The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Supreme Court

Supreme Court Term to Start Hot

OT 2026 leads off with climate litigation.

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Suncor Energy (USA), Inc. v. County Commissioners of Boulder County, the dispute over whether federal law preempts claims against fossil fuel companies for alleged harms from climate changes exacerbated by the companies' alleged conduct, will be the very first case heard by the Supreme Court this October.

Grok

Suncor is obviously an important environmental case, but its significance is far broader. If the claims are allowed to proceed--and if the plaintiffs are able to overcome the other hurdles to making their case (a significant if)--quite a bit of money could be at stake. In addition, if the justices reach the merits, the case could dramatically alter the law of federal preemption.

Given the significance of the case, it should be no surprise that waves of amici filed briefs. By my count, there are forty top-side briefs supporting the fossil-fuel companies' preemption claims, including a brief by the Solicitor General. There are also twenty-eight bottom-side briefs arguing against preemption (including mine).

Most discussion of the case--and, indeed, many of the amicus briefs--focus on the policy context. Accordingly, folks who want urgent action to address climate change tend to support the respondents, and those who are skeptical of such policies (or who are concerned about energy prices), support the petitioners. This is understandable, but threatens to obscure the underlying legal issues, as does conspiratorial talk about what shadowy interests are supporting one side or the other.

As I try to show in my brief, there is no statute or precedent that supports wholly preempting these cases. This does not mean the claims should succeed, nor does it mean there are no constitutional or other grounds to force a narrowing of the claims. But those other grounds are not encompassed by the question presented and are not being advanced by the petitioners. What is before the Court is whether federal law or the constitution wholly precludes bringing claims under state-law for interstate harms of the sort alleged here. It is a narrow question. It is also one that I think is relatively easy and straightforward. We will see if a majority of the Court agrees.

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Religion and the Law

No Religious Exemption from Forum Selection Clause in Employment Agreement

"Plaintiff should be treated like any other employee in his position, not that he should be favored based on his identity."

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From Luzingu v. Abbott Labs., Inc., decided Friday by Chief Judge Lance Walker (D. Me.):

Plaintiff came to Maine from Angola in 2016, following persecution based on his work as a Christian pastor. He took a position as a Production Group Leader at Defendant's facilities in Westbrook and Scarborough, Maine, in November 2019. In April 2022, Defendant terminated his employment. Plaintiff alleges that Defendant discriminated against him on the basis of his race in the course of his employment and termination. He also alleges that Defendant retaliated against him after he engaged in protected conduct by making a scheduling decision that accommodated the needs of his Muslim subordinates during Ramadan.

The matter is currently before the Court because Plaintiff electronically signed Defendant's Employee Agreement as a precondition to his employment, and the Agreement contains a forum-selection clause stating that only the federal and state courts of Illinois will have jurisdiction to hear Plaintiff's claims….

Plaintiff argues that transfer would be unfair, unjust, and against public policies that favor the free exercise of religion and nondiscrimination. As alleged, Plaintiff is "the sole pastor at his church" and "leads three services per week." Because of his religious calling and his duties, he maintains, "[t]raveling to Illinois for a deposition or trial would make it far more difficult for him to fulfill his pastoral duties than if the deposition or trial occurred in Maine."

I am not persuaded that Plaintiff's religious practices and duties as a pastor justify giving him a special dispensation to avoid application of the Forum-Selection Clause of the Employee Agreement that he acknowledges signing as a precondition to his promotion to a supervisory position. And as for the burden itself, assuming that a special dispensation might be appropriate based on individual needs pertaining to the inconvenience of a particular forum, the Defendant has indicated that Plaintiff's deposition will take place in Maine.

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Energy & Environment

Is Environmental Science Less Objective?

An analysis of the use of subjective language in scientific papers.

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An interesting paper, "Science versus Subjectivity in Environmental Research," by Dominic Parker and Ngoc Ha Do at the University of Madison. Here is the abstract:

Objective science aims to uncover truths about environmental conditions, including those related to emission trends, biodiversity loss, climate change, and their economic costs. When and why do scientists use subjective language to describe these conditions with bias, emotion, or advocacy? To shed light, we study determinants and trends in subjective language within the abstracts, introductions, and conclusions of over 170,000 peer-reviewed articles published during 1990-2023 in top economics and science journals. Using machine learning to label and score text by subjectivity, we find that subjective language is more prevalent in articles focused on environmental topics relative to non-environmental topics: by 12% in economics and by 42% in science. After accounting for factors such as article age, author experience, number of authors, and journal quality, higher subjectivity scores associate positively with future academic citations in both science and economics, especially if the article is focused on an environmental topic. These findings, which imply subjective language has been rewarded in the academy, are consistent with informal theory suggesting subjective language will be used more frequently by scientists when expected rewards are high and risks are low.

The obvious question is whether this is just a finding about the use of language, or whether it indicates something about the underlying work.

Free Speech

First Circuit Strikes Down Puerto Rico Ban on Certain Knowingly False Statements During Declared Emergencies

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Rodríguez-Cotto v. González-Colón, decided Tuesday by First Circuit Judges Gustavo Gelpí and Seth Aframe and Seventh Circuit Judge David Hamilton, struck down a Puerto Rico law (Article 5.14(a)) that makes it a crime "to purposefully, knowingly, or recklessly," "during a governor-declared state emergency or disaster,"

[g]ive[ ] a warning or false alarm, knowing that the information is false, in relation to the imminent occurrence of a catastrophe in Puerto Rico, or disseminate[ ], publish[ ], transmit[ ], transfer[ ] or circulate[ ] through any means of communication, including the media, social networks, or any other means of dissemination, publication or distribution of information, a notice or a false alarm, knowing that the information is false, when as a result of its conduct it puts the life, health, bodily integrity or safety of one or more persons at imminent risk, or endangers public or private property ….

The court concluded that the law was content-based, and didn't fit within existing First Amendment exceptions (such as the defamation exception). It also concluded that the law wouldn't fit within any special latitude provided by the extent Justice Breyer's two-Justice concurrence in U.S. v. Alvarez (2012), which provided the necessary votes to support the conclusion in that case:

Article 5.14(a) is not the kind of regulation governing "false statements about easily verifiable facts" to which Justice Breyer would apply less rigorous scrutiny…. In times of disaster and emergency covered by the statute, there are many kinds of false statements regulated by Article 5.14(a) that would not be easily or quickly verifiable. Consider, for example, statements about the efficacy of masks during the COVID-19 pandemic or the damage likely to arise from a storm that is presently offshore. These are assertions for which there is not easy verification but that would be covered by Article 5.14(a). Moreover, given that the law is about restricting speech related to a governor's action in declaring a state of emergency or disaster, Article 5.14(a) may operate in a "political context[ ]," which brings it outside the kinds of falsity laws that Justice Breyer views as permissible under his proposed lesser form of scrutiny.

Because of this, the law was unconstitutional unless it "furthers a compelling interest and is narrowly tailored to achieve that interest," which includes as an element the requirement that the law be the "least restrictive means" of furthering that interest. And, the court held, this test ("strict scrutiny") wasn't satisfied here:

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Criminal Law

"Did Fauci Properly Take the Fifth?"

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An excerpt from a detailed analysis at FoxNews.com from John Malcolm, a former federal prosecutor and current VP of the Meese Institute for the Rule of Law at Advancing American Freedom:

Several factors suggest Fauci's invocation [of the Fifth Amendment privilege] was improper. Two are critical.

The first is Fauci's pardon…. The second is time: Fauci retired in 2022, making it unlikely that any state crime he might have committed would fall within the applicable statute of limitations, assuming any state could credibly claim that he committed a crime or that venue was proper in that state. In Hoffman v. United States (1951), the Supreme Court said the privilege against self-incrimination protects against real dangers, not remote or speculative possibilities.

Two other things are clear. First, a witness can refuse to answer questions that might implicate him in a crime, not to avoid embarrassment…. Second, a witness cannot invoke the Fifth Amendment because he thinks he will be charged with perjury even if he provides truthful testimony.

On the other hand, there are factors in Fauci's favor. First, President Trump and several Republican congressmen are arguing that Biden's last-minute pardons, which would include Fauci's, are null and void because, they claim, Biden's staff used his autopen to sign those pardons without Biden's knowledge or approval. If Fauci's pardon is invalidated, he could be prosecuted by the Justice Department for federal crimes he might have committed during the period covered by the Biden pardon.

Second, several state attorneys general have now said they are initiating investigations to see whether Fauci committed any state crimes related to his government service. Perhaps they envision a perjury charge for deposition testimony Fauci provided in Covid-related litigation. That effort might end up going nowhere, but Fauci is certainly entitled to take them at their word that he still faces legal jeopardy. These statements alone make it far more likely that a judge would ultimately determine that Fauci's invocation of the Fifth was proper….

The whole thing is much worth reading.

Todd Blanche for Attorney General?

Rescinding the egregious Slush Fund Order should not obscure the fact that Blanche was a central participant in, and possibly the architect of, a scheme to defraud the court and the American taxpayer. The one job he is surely not qualified for is the one he now seeks.

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Todd Blanche should not be the Attorney General of the United States, though it appears he is about to assume that office thanks to 50 Republican Senators* who are, it seems, going to confirm him for that position.

*As far as I am aware, Susan Collins is the only Republican Senator who has declared that she will vote against Blanche's nomination.

Senators Cronyn and Tillis withdrew their opposition when Blanche issued an order formally rescinding his earlier order setting up an "Anti-Weaponization Fund" as part of the "Settlement Agreement" reached between the IRS and our President, and limiting the "immunity" from tax liability granted to Trump and his children and associates by declaring that it only "applies retroactiviely."

The idea that this somehow is sufficient to warrant an appointment to be the chief federal law enforcement officer truly boggles the mind. The Settlement Agreement and the Anti-Weaponization Fund weren't just bad ideas; they were an attempt to perpetrate a fraud on the court and the American taxpayers, "ignor[ing] ethical norms, court rules, and legal authority to manipulate the judicial process [in order to] gild their efforts to gain unprecedented access to the public fisc with the patina of legitimacy."

Those are not my words; they are the words of Judge Kathleen Williams of SD Florida, in her July 13th Order imposing sanctions on the parties (our President and the I.R.S.) and the attorneys involved in the case (including Acting AG Blanche and Associate AG Stanley Woodward, as well as Daniel Epstein, signatory to the bogus "Settlement Agreement" as Counsel for the Plaintiffs).

More excerpts from Judge Williams' opinion are included below. Though her opinion is long (56 pages) and detailed, in the end she doesn't really uncover anything that wasn't already obvious to anyone who followed the whole "Settlement" shitshow at all closely: Read More

Harmeet Dhillon on Distinguishing Between Protected Speech and Actionable Discriminatory Conduct

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Jewish Insider:

Harmeet Dhillon, the assistant attorney general for civil rights, urged pro-Israel college students to distinguish between protected speech and actionable discriminatory conduct — "people literally interfering with your ability to get an education" — when facing antisemitism on campus.

"[With] a lot of young people these days, there's kind of a snowflake culture with 'I feel unsafe.' I feel unsafe everyday when I go to work and get a mean email from a colleague. Life is full of challenges," Dhillon said on Tuesday at the conclusion of the Israel on Campus Coalition's National Leadership Summit in Washington.

"Someone wearing a keffiyeh or shouting 'from the river to the sea,' it's protected by the First Amendment," Dhillon said. "Holding a red triangle over a student's head in a mob setting and saying 'Jews not welcome' is much closer to not protected speech."

"You have to sort out people being mean or rude to you versus people literally interfering with your ability to get an education," she said.

It so happens I've written two articles on exactly that theme, i.e., distinguishing between protected speech and unprotected conduct.

Unfortunately, the Jewish Insider article does not give much more detail about Dhillon's speech; I don't know if that's because the speech did not go into further detail, or because of the limitations of a short article.

That said, while I agree with Dhillon's general point and understand why she made it to this specific audience, there is a related issue percolating through the courts: can otherwise protected speech be used as contextual evidence to explain why unprotected conduct contributed to an unlawful hostile environment for Jewish students.

The law firm Consovoy, McCarthy recently filed an amicus brief to the Supreme Court on my behalf, asking the Court to grant cert. in Stand With Us Center for Legal Justice v. MIT. In that case, the First Circuit, correctly, held that illicit actions by anti-Israel protestors cannot turn unprotected speech into a civil rights violation. The court then, incorrectly, suggested that the illicit conduct itself became part of the protected speech so long as MIT chose not to enforce its rules (and the law).

But the amicus brief focuses on the narrower issue of whether constitutionally protected speech endorsing violence can be used as contextual evidence explaining why unprotected conduct contributed to a hostile environment. Given that the court mistakenly ruled that unprotected conduct was protected speech, it neglected to meaningfully address this issue, but it's crucial to hostile environment cases:

An act that appears innocent in isolation may take on a different meaning when viewed in context. Posting a completed game of hangman in a dormitory common area may seem innocuous. But if students had publicly declared the week before that lynching was a good way to keep Black people "in their place," the same image could reasonably be understood as threatening and racially targeted. The surrounding expression thus bears directly on how a reasonable person would understand the act.

As always, a cert. grant is a longshot, but mine is one of several amicus briefs filed in the MIT case.

If followed by other courts, the opinion would not only make it nearly impossible for Jewish students to win hostile environment cases, could also spell the end of hostile environment litigation more generally.

In addition to the issue raised above, the MIT court held that holding a defendant liable for deliberate indifference to a hostile environment requires evidence that the actors who created the hostile environment acted with discriminatory animus. So, first, the court held that proof of discriminatory animus is required, but also held that contextual evidence that would show that discriminatory animus is barred.

And, second, the notion that discriminatory animus is required for hostile environment claims to begin with seems clearly wrong. On the most basic level, it's not the students  who created the hostile environment who are being held liable in a hostile environment case, it's the university that exhibited deliberate indifference to the hostile environment.

Imagine the university implemented an AI communications system, which started sending out violent threats to women students. The university became aware of these threats, and the impact it was having on women students who were unable to concentrate on their studies after receiving vile, threatening messages to their phones and emails. The university chooses to do nothing.

AI, not being a sentiment being, can't have an "intent." Does that mean that a subsequent hostile environment case should fail, because there was no discriminatory intent or animus in the underlying behavior? That seems absurd.

The Justices Should Hold Regular Press Conferences

The second installment in a SCOTUSBlog series with recommendations for Unilateral Supreme Court Reform.

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My second essay for SCOTUSBlog calls on the Justices to hold regular press conferences. Here is a snippet:

My proposal for holding press conferences is unconventional, but I think it would be a net positive. At regular intervals, different members of the Supreme Court would hold a televised press conference before the Supreme Court press corps, as well as members of alternative media outlets, such as podcasters.

Certain topics would of course be off limits. The justices could not opine on any pending cases. They also could not offer any opinions that could trigger a recusal on some matter. But there are a range of topics the justices could discuss. The justices should be pressed on leaks. Indeed, Kagan and Barrett were expressly asked about the Dobbs leak by members of Congress. I suspect if more information is given publicly, there would be fewer leaks. Moreover, I have been critical of Chief Justice John Roberts for selectively speaking out on some issues (such as judicial impeachment), but saying nothing about a series of critical leaks that predated Dobbs. If there are regular press conferences, these statements would become more common, rebutting the charge of selective outrage.

Indeed, I think the justices are ready for primetime. There has been a longstanding annual practice in which two justices would testify before the House Judiciary Committee. They will primarily discuss the court's budget but also answer some questions about how the court operates. This practice took a hiatus during the pandemic, but resumed with the recent showing from Kagan and Barrett. In 2011, Justices Scalia and Stephen Breyer gave a remarkable joint testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee on the Constitution. We need to hear more from the court, and not just before the appropriations committees.

I wrote this piece before Justices Kagan and Barrett testified. Their performance, in my view, makes the case for press conferences far stronger.

Politics

"This Direct Monetization of Prior Government Service Is Beyond the Pale"

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From Third Circuit Judge Emil Bove's dissent last week from the one-line denial of mandamus in In re Mylan, Inc. (the majority consisted of Judge Brooks Smith, joined by Judge Patty Shwartz):

The Attorney who survived Defendants' disqualification motion is representing private parties in the very same litigation he led on behalf of Connecticut for more than a decade. This direct monetization of prior government service is beyond the pale. It is also a violation of Rule 1.11(c) of Pennsylvania's Rules of Professional Conduct. The Rule violation undermines the integrity of the proceedings, including an upcoming complex bellwether trial that will have a ripple effect in other multi-district litigation. Ripple effects in the MDL [Multi-District Litigation] multiply the taint risk that the District Court has authorized.

So I would grant mandamus relief. The decisions of the Attorney, the Firm, and Plaintiffs require disqualification….

From a commercial standpoint, there is no mystery about the Firm's hiring of the Attorney and Plaintiffs' desire to pay for the Attorney's services. Plaintiffs are seeking billions in damages relating to pharmaceutical price fixing.

Beginning around 2016, the Attorney led an investigation on behalf of Connecticut's Attorney General that overlapped with Plaintiffs' claims almost 100%. During the Attorney's public service, he joined forces with 53 other States and Territories. He gleaned strategic and investigative information during that process. While working for Connecticut, the Attorney spoke privately and confidentially with those regulators, targets of the investigation (including certain Defendants) and their counsel, and witnesses and their counsel. The Attorney's government work also involved coordination with the DOJ and FTC, which conducted parallel federal investigations. There have already been federal deferred prosecution agreements and coordinated state-level civil settlements. Those dispositions all but confirm that sensitive information circulated between the government actors—including the Attorney—for quite some time.

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Free Speech

VDARE's Libel Case Against N.Y. Times Thrown Out

UPDATE: Though this opinion was handed down just two weeks ago, it turns out to be a slightly revised version of an opinion from July 2022; my apologies for not noticing this at the outset.

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From N.Y. trial court judge Lisa Headley in VDARE Found., Inc. v. N.Y. Times Co., decided July 20:

In this action, the plaintiff asserts claims for defamation arising from four articles. The plaintiff is seeking $700,000 in actual damages with punitive damages and costs.

First, in August 2019, the plaintiff alleges, inter alia, that the defendant, in a Times article "quoted the associate director of the Anti-Defamation League opining that while the term 'kritarch' has historically been used in a non-pejorative way to describe 'rule by judges,' more recently it has been 'co-opted' by extremists and taken on a different meaning." The plaintiff argues that it was false and defamatory to report that the term, "kritarchy" had "suddenly been transformed into an anti-Semitic code word."

Second, in September 2019, plaintiff alleges, inter alia, that the defendant published a story that referenced and included an underlined text hyperlink to the August 2019 article, and that it was defamatory to say that "a post on the plaintiff's website used an anti-Semitic reference."

Thirdly, in November 2019, plaintiff alleges, inter alia, that the defendant published an article about Stephen Miller, who cited "Peter Brimelow, the founder of the anti-immigration website VDARE, [who] believes that diversity has weakened the United States[.]" Further, the November article 2019 reported that "the SPLC 'has labeled VDARE a 'hate website' for its ties to white nationalists[.]" The plaintiffs asserts that such statements about VDARE were false and defamed it.

Lastly, in May 2020, the plaintiff alleges that the defendant published a wire article from Reuters, and defamed the plaintiff when it reported, inter alia, that VDARE is accused of "race hatred," "manipulating on-line readers by utilizing a 'bot-farm' of fake accounts," and violating VDARE's "501(c) status."

The court granted the Times' anti-SLAPP motion and dismissed the case; note that New York law requires "actual malice" (i.e., knowing or reckless falsehood) as to all statements on matters of public concern, whether brought by public figures or not:

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AI in Court

"After the Hallucination: What 100 Recent Cases Reveal About Candor, AI Errors, and Sanctions"

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From Adam Feldman (Legalytics) yesterday—unsurprising, but it's helpful that this can be shown concretely:

This article examines what courts have done after lawyers learned, or should have learned, that AI-related inaccuracies had entered the record. The study began with Damien Charlotin's publicly available AI Hallucination Cases Database and independently reviewed 100 of the most recent cases in the dataset that were resolved U.S. matters involving lawyers. A stricter analytical sample included cases with a meaningful AI connection, a final judicial outcome, and enough information to evaluate counsel's response after discovery.

The results point to a coherent and practical distinction. The seriousness of the original error remains central: nearly every high-materiality incident produced a serious consequence. But post-discovery conduct also mattered. Serious consequences were substantially more common when lawyers offered misleading explanations, shifted blame, repeated the misconduct, or introduced additional inaccuracies after receiving notice. Prompt admission, by contrast, was associated with a markedly lower rate of serious consequences.

Candor cannot erase significant harm to a client or the judicial process. It can, however, prevent an already serious mistake from becoming a separate problem of professional responsibility….

And some more (read Feldman's whole post for still more):

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Tariffs

My New Dispatch Article on Trump's Section 301 "Forced Labor" Tariffs

The article explains why the new tariffs are harmful and illegal for many of same reasons as those invalidated by the Supreme Court.

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President Donald Trump and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick on "Liberation Day"
President Donald Trump and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick on "Liberation Day" (Michael Brochstein/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom)

 

Today, The Dispatch published my new article on Donald Trump's massive new Section 301 tariffs. Here is an excerpt:

President Donald Trump recently used Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 to impose massive new tariffs on 60 U.S. trading partners, including the European Union, Canada, Australia, Japan, South Korea, and more. Imports from 41 trading partners will now face 12.5 percent tariffs, and the others will be subject to 10 percent levies.

In February, the Supreme Court invalidated Trump's International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA) tariffs, which imposed tariffs of 10 percent or more on almost all U.S. trading partners… In a case I helped develop and litigate, the court's 6-3 decision held that IEEPA does not authorize tariffs and that the president could not legally claim unlimited tariff authority. With the new Section 301 tariffs, Trump seeks to circumvent the Learning Resources v. Trump decision and once again enact a broad trade war without congressional authorization.

Unlike IEEPA, Section 301 does authorize tariffs. But it sets limits that Trump's policy blatantly transgresses. Section 301(b), the provision Trump is relying on, allows the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) to impose tariffs if it finds, after an investigation, that "an act, policy, or practice of a foreign country is unreasonable or discriminatory and burdens or restricts United States commerce." In this case, the USTR claims the offending policies relate to the importation of goods supposedly made by forced labor.

In a recent Dispatch article, my Cato Institute colleague Scott Lincicome explained why the forced-labor "investigations" the administration claims justified the Section 301 tariffs are a sham. As he noted, the conclusion of the investigations was clearly predetermined, the tariffs imposed have no real connection to any genuine forced-labor issues, and many of the countries subject to the new tariffs actually have tighter restrictions on goods produced by forced labor than the U.S. itself does….

The new Section 301 tariffs also run afoul of the major questions doctrine, which requires Congress to "speak clearly" when authorizing the executive to make decisions of "vast economic and political significance." At the very least, Section 301 does not clearly authorize the president to start a trade war against almost all our major trading partners on the basis of a sham investigation and dubious pretexts.

The Section 301 tariffs undoubtedly implicate the major questions doctrine. The Tax Foundation estimates the Section 301 tariffs will impose some $629 billion in new taxes on Americans over the next decade. Like the IEEPA tariffs, they are likely to significantly reduce income and economic growth. These potential effects are larger than those of any of the previous policies the Supreme Court has determined to be major questions, with the exception of the IEEPA tariffs themselves. (In that case, three of the six justices in the majority relied on the major questions doctrine.) The new tariffs outstrip even President Joe Biden's sweeping student loan forgiveness program, which involved some $400 billion in unauthorized expenditures and was invalidated by the Supreme Court in 2023 in large part because it ran afoul of the doctrine….

Even if the courts conclude that Section 301 authorizes these new tariffs, they should also rule that their imposition violates the constitutional nondelegation doctrine, which limits the delegation of legislative power to the executive. Tariffs are a specifically enumerated congressional power. The Supreme Court's nondelegation precedent is far from completely clear, but last year's decision in FCC v. Consumers' Research held that delegations of the power to impose taxes and other financial levies must have a clear floor and ceiling and that "[t]he guidance needed is greater when an agency action will affect the entire national economy than when it addresses a narrow, technical issue." There is, pretty obviously, no meaningful floor or ceiling under the administration's approach to Section 301. And the authority claimed by Trump is certainly one that affects the "entire national economy…."

If Trump can use IEEPA, Section 301, or some other statute to impose unlimited tariffs on any import from any nation whenever he wants, that makes this enormously important power subject to the whims of one person. Such unconstrained authority is inimical to the rule of law, which requires that major laws and regulations be set in advance by legislation and not subject to any one person's total control. It thereby destroys the stable expectations businesses, investors, and consumers need to make their plans, imperiling the economy.

Relatedly, if the president can impose massive new tariffs at will, including by making utterly bogus accusations related to "forced labor," the nation's credibility with trading partners is damaged. Any trade agreement with the U.S. becomes essentially worthless, as the president can violate it at will. And businesses and governments would be foolish to commit to trade and investment in America, knowing those commitments could be imperiled any time the president becomes peeved about some issue. Over the last year, Trump has either threatened or actually imposed tariffs on major trading partners for ridiculous reasons: wildfires in Canada, the supposed threat of foreign-made movies, and the prosecution of Brazil's former president for launching a coup to stay in power after he lost an election. In addition to the economic damage, such actions poison U.S. relations with key allies and make it more difficult to work together to counter adversaries like Russia and China….

Three lawsuits challenging the tariffs have already been filed: one brought on behalf of two small businesses by the Liberty Justice Center (the public interest law firm I worked with on the IEEPA case); one filed by several firms, including Learning Resources Inc., the toy manufacturer whose IEEPA challenge ended up before the Supreme Court; and—most recently—one brought by 25 state governments led by Oregon…

Free Speech

Stop-Talking-to-Me Order Against Ex-Landlord Who Kept Texting Ex-Tenant About COVID Vaccines

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From Gonda v. Duering, decided Friday by the Hawaii intermediate appellate court (Justices Katherine G. Leonard, Keith K. Hiraoka, and Daniel M. Gluck):

[O]n December 11, 2024, Petitioner-Appellee Anaya Gonda filed a Petition for an Ex Parte Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) and for Injunction Against Harassment (Petition). Gonda alleged that Duering, her former landlord, had harassed her both before and after she vacated the apartment on September 11, 2023. She alleged that Duering sent her "over 25 disturbing text messages with no legitimate purpose and a concerning focus on [her] health," reflecting Duering's belief that COVID vaccines had caused Gonda's health problems. She alleged that Duering continued to send her text messages in October 2023, January 2024, April 2024, July 2024, and November 2024….

Gonda's boyfriend, Gustavo D'Amico, was the first witness [at trial]. He testified that he and Gonda arrived at the apartment on September 11, 2023 to find Duering there with a painter—even though Gonda had paid rent through the end of September—and that Duering began "screaming at" D'Amico. D'Amico called the police, and the police "helped handle the situation."

Gonda then testified that, on September 11, 2023, she told Duering not to contact her …. She similarly testified that "after my tenancy ended on September 11th and I, uh—told Mr. Duering to never contact me again, except via my lawyer …." Gonda testified that this exchange took place in person …. Duering, for his part, denied that Gonda told him not to communicate with her….

Gonda testified that Duering's text messages were "always about [her] health" and contained "COVID vaccine … conspiracy theories." She testified that there was no reason for Duering to communicate with her. In cross-examination by Duering, Gonda further testified that she was "concerned and disturbed by the obsessive nature of [his] continued messages towards [her] when there's absolutely no reason for [him] to contact [her]."

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