago

    Recall that the USA Secretary of Commerce under underage pussy-grabber Gamaliel and equally Republican Coolidge was Dry Hope Herbert Clark Hoover of Hoovervilles fame and fortune. Hoover, together with Corn Sugar Rockefeller and the CHICOM Anarchy, urged the League of Nations to get governments to use deadly force to ban production and trade in opium... then also flowers, plant leaves, cacti, fungi... in short, EVERYTHING except safe, wholesome American tobacco cigarettes, causing two additional opium wars and major economic collapse. Happy now?

  4. Daddyhill   2 months ago

    This is not about federal overreach per se, but rather about the actions of any level of government that are intended to prevent citizens from harming themselves while having fun. This line of legislative thought should have petered out after Prohibition, but there are always folks who adhere to the "damned well should have worked" principle of self-delusion. These people's motives may include genuine concern about some danger they can see but the general public cannot.

    They may also believe that controlling or banning something will save money by preventing whatever illnesses and injuries are thought to be caused by that something, in some users. That's the problem. Many or most users/do-ers of something fun are capable of enjoying it with few or no ill effects. But in order to keep it out of the hands of careless/doomed users, we're told, it's necessary to ban the stuff altogether. Which is historically impossible, no matter how much money and manpower are invested towards controlling it.

    Again, it's the "element of fun" the pro-hibs stumble over. It's crucial. You may have noticed how successfully we prevent injuries and deaths caused by the consumption of drano and battery acid. We don't expend very much to achieve that. Nor do we require someone to be 21 or older to buy antifreeze. There's just no fun to be had with it.

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