The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
COVID Closure of Private Beach Access Constitutes a Taking
The Eleventh Circuit concludes "there is no COVID exception to the Takings Clause."
In April 2020, as the COVID outbreak was unfolding, Walton County, Florida, closed all beaches--public and private. Did this ordinance, as applied to private beaches, constitute a taking of private property under the Fifth Amendment? Yes it did, according to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit in an opinion released yesterday.
Judge Lagoa wrote for the panel in Alford v. Walton County, joined by Judges Brasher and Carnes. Her opinion begins:
The Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment provides that "private property" shall not "be taken for public use, without just compensation." U.S. Const. amend. V. Here, we consider whether a Walton County ordinance that proscribed all access to privately-owned beaches constitutes a "taking" under the Fifth Amendment. We hold that it does.
Despite the County's significant infringement on property rights, the district court granted summary judgment in favor of Walton County, noting that the ordinance was enacted during the COVID-19 pandemic. But there is no COVID exception to the Takings Clause. Instead, the government must respect constitutional rights during public emergencies, lest the tools of our security become the means of our undoing. "The Founders recognized that the protection of private property is indispensable to the promotion of individual freedom. As John Adams tersely put it, '[p]roperty must be secured, or liberty cannot exist.'" Cedar Point Nursery v. Hassid, 594 U.S. 139, 147 (2021) (quoting Discourses on Davila, in 6 Works of John Adams 280 (C. Adams ed. 1851)).
Accordingly, after careful review, and with the benefit of oral argument, we affirm the district court's dismissal of the Landowners' prospective claims, but we reverse the district court's judgment on the Landowners' Takings Clause claim. Because we hold that the County effectuated a "taking" of the Landowners' property, we need not address the Landowners' claims under the Fourth and Fourteenth Amendments. On remand, the district court shall consider the amount of "just compensation" that the Landowners are entitled to. U.S. Const. amend. V.
Here is how Judge Lagoa summarizes the conclusion that taking occurred:
the district court held that Ordinance 2020-09 was neither a physical taking nor a regulatory taking. We disagree. This case involves a textbook physical taking: Walton County enacted an ordinance barring the Landowners from entering and remaining on their private property; Walton County's officers physically occupied the Landowners' property; and Walton County's officers excluded the Landowners from their own property under threat of arrest and criminal prosecution. In other words, Walton County wrested the rights to possess, use, and exclude from the Landowners, and it took those rights for itself. That triggers the Landowner's right to just compensation.
The analysis that follows digs in to how the Supreme Court's decision in Cedar Point Nursery v. Hassid from 2021 informs the analysis of government restrictions on land-use that so pervasively infringe upon a landowner's right to occupy their own land and exclude others.
Although this case involves a county ordinance, the Ordinance at issue effectuated a "physical appropriation" of the Landowner's property. Id. Thus, "a per se taking has occurred, and Penn Central has no place." Id. Ordinance 2020-09 physically appropriated the Landowners' property because it barred their physical access to the land. And to enforce the Ordinance, the County entered the Landowners' property at will for the specific purpose of excluding the Landowners. The County's officers parked their vehicles on private property to deter entry, used private property as their own highway, and forced Landowners to vacate their property under threat of arrest. Put simply, the County "entered upon the surface of the land and t[ook] exclusive possession of it," thereby triggering the right to just compensation. Causby, 328 U.S. at 261.
Notwithstanding these infringements on the right to possess and the right to exclude, the district court found that Ordinance 2020-09 was a simple "use" restriction. In so ruling, the district court emphasized that the Landowners retained the ability to sell their property, that the Ordinance was temporary, that the Landowners could still use part of their property, and that the Landowners could still exclude other citizens from their private property. None of these points makes a difference. At bottom, Ordinance 2020-09 prohibited the Landowners from physically accessing their beachfront property under any circumstances. That is different from a restriction on how the Landowners could use property they otherwise physically possessed.
Cedar Point is a useful comparison. Recognizing the distinction between physical appropriations and use restrictions, the Cedar Point Court rejected an argument advanced by California that the regulation permitting union organizers to enter private property was a mere use restriction. 594 U.S. at 154. There, a California regulation granted union organizers a right to access private farmland "for the purpose of meeting and talking with [agricultural] employees and soliciting their support." Id. at 144 (quoting Cal. Code Regs., tit. 8, § 20900(e)). Under the regulation, the union organizers had a right to access the private farmland for up to three hours per day and 120 days per year. Id. Importantly, the regulation in Cedar Point did not infringe on the rights of the farm owners to possess, to use, or to dispose of their property. See id. Regardless, the Court held that the regulation effectuated a physical taking because it infringed on the owners' right to exclude the union organizers. Id. at 149–54. In the Court's words, "[s]aying that appropriation of a three hour per day, 120 day per year right to invade the growers' premises 'does not constitute a taking of a property interest but rather . . . a mere restriction on its use, is to use words in a manner that deprives them of all their ordinary meaning.'" Id. at 154 (quoting Nollan v. California Coastal Comm'n, 483 U.S. 825, 831 (1987)).
In other words, the mere fact that the Cedar Point landowners retained the rights to possess, to use, and to sell their property did not undermine the fact that a physical taking occurred. Id. California still "physically appropriated" the landowners' property by granting the union organizers a right of entry. Id. Here, the physical taking at issue is even more severe than the one in Cedar Point. Unlike the regulation at issue in Cedar Point, Ordinance 2020-09 infringes on the right to exclude and the rights to possess and use. The Ordinance prohibited the Landowners from entering and remaining on their own property, while County officers entered and remained at will. The mere fact that the Landowners could—according to the district court—still "exclude the public" from their property is immaterial. In Cedar Point, it made no difference that the property owners retained the right to exclude everyone but the "union organizers." See 594 U.S. at 144. Likewise, it makes no difference here that the Landowners retained the authority to exclude everyone other than County officials tasked with enforcing the Ordinance.
As this opinion indicates, Cedar Point may turn out to have been something of a turning point in the law of regulatory takings.
[Note: I edited the title of the post to omit the word "regulatory," as the Eleventh Circuit's analysis characterizes the government regulation here as a per se physical taking. In my view, this should be understood as a type of regulatory taking, and that not all regulatory takings should be subject to the Penn Central balancing test, but that is not the way that the Court's analysis proceeded, and is arguably not the best way to understand current doctrine. Cleaning up these categories, and perhaps interring Penn Central in the process, is something I hope the Court will do.]
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please to post comments
Good. Because I'm still fed up with my township doubling the wetlands transition boundary on my property by ordinance, without any grandfathering, years after the same township approved the site map for the residential development, carving out home lots around a sliver of "wetlands". The updated boundary now touches the corner of my house's foundation, requiring me to jump through additional hoops (time/money) and restricting otherwise legitimate development of my property. A small expansion to a previously permitted deck, the entirety of which, old and new, lies within the expanded transition area.
This expanded regulation encumbrance has decreased the potential value of my property, definitely taking something of value from me. And no, my property is not adjacent to any flowing body of water. This was just a low spot (ditch) in the original farmer's field that was "identified" as a wetlands, but we being cultivated in the years before being sold to the developer.
Several years ago lead was found in the well water of an Elementary School that abuts my property. I granted a "right of way" for a pipe line to be run to the school from the local water system. In exchange a certain percentage of my property had it's value reduced. The agreement for the "right of way" was that the assessed value of my property would be reduced, lessening my property taxes. That was 11 years ago and my Assessment still hasn't been changed.
Funny thing here, I draw water from the same aquifer that the School did. I have my water tested yearly and have never found any trace of lead. When the School ran the pipeline, they tied into the existing pipes in the school. They have never tested the water for lead since the connection.
I think it is obviously the correct decision. When the government tells you that you cannot use your property at all, it is a taking. Any purported Covid mitigation benefit is one shared by the public at large.
The fact that it is for a limited duration should only go to the measure of damages, not cut off recovery entirely.
The key word here is "purported". There was no basis for thinking there'd be any benefit at all.
I agree, but it is almost always an uphill battle to argue that the government was wrong in its fact finding. The answer usually is, "Well, maybe vote for someone different the next time."
The question is about the power. If they can do it for a good purpose, then typically they get to make the decision if X qualifies."
First I agree that this is a taking, albeit for a short period
I agree that there was little, if any, scientific basis for any benefit, at least once it became known it was a respiratory virus. (possibly some short term benefit , but no lasting long term benefit since the mitigation was never going to accomplish any long term goal). That being said, I can understand a short term lockdown for a few days or a week or so, to give the health experts to figure out what was happening. Those two weeks would have ended the last week in March 2020 which by that time, it was known to be respiratory virus.
There was virtually no evidence that the risk of transmission outdoors was any more than micro minuscule. Beach and other outdoor restrictions were idiotic.
In walton County's defense, (very limited defense) they ended the lockdowns much earlier than most jurisdictions.
not the key word at all. the entire point is that even if there are benefits, its still a taking
Right. The purpose of the taking of the property was ostensibly for a public benefit. As the proposed benefit inured to the public, and not to the landowner, the public should bear the financial burden.
If it turned out that the government was wrong and the public really gained nothing at all, that still doesn't change the calculus of who should pay.
The county's arguments should have been rejected as frivolous. The fact that the taking was only temporary and only infringed on some of their property rights should have been relevant to the magnitude of the taking but utterly irrelevant to the question of whether there was a taking in the first place.
Any infringement should be treated as a taking. And if that gets in the way of government doing what it wants, well, that's the point!
Sadly, we have too much precedent allowing these kinds of abuses by governments at all levels. Takings precedents need to be gutted and rebuilt from first principles.
"Any infringement should be treated as a taking."
That's a bit much. My property is zoned residential. Should the county pay me money because I can't operate a junkyard here? What if the zoning actually increases my property value?
Did you know that it was zoned that way when you acquired it? If you did, then you are correct, but, what if they changed the zoning AFTER you acquired the property? It's like the clowns who start an HOA and then try to force people who don't want it to join.
I have always said that I will never, ever, ever purchase a property subject to an HOA or COA. And if you knowingly do so, you deserve what you get, good and hard. I mean, unless you're one of THOSE PEOPLE who get your jollies off of telling other what to do with their property.
Ahem.
I've never dealt with someone who tried to HOA my property afterwards, but if I did ... it wouldn't be pleasant. I'd take the clown car that they were in and send it off the highest cliff I could find.
"What if the zoning actually increases my property value?"
They already have a plan in place for that. Property tax reassessment.
I would say you bought it subject to whatever restrictions there were and that should have factored into your purchase price. There are circumstances where courts don't follow this principle. I don't see a clear rule.
That begs the question. If compensation was never paid to my predecessors in title---and it never was for zoning---then the taking (if it is a taking) was unconstitutional. I should either be compensated or restored to full use of the property.
Your predecessors are (were) entitled to compensation, fair market value without regulation less what you paid them.
There was a case involving dissolution of a corporation where the Supreme Court effectively said the right to challenge a regulation passed along with the property.
sales contracts of properties should specifically include the sale of any cause of action for a prior governmental taking. statute of limitations would still be an issue
As others have already said, the taking occurred when the zoning regulation was established. If you were the owner at that time, then yes you should be entitled to compensation. On the other hand, if you bought the property knowing about the long-established zoning restriction, that's on you.
And if the zoning change actually increases your property value, well, isn't that what zoning changes are supposed to do for all of us? That's certainly how the zoning commissions sell themselves. Regardless, the Takings Clause is a one-way requirement - it requires the government to pay for what it takes. If the government wants us to pay, it has other clauses to rely on (principally, the power to tax).
"On the other hand, if you bought the property knowing about the long-established zoning restriction, that's on you."
But as I said, even though that is true, if it is a constitutional violation, it is ongoing and could be remedied. In any event, zoning regulations under current law are not takings and do not require compensation.
"Meanwhile, grocery stores, hardware stores, pharmacies, and public parks in Walton County remained open."
Yes, beaches are different than a pharmacy where you get necessary drugs, grocery stores that provide food, and parks where people are much more likely to be far apart than on a beach.
The park is trickier, yes, but listing the others and then talking about "other recreational activities" is a tad silly. OTOH, it very well might be suitable pursuant to current SCOTUS precedent.
Anyway, the opinion applies precedent. That's fine. It doesn't talk about the original understanding, for instance, of what happened in the 1790s during a yellow fever outbreak in Philadelphia.
Mugler v. Kansas (1887) noted: "A prohibition simply upon the use of property for purposes that are declared, by valid legislation, to be injurious to the health, morals, or safety of the community, cannot, in any just sense, be deemed a taking or an appropriation of property for the public benefit."
Again, what happened 140 years ago is of limited concern. We should be concerned about the current understanding of the facts and the law. Some here apply general principles of what a "taking" is. Not what it was understood to mean in 1868.
That's fine, though I'm not sure the exact right answer in this case. Cedar Point seems like it isn't directly on point.
But the reasoning very well might be correct.
"parks where people are much more likely to be far apart than on a beach"
In my experience private beaches are not crowded. That's why owners keep them private and pay lawyers good money to keep them private.
How much do we want courts asking "was this regulation a good idea?" Is the beach closure a taking only if, in hindsight, a court decides it was an overreaction?
The whole "far apart" bit turned out to be pulled out of Fauci's arse. That, in itself, should invalidate the takings.
I noted parks are a harder case than a grocery store or pharmarcy in certain respects. But I will directly answer your comment.
People keep beaches private for various reasons.
They use them in various ways. A normal way to use a beach is for small groups to come together and stay/play there together. Sometimes this includes at risk (for COVID) groups.
In close contact. That's how I have always used a beach when I come with people. Other times, larger events take place on a beach. Including private beaches.
I think public safety should generally be decided by legislatures and other public bodies with specific expertise. We have rights, so there are limits there. Still, rights are not absolute. Judges will have to, at some point, weigh different things.
They're an easier case: UV and rapid air changes make the outdoors a much less likely place for viral transmission than indoors at any given population density.
We shouldn't make excuses for this sort of policy, it was the result of an irrational moral panic, not rational policy making. I'm not sure that's really legally relevant, but we still shouldn't blind ourselves to it.
Note that Homeland Security research department did rapid work on this issue; they had a web based COVID-virus lifetime calculator on-line by late March 2020 (before the Walton County regulations) that showed that the virus lifetime was relatively-insensitive to temperature, quite sensitive to humidity, and extremely sensitive to UV: 50% humidity vs 20% cuts virus lifetime by a factor of 3, and direct-sun vs indoor UV cuts the virus lifetime by a factor of 400.
Later studies showed that the outdoor infectiousness of COVID was a factor of 10,000 less that the indoor. (Well, one study claimed factor-of-100, but it also claimed that lumber-industry mess-halls and bunk-rooms were outdoor, not indoor...)
FWIW
Later studies it says below. And that is what I recall as well.
April 2020? You are hindsighting so you can anti Covid crusade.
Meh.
Sarcastr0 30 minutes ago
"April 2020? You are hindsighting so you can anti Covid crusade."
Quite a few individuals who had a better grasp of the dynamics and science were making that statement as early as March 2020, including myself.
I dont recall if Brett was making that statement, but it was very much a reasonable assessment based on what was known about respiratory viruses in March 2020.
I'm not hindsighting, it was obvious at the time. Who doesn't know that viral aerosols are vulnerable to UV, or that fresh air helps avoid disease transmission?
You can't reasonably demand that every time a new panic sets in, it require a new study to prove what is already known!
I have fully confidence in Sarc's ability to demand just that.
The vibes demand it.
Not much about Covid-19 was obvious in April 2020. That was not already known. Hell, I think we were still calling it Corona and washing surfaces!
It wasn't a new panic it was a *new virus*.
What nonsense ... the scientists knew what a coronavirus was well before 2020, and it was known to be sensitive to UV as early as 2003 (Duan et al, Biomed Enviorn Sci).
It's only the panicons in the public health community that suggested the most lame-brained mitigations ... and a large fraction of the sheep throughout the world threw out all established law and played along out of fear.
There’s plenty of retroactive lit reviews on Covid and UV. I guess all those 2020 and after studies were just for fun.
I have a document with my technical notes referencing the [well-structured] "SARS-CoV-2" research and findings up through April 2020. Despite much debate then and since, all the basic viral dynamics were well characterized [correctly] by then (for example "SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) by the numbers").
You use the complexity of hindsight to fade even what was known, always to reach your end.
Property owner rights?
Sarc: WHOGAF? Nobody knew anything then.
"Not much about Covid-19 was obvious in April 2020."
And yet we made a bunch of rules without knowing anything. Sounds like a panic to me.
What you are saying is true, about these things.
There was not much known about covid-19 in early April 2020, much beyond direct sunlight killed the virus in minutes, and bleach killed it instantly.
We were washing down every surface in sight.
Where I disagree....the country was not only panicked, but also freaked out. Just look at YT drone video of empty and abandoned NYC streets at that time. Completely empty for block after block. We also knew the virus killed the elderly at a significantly higher rate by April 2020 (we knew that by late Feb, early Mar - before the shutdown).
The protests were not in April, but yeah people were pretty concerned about superspreader events even then as I recall.
We're not doing rational basis review of a regulation here. On rational basis review the government would have won. If the government wants to prevent disease transmission on beaches, there are less restrictive means than closing the beach. For example, all persons on the beach must keep six feet apart and wear masks.
"For example, all persons on the beach must keep six feet apart and wear masks."
Neither of which would have made one iota of difference.
Why do doctors and other medical personnel wear masks if they don't make an "iota" worth of difference?
Keeping some distance from people helps to stop catching what they have if the disease is contagious.
The regulation can be struck down w/o using unnecessary hyperbole.
Bronx -
A - in response to your first question - why do medical personnel wear masks? My response - Do you know the transmission differences between bacteria vs blood borne virus vs respiratory viruses? If so, the answer is not blowing in the wind.
B - in response to your second comment - "Keeping some distance from people helps to stop catching what they have if the disease is contagious." My response - What long term solutions is being accomplished? - other than delaying the eventual?
"Why do doctors and other medical personnel wear masks if they don't make an "iota" worth of difference?"
Because they're not out on the beach on a sunny day when they're doing it?
How much do we want courts asking "was this regulation a good idea?" Is the beach closure a taking only if, in hindsight, a court decides it was an overreaction?
Now, you are moving from that question to assuming a higher level of scrutiny. As loki31 notes, originally, rational basis very well might have been warranted as applied to this specific regulation.
More to the point, it's irrelevant. 'Rational basis' answers the question 'is the government allowed to do this at all'? 'Is this a taking' assumes the government is allowed to do it and answers the next question of whether the thing the government did should be at the sole expense of a single property owner or should be paid for by taxpayers as a whole.
You could say "is this a taking" matters because it triggers the requirement that the taking be for "public use", in which case there would probably be some rational basis test. but thats clearly not what was argued in this case.
Rational basis ? for closing an outdoor area such as a beach is very irrational, no extremely irrational, no astronomically irrational.
That 'vaccine' and the long-term harm is the greater tragedy with unknown effects still lurking around, waiting, biding its time, ready to POUNCE on unsuspecting innocents.
You need to remember that "rational basis" doesn't actually mean that the policy has a basis that's rational.
It means that the judge can imagine some reason for adopting the policy, (That doesn't have to be the actual reason!) that somebody who was merely ignorant of the facts or somewhat stupid might adopt, but not a reason that only somebody who was chewing on the furniture and having conversations with imaginary rabbits would accept.
It's more like, "not batshit raving insane" basis.
Honestly, JFtB, you highlighted one of the major issues I have with originalism- how results-oriented it is by the issues it chooses to focus on.
Two easy examples are takings and the First Amendment (free speech). In both those areas, the jurisprudence that we take for granted is not, in any way, shape, or form, originalist. It's modern. FA law is almost all entirely a creation of the 20th Century, and while we see occasional nods to originalism (U.S. v. Stevens, 2010), the simple fact is that until the 20th Century ... there just wasn't robust protection for free speech in the way we think of it today; most famously, it wasn't even close to settled that the FA protected against the punishment of speech (instead, just against prior bars).
Same with takings. It was generally believed that if the government "took possession" (complete and total ownership forever) of your property, they would have to pay you something. But if the government ... oh, shut down your business, or temporarily dispossessed you of your property rights, or passed legislation ("Property that contributes to yellow fever must be secured and drained blah blah blah") you were SOL.
It's all modern. And that's not wrong, by the way. But it shows you that originalism is always employed only in specific areas, and only to get specific results, while other areas it is not used at all, unless it is used in a specific manner to buttress modern jurisprudence without actually thinking about what it originally entailed.
Prof. Eric Segall has a field day with this sort of thing.
Controlling takings law and free speech law are decidedly unoriginalist. Tiers of scrutiny? Accounting for land use planning?
The whole field is filled with modern glosses and balancing. Nothing about it is originalist.
"It's all modern. And that's not wrong, by the way."
It is, actually, because it lacks democratic legitimacy. When the people ratified the Constitution (or some amendment to it) they signed up for a certain understanding, not what courts later de facto amended it to be. That's true even if the de facto amendment is good policy or helps people out better than the original meaning.
For instance, let's say the Constitution says everyone gets $500 every year from the federal government. Then, the Supreme Court comes along and says, "$500 now means $5000." And let's just say that that de facto amendment is objectively good policy. Most people would be pretty happy with that ruling. But it would completely lack any democratic legitimacy because the public never signed up for that reading of the Constitution.
So, assuming your examples above are accurate, it doesn't matter if the First Amendment is better for everyone if read more expansively to protect speech, or if the concept of a "taking" is now more protective of private property. That's not what the public bargained for when it ratified the Constitution, so it has no place in the Constitution until it is amended. The solution, instead, is to pass more protective laws through the normal democratic process, or, if not, to live with the minimal protections the Constitution does provide.
Maybe some day you will study the law, and learn about basic concepts in contract law.
Or, for that matter, you'll study real property, and understand the lengthy history of the battle between property rights (alienation) and "dead hand control."
You may or may not change your opinion, but you'd probably have a richer and more nuanced understanding of how the law actually works that would keep you from making such dogmatic statements with certainty.
Or, given your commenting name, "Area Man Passionate Defender Of What He Imagines Constitution To Be."
Anyway, if you're ever curious, you can actually read a lot of what the early jurists thought about originalism and jurisprudence in their opinions that they made after the Constitution was ratified, and weirdly, it's not what you're saying.
beaches and parks are different in a very important respect - simply put, the risk of outdoor transmission is very small.
What if the next disease really does cause people to emit a six foot bubble of death? Will the right to compensation change?
Hopefully the health authorities will apply actual medical science and not the science of irrational fear. Much of the covid mitigation protocols were based on the science of "a six foot bubble of death" to paraphrase your characterization.
Then we'll all be dead, and not have to worry about it.
Hey, you forgot the next sentence in that case:
Here there was a complete prohibition of using the beach. There was NO lawful purpose for which it could be used. That matters.
You are misunderstand what they are saying, because you don't want to understand what they are saying.
They are saying that when the legislature declares, by valid legislation, that the use of the property is injurious to the health, morals or safety .... that legislation does not (as it cannot) disturb the owner in the use or control of his property for LAWFUL purposes.
Do you get it, or are you still engaged in results-oriented reading?
If the legislature declares that *a* use of the land is injurious, then yes, this applies. If they declare that *any* use of the land is injurious, then they're taking the land.
The quote was from a case where a state decided to make the manufacture of alcohol illegal. The landowner could no longer manufacture alcohol on the land, but they could still do literally anything else. That's not the same as when the government tells someone they cannot even set foot upon the land. There's no lawful purpose left!
Suppose there was a war fought on US soil.
Would government have to compensate for everywhere where there was a battle?
More specifically, anywhere US forces occupied or destroyed. If the Army of Grand Fenwick occupies NYC you have to sue the Duchy.
There was that case where the police more or less destroyed a house while going after a fleeing suspect, and IIRC the ruling was no compensation required by the 5th Amendment. Don't know if it got overturned later.
How to tell if the police are occupying the house?
See what they do when you tell them to leave.
We know the answer to that. And as a measure predicated on public safety, then the public coffers need to pay the private individual who suffered the burden of keeping the public safe.
If it's the case I'm thinking of, the District Court found no compensation required, the Appeals Court endorsed and SCOTUS declined to take up the case. So the decision stands but is theoretically only binding within that circuit.
To be fair, Justice Jackson and Gorsuch said the issue was undecided and should be taken up to SCOTUS soon, which it almost certainly will be.
apparently, the takings clause was passed in response to anger over the continental army confiscating private property (horses and land) during the revolutionary war for war purposes. so seemingly the takings clause should include payment for property that is confiscated to fight a battle on US soil.
Next, do the lockdown orders: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3567003
While the important part of property is not a paper in a cabinet somewhere, but the power to use it as you see fit, I'm having a tough time seeing how government, in theory stopping you from joyously spreading disease, means the people who therefore don't get the disease should pay you for that honor.
Should the payment for loss of the use be offset by the probably greater costs of the disease you would otherwise spread? I'm seeing lots of arguments it wouldn't have been that bad, but that's not the point.
Stopping you from spreading the uranium you own all over the place is not a taking. Sorry, Typhoid Mary, get back in your room.
In theory is doing all the work here, because it was a bullshit theory, and probably not even taken seriously by the people who promulgated it.
Probably!
Amazing how much bad faith you find in those you disagree with.
Over 1,000 health professionals sign a letter saying, Don’t shut down protests using coronavirus concerns as an excuse
QED.
Months later, and over 1,000 is not a lot of health professionals.
This is trivially insufficient to support your bad faith Bretting.
1000 health professionals sign letter to not shut the protests down!
How many signed letter or made any other statement to support shutting down the protests due to covid? Somewhere close to zero?
That is Probably a good indication of what the health officials actually understood about transmission of covid.
The issue is that if the government tells you that you cannot enrich uranium on your property you can still use the property for a host of other lawful and good reasons.
When the government passes a regulation, for whatever purpose, that says you cannot use your property for ANY reason, then that is a taking.
That is what we have here. The property owners could not use their beach at all. Not that they couldn't sell liquor on it or enrich uranium on it. They couldn't even walk on it.
In a military emergency, either the Executive Branch or the Judicial Branch have to be in charge of policy. And it cannot be the Judicial Branch.
Pretty much the same for public health emergencies, which are bound to come as surprises, vary in degree of threat, evolve over time, and remain unresponsive to judicial fiat. Whatever the judiciary decide during a public health emergency will end up being whatever the executive branch permits anyway.
A more important point to discuss would be how to define and enforce an end to emergency conditions.