SCOTUS Says State Judges and Court Clerks Can't Be Sued To Block Enforcement of the Texas Abortion Ban
The Court allowed claims against health care regulators to proceed, but that will not prevent the private civil actions authorized by the law.

The Supreme Court today held that Texas judges and court clerks cannot be sued to block enforcement of a state law that prohibits abortion after fetal cardiac activity can be detected. But it said the plaintiffs challenging S.B. 8, which took effect on September 1, can proceed with claims against state medical regulators.
Although S.B. 8 is clearly inconsistent with the Supreme Court's abortion precedents, Texas legislators sought to prevent early judicial review through a novel enforcement mechanism that relies on private civil actions. The law bars state or local officials from enforcing its terms, instead authorizing "any person" to sue "any person" who performs or facilitates a prohibited abortion, promising prevailing plaintiffs at least $10,000 in "statutory damages," plus reimbursement of their legal expenses.
The abortion providers who challenged S.B. 8 in Whole Woman's Health v. Jackson tried to get around that obstacle by suing Smith County District Court Judge Austin Reeve Jackson and District Court Clerk Penny Clarkston, representing a class of judicial-branch officials who they argued would play an essential role in enforcing S.B. 8 by docketing and hearing the lawsuits it authorizes. While U.S. District Judge Robert Pitman accepted that argument, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit deemed it "specious," saying the Supreme Court has made it clear that state judges are not proper defendants in cases challenging a law's constitutionality.
In today's decision, the Court agrees with the 5th Circuit on that point. "Generally, States are immune from suit under the terms of the Eleventh Amendment and the
doctrine of sovereign immunity," Justice Neil Gorsuch notes in his opinion for the Court. In the 1908 case Ex parte Young, the Court recognized an exception to that rule, saying state officials charged with enforcing an allegedly unconstitutional law can be sued in their official capacity.
"But as Ex parte Young explained," Gorsuch writes, "this traditional exception does not normally permit federal courts to issue injunctions against state-court judges or clerks. Usually, those individuals do not enforce state laws as executive officials might; instead, they work to resolve disputes between parties. If a state court errs in its rulings, too, the traditional remedy has been some form of appeal, including to this Court, not the entry of an ex ante injunction preventing the state court from hearing cases. As Ex parte Young put it, 'an injunction against a state court' or its 'machinery' 'would be a violation of the whole scheme of our Government.'"
Gorsuch also notes that "Article III of the Constitution affords federal courts the power to resolve only 'actual controversies arising between adverse litigants.'" While "private parties who seek to bring S. B. 8 suits in state court may be litigants adverse to the petitioners," he says, "the state-court clerks who docket those disputes and the state-court judges who decide them generally are not. Clerks serve to file cases as they arrive, not to participate as adversaries in those disputes. Judges exist to resolve controversies about a law's meaning or its conformance to the Federal and State Constitutions, not to wage battle as contestants in the parties' litigation."
The Court likewise ruled that Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, who also was named in the lawsuit, is not an appropriate defendant. "While Ex parte Young authorizes federal courts to enjoin certain state officials from enforcing state laws," Gorsuch says, "the petitioners do not direct this Court to any enforcement authority the attorney general possesses in connection with S. B. 8 that a federal court might enjoin him from exercising."
By contrast, the Court says, the state health care regulators named as defendants seem to "fall within the scope of Ex parte Young's historic exception to state sovereign immunity," because "each of these individuals is an executive licensing official who may or must take enforcement actions against the petitioners if they violate the terms of Texas's Health and Safety Code, including S. B. 8." The Court says the abortion providers therefore can seek an injunction that would prohibit those officials from enforcing S.B. 8, although that would not bar civil actions by private plaintiffs.
The Court's conclusion regarding state judges was unanimous. So was its conclusion that the claims against Mark Dickson, a pro-life activist who supports S.B. 8 but says he currently has no plans to file any S.B. 8 lawsuits, should be dismissed. Most of the justices agreed that neither Paxton nor court clerks like Clarkston can be sued to block enforcement of S.B. 8. All of the justices except for Clarence Thomas agreed that the regulators are appropriate defendants.
Chief Justice John Roberts, in a partial dissent joined by Justices Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan, notes that S.B. 8 "has had the effect of denying the exercise of what we have held is a right protected under the Federal Constitution." He reiterates his concern that "Texas has employed an array of stratagems designed to shield its unconstitutional law from judicial review." Those tricks, he says, "effectively chill the provision of abortions in Texas."
Roberts et al. would have allowed the plaintiffs to sue Paxton, since he "maintains authority coextensive with the Texas Medical Board to address violations of S. B. 8." They also think Clarkston is an appropriate defendant. "The mere threat of even unsuccessful suits brought under S. B. 8 chills constitutionally protected conduct, given the peculiar rules that the State has imposed," Roberts writes. "Under these circumstances, the court clerks who issue citations and docket S. B. 8 cases are unavoidably enlisted in the scheme to enforce S. B. 8's unconstitutional provisions, and thus are sufficiently 'connect[ed]' to such enforcement to be proper defendants."
In another partial dissent, Sotomayor, joined by Breyer and Kagan, notes that S.B. 8 "has threatened abortion care providers with the prospect of essentially unlimited suits for damages, brought anywhere in Texas by private bounty hunters, for taking any action to assist women in exercising their constitutional right to choose." She says "the chilling effect has been near total, depriving pregnant women in Texas of virtually all opportunity to seek abortion care within their home State after their sixth week of pregnancy." While people sued under S.B. 8 can raise constitutional arguments at that point, she writes, the law "skews state-court procedures and defenses to frustrate post-enforcement review."
In Sotomayor's view, "The Court should have put an end to this madness months ago, before S. B. 8 first went into effect." She warns that this "brazen challenge to our federal structure" may inspire imitation by legislators bent on undermining other constitutional rights recognized by the Court—a concern Justice Brett Kavanaugh raised during oral arguments in this case.
"This is no hypothetical," Sotomayor writes. "New permutations of S. B. 8 are
coming. In the months since this Court failed to enjoin the law, legislators in several States have discussed or introduced legislation that replicates its scheme to target locally disfavored rights." A footnote mentions proposals targeting gun rights as well as abortion rights.
"What are federal courts to do if, for example, a State effectively prohibits worship by a disfavored religious minority through crushing 'private' litigation burdens amplified by skewed court procedures, but does a better job than Texas of disclaiming all enforcement by state officials?" Sotomayor asks. "Perhaps nothing at all, says this Court. Although some path to relief not recognized today may yet exist, the Court has now foreclosed the most straightforward route under its precedents. I fear the Court, and the country, will come to regret that choice."
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Very soon now, private parties (both left and right) will be able to SUE you for NOT worshipping Government Almighty in JUST the Right Way (or JUST the Left Way)!!! (BOTH will happen, I am sure of it, and sure of shit as well!)
(It is a PRIVATE party suing you, NOT Government Almighty Itself, so QUIT yer whining, bitching, and crying, already!!!)
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Well... The Supreme Court ruled it was OK for the political state to deliberately poison alcohol with methanol to blind and kill tax-dodging drinkers. That is the definition of pro-life, and that law has stood since 1906, with nobody seeking its repeal until the LP was formed.
I have two questions to this problem:
1. Might be too late for this, but wouldn't organizations who would like to see SB8 struck be better served creating a new law that is less emotional to fight? I have zero faith in SCOTUS and see them as mostly partisan hacks and federalists at the best of time and with the most mundane of cases. With as highly contested issues as abortion, they are exponentially worse and have few qualms wholesale raping the Constitution's text in order to pass what they ideologically believe. Sooo... find a moderate and reasonable state (there has to be ONE, right???) to copy SB8 and create a law which has virtually the same text but is something much more benign... like parking in a handicap space, throwing a cig out the window, or giving change to a beggar w/o a permit. Doesn't matter, just needs to be ready made to challenge without the high states emotional bit of abortion.
2. Flood the courts. Seems pro-choice groups and groups who don't want to see this applied to their own causes (gun rights orgs, for example) could create broiler plate lawsuits with step by step instructions to file and encourage everyone in the nation to sue. Start flooding the courts in TX with thousands upon thousands of lawsuits which each have to be processed by the courts. What do you wanna bet that they figure out a way to shut down this scheme right quit if that happens?
I agree that flooding the courts is the only solution. I find the SC logic here appalling. That somehow the judiciary can argue that the legislative and executive can be turned into an instrument for private vigilantism to undermine rights rather than actual governance to uphold rights.
The only option is to obliterate the judiciary by drowning it.
California Gov claims to be doing exactly that, using vigilantes to target people who own a gun. With any luck, Republicans will send their girl-bulliers back to the Prohibition Party where they originated--after losing 30 or 40 seats in Congress and watching Kamala get reelected.
So... what about reviving the ERA?
The Supreme Court's actual holding here is that there's no case or controversy when a plaintiff sues a court (clerk) to stop the court from doing things, because the court is not an adverse party, it's 'neutral'. This is a duck. The real reason is because the court is immune and it would be grotesque in our system of federalism generally for a federal court to enjoin the operation of a state court because they don't like some state law that was passed.
There are two, necessary reasons why the design of the Texas law has been effective so far.
1) Nobody is willing to actually carry out a lawsuit under the Texas law.
2) A legal fiction underlies most cases where a plaintiff challenges the constitutionality of a state law before it is enforced against them. Generally, you can't sue Texas because Texas Act X is unconstitutional, among other reasons, Texas has sovereign immunity from that lawsuit. You instead have to sue the official who (would) enforce Act X against you. So you say in your lawsuit: I intend to violate Act X, Person A is a law enforcement official who will enforce Act X against me, please court enjoin them from doing so because Act X is unconstitutional.
All the screeching from the left thus far has been an attempt to get around #2, which as of yet hasn't succeeded (and it won't).
Plaintiffs could just suck it up and create a lawsuit under #1, as a Defendant. In such a case, the court would be able to rule on the constitutionality of the Texas law. The parties would be able to appeal from the ultimate resolution by the Texas Supreme Court to the U.S. Supreme Court, to the extent their claim is "the cause of action from the Texas act is unconstitutional under the federal Constitution."
Whatever happened to shouting your abortion?
Nice post. Those who don't like this law should be going to state courts. Everyone seems to think they have to race to federal court to get constitutional issues decided, or that state courts aren't competent or fair enough to decide those issues. In 38 years as a litigator, I've appeared before hundreds of state court judges who were just as competent and fair as the best federal appellate judges. Challenging state laws in federal court without statutory interpretation by state courts is also contrary to basic principles of federalism, and increases the risks that the federal courts will get the case wrong.
The SC is illegitimate and should be recognized as such. A majority of justices - all republicans - were appointed by presidents who the majority of American voters rejected, and one of them sits in a seat stolen from a twice elected president, and another in a seat awarded to her after voting had already begun for the president her appointee lost to.
Because the justices are appointed by the President, there is clear intent by the founders that they indirectly reflect popular will, and of course these 5 don't on any major issues, including gun control, immigration, and abortion. The one stolen seat was accomplished by the GOP senate majority willfully and purposefully avoiding their constitutionally responsibility to advise and consent. That would require a hearing which was denied. Unfortunately, with a completely corrupt and desperate GOP, fixing this si not likely without adding seats to the court.
For a century the Supreme Court has been legislating the priorities of the Left that voters refused. Positive rights for criminals, abortion, gay marriage. The Supreme Court *hints* that it might take away one of the obviously fraudulent precedents from your domination of the past century and you're ready to burn it down as an institution.
Please continue. I'm curious to see if your emotional battery of Roberts has a breaking point for him.
What an excellent reason for donating to libertarian parties and candidates who revive the original LP planks calling for repeal of cruel abortion laws. As for God's Own Populist infiltrators posing as girl-bullying libertarians... tar and feathers!
DOKTOR ENGLESMACHER AND THE THREE SCHMUCKS
Facual claim: "1) Nobody is willing to actually carry out a lawsuit under the Texas law."
Yawn ... Someone hasn't heard the Tale of the Rattenfänger von San Antone and the Three Schmucks (even though two of them garnered man-bites-canine treatment by the media -- to cheekily mix metaphors -- not to mention earning ABA Journal acclaim).
So, here we go:
SB8 State Court Case No 1: Felipe N. Gomez v. Alan Braid, MD (later et al) in Bexar County District Court (San Antonio). Gomez capitulated a few days ago in a bid to kill off No 4 (see below). Good move. Go Gomez! .. or to channel the Terminator: I'll be back.
No 2: Oscar Stilley v. Alan Braid, MD, in Bexar County District Court (San Antonio, TX). Oscar has come up with an interesting wholesale interstate feticide indulgence peddling scheme for the abortion industry, albeit with some remaining wrinkles regarding the injunction component of the statutory relief prescribed by SB8 along with the $10K bounty amount, which he proposes to discount by way of volume business, law permitting).
No 3: Texas Hearbeat Project v. Alan Braid, MD in Smith County (Tyler, Texas)(see infra)
No 4: Alan Braid, MD v. Stilley et al in USD ND, Ill.
Cause: 28:1335 Interpleader Action
Nature of Suit: 380 Personal Property: Other
Jurisdiction Type: Diversity
This one is not really the fourth case, but takes the form of litigation atop litigation (known as suit-in-suit in other contexts). Auto-confessed Abortionist and SB8 Violator Alan Braid "countersued" the three Schmucks who accepted his invitation to sue him (all of them are pro se, as noted by Justice Thomas in his concur) in the Northern District of Illinois, of all places, invoking federal $500 diversity jurisdiction by way of federal interpleader, attaching the three state-court petitions to his own complaint as A, B, and C. He thereby proposes to have a federal judge sitting 1000 miles from the action wrestle jurisdiction to determine SB8 merits and constitutionality away from the state courts in which the actions were originally filed. The excuse for doing so is the alleged conflicting nature of the three claims based on the same singular violation of SB8 (the one involved in Dr. Braid's Washington Post national test-case solicitation confessional). Felipe Gomez (Plaintiff in No 1 supra) is the anchor for forum and jurisdiction in Chicago and has disclaimed any interest in the $10,000 prescribed minimum in statutory damages. So where is the case and controversy as to $500. And Oscar Stilley, in an admirably jocular disposition after years of chllin', just wants a nominal $3.00 bill out of the man-o--man threesome as a souvenir.
STATE OF THE STATE SB8 LIT
One of the trio of state cases was docketed by District Clerk of Smith County (Respondent Jackson's Clerk in WWH v. Jackson and a co-defendant in the underlying district court case in Austin, TX). Now that the Supremes - God save the Court! -- have cleared her of the charges of being an accomplice to the filing of civil lawsuits against the Texas abortion industry, her own cert petition (No. 21-582) is presumably moot https://www.supremecourt.gov/search.aspx?filename=/docket/docketfiles/html/public/21-587.html
So it looks like Ms. Clarkston is now good to go if asked by the plaintiff to issue citation on Defendant Alan Braid, MD, to compel him to appear on pain of default judgment should he chose not to do so. But he and his 12 attorneys (not cheaper by the dozen, given there respective affiliations with multiple lawfirms) prefer to have the mandingo slug fest in a different arena ... so that whatever happens in Chicago can stay in Chicago, the Northern District, and the Seventh Circuit in Round II. -- Go figure!
A public version of the docket with only some of the docus available thanks to RECAP project is here: https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/60626475/braid-v-stilley/
Hopefully Congress will soon de-paywall PACER, so the public won't have to pay for the privilege of finding out what's going on in the third branch on an important issue of much public concern.
I'll admit that I only understood about half of that. Why was the stupid lawsuit against a court clerk able to reach the Supreme Court so quickly, but the defendant hasn't even had his day in court yet?
Also, why the gimmicks with pulling this into a federal case? Isn't the cleanest approach the best one here? Have the courts keep striking the case down in summary, then have the straw plaintiff appeal in order to get binding precedent set in larger areas. Why are they overcomplicating what should be a relatively simple procedure?
Because the issue appealed here to the Supreme Court is a plain issue of law bearing on the start of the case: can a plaintiff sue in federal court to enjoin a state court and its clerks? The answer is obviously not. There hasn't been a trial yet in this case either, which is what "his day in court" colloquially refers to.
Yeah I should have been more clear. Nobody who isn't batty has been willing to pursue a suit under the Texas act.
These people are clowns, tripping over countless procedural issues, because they want this in federal court AND in the People's Republic of Illinois. If they sucked it up and filed in Texas state court, most of these problems would be gone.
Translation: Long Dong will continue the faith-based jihad on Jezebels G. Waffen appointed him to fight. Sotomayor predicted this Texas usurpation would be exploited by nazi and communist gun grabbers. That prediction came true the same day with announcements out of California that Texas' Fugitive Slave Vigilante formula would be used by Gavin Newsom to forcibly disarm Americans in California, second Amendment be damned. (Welcome to The Looter Kleptocracy)
Well yeah man...
If the courts can't be speedy, it PROVES (beyond a reasonable doubt) that we need MORE AND MORE AND MORE money for the courts! MORE lawyers, judges, and bureaucrats! Send MORE lawyers, guns, and money! Especially MORE tax money!
I a familiar, that is part of why I think it would work. The courts are overwhelmed already and TX thought it would be a good idea to pass legislation which could have 15 million + potential lawsuits for each violation (approximate >18 TX population... number is much higher if you read the bill to include national). Weaponized correctly, you could take an otherwise already overwhelmed civil court system and grind it to a complete and utter halt.
This has been done before a few times, although perhaps not on the same scale. The one I remember the best is a bunch of lawyers who were against new red light cams going up around the city began offering free legal services and a non profit was established to pay for guilty verdicts to anyone who would plead not guilty and go to a jury trial. They completely shut down traffic court's ability to get anything done and removed all profit incentive the city had for the cams.
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When was the last time SCOTUS got stuck in a debate along party lines about whether to spend $3T on its own projects?
Off-topic perhaps, but why should traffic enforcement be a profit-center for the city in the first instance? It's at best a policy argument. And policy arguments are best resolved through the political process.