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Judge Newman Loses Her Effort to Undo the "Temporary" Bar on Receiving Cases
The D.C. Circuit declines to reach the merits of many of the serious underlying constitutional questions.
I have previously blogged about the "stealth impeachment" of Judge Pauline Newman of the Federal Circuit. Judge Newman presented serious constitutional questions to the D.C. Circuit about her supposedly "temporary" suspension from active service on her court. Today, the D.C. Circuit rejected Judge Newman's challenges. The panel ruled that, under earlier Circuit precedent, it was barred from reviewing her constitutional arguments. The panel essentially remitted Judge Newman to the Judicial Conference to pursue the issues, while also suggesting some possible new judicial avenues Judge Newman might consider.
Some quick background: Judge Newman has been "temporarily" suspended by the Federal Circuit's Judicial Council due to her alleged failure to cooperate with a Special Committee of the Circuit. The Committee was investigating Judge Newman's alleged declining mental capacities. Judge Newman sought federal judicial review of whether her indefinite suspension violated her constitutional rights. But a judge on the D.C. District Court dismissed many of her claims as not subject to judicial review and rejected her facial constitutional challenges to the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act. She appealed to the D.C. Circuit.
In December, I joined former judges Janice Rogers Brown, Paul R. Michel, Randall R. Rader, Thomas L. Vanaskie, and Susan G. Braden in an amicus brief (written by experienced appellate lawyer Richard Samp) urging the D.C. Circuit to direct that Judge Newman's claims be reviewed on their merits. And Judge Newman herself weighed in with a powerful reply to the Judicial Council's position that it can simply suspend her from her judicial duties under the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act.
Today's panel decision concluded it was unable to review Judge Newman's most substantial constitutional claims on their merits:
As the district court recognized, our ability to review Judge Newman's statutory and constitutional claims is largely foreclosed by binding precedent. In McBryde v. Committee to Review Circuit Council Conduct & Disability Orders of the Judicial Conference of the United States, 264 F.3d 52 (D.C. Cir. 2001), this court held that Congress precluded our jurisdiction over statutory and as-applied constitutional challenges to judicial council orders. Id. at 58–63. Instead, McBryde concluded, Congress intended for those claims to be considered exclusively by the Judicial Conference. Id. This panel has no authority to depart from McBryde.
As a result, we have jurisdiction to consider only Judge Newman's facial constitutional challenge to the Act's case-suspension provision. Under well-settled standards for such claims, that facial challenge fails because—irrespective of whether the provision's application to Judge Newman is constitutional—Judge Newman agrees that the provision has many other constitutional applications.
The panel emphasized the narrowness of its decision:
We therefore affirm the district court's judgment. As just explained, however, our reasons for affirming are unrelated to the strength of Judge Newman's statutory claim or as-applied constitutional claims. Nor does our decision reflect our views of the underlying dispute or of Judge Newman's suspension. Under McBryde, any recourse for Judge Newman must come from a judicial council or from the Judicial Conference, the entity statutorily empowered to review council decisions.
In concluding its decision, the panel seemed to invite further review of the serious constitutional issues at stake, but by the en banc Court (which could overrule McBryde) (some citations omitted):
[A]s a panel of this court, we are unable to overrule McBryde, and so do not resolve whether McBryde was rightly decided. To be sure, there are substantial arguments that—if judicial councils and the Conference are properly regarded as administrative bodies—the McBryde majority misapplied the clear-and-convincing-evidence test when interpreting Section 357(c)…. It relied on a potentially strained reading of the relevant legislative history. And its holding could be taken to suggest that certain constitutional questions might be heard in no forum (if the Judicial Conference does not consider those challenges) and that, regardless, the Judicial Conference—not the Supreme Court—would be the last word on major questions of constitutional law.
The seeming absence of a judicial forum to address Newman's as-applied constitutional claims itself raises constitutional concerns. Judge Newman presents substantial arguments that her suspension—which has now lasted nearly two years, with a third year recommended—threatens the principle of judicial independence and may violate the separation of powers. She further contends that the refusal to transfer her case to a different circuit deprived her of an impartial tribunal, which if correct would raise due process concerns.
Those doubts, however, would at most suggest that McBryde was wrong the day it was decided, not that it does not bind us now.
Panel op. at 20-21 (some citations omitted).
The panel also dropped an intriguing footnote about the possibility of mandamus review in the U.S. Supreme Court:
[The Judicial Council et al.] suggested at oral argument that the Supreme Court may be able to review Judicial Conference orders via mandamus. We express no opinion on that possibility.
All Judge Newman asked of the panel was for a judicial forum to hear her claims on the merits. The panel decision suggests several possibilities that Judge Newman might consider for obtaining such review. And the panel also explained that, because its decision might mean that Judge Newman "cannot raise her as-applied constitutional arguments in any Article III forum ….," it is "up to the Judicial Council and the Judicial Conference to genuinely engage with those arguments." Next month, the Judicial Council will apparently decide whether to renew Judge Newman's "temporary" suspension for yet another year.
No doubt, today's ruling will not the last word on all these issues. At some point, some court or tribunal somewhere will hopefully recognize what should be obvious: Judge Newman is subject to stealth impeachment by unelected judges. That is not the process the Framers intended.
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They probably figure if they can drag it out a while longer, they can render the whole matter moot by her simply dropping dead.
The best revenge is to outlive your enemies.
I wonder what happens if a state probate court declares a federal judge incapacitated. Can a conservator submit a resignation on her behalf?
According to the courts, Congress can delegate away all its legislative powers to the executive branch. Don’t see why it can’t delegate to the judiciary its authority to functionally impeach and remove as well.
I wonder if the judiciary can let Congress adjudicate disputes, or the executive can let the courts enforce the law. Why not, right?
The panel can investigate all they want but when they take it upon themselves to usurp the Senate with an ersatz impeachment, then we have problem.
The Senate will address this matter promptly if the Judicial Council chooses to suspend Judge Boasberg.
What is being done to Judge Newman is disgraceful. Given the recent rash of overt political activism from lower-court judges, the danger of their being able to "suspend" colleagues should be painfully apparent. This court says Congress has not created an effective remedy. So, Congress should urgently act and create one.
Hot take: nobody has a Constitutional right to be, or serve as, a judge.
My confidence in substantial due process is weak too.
Maybe if the Courts look at whether the Judicial Council has the power to do what it has done, and where that power came from, this matter can be cleared up without undermining the rule of law.
It is curious that Prof Cassell does not discuss the most obvious Constitutional matters:
i) "Impeachment" is limited to a political process alleging or "Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors."
Is Prof Cassell suggesting that J. Newman's "alleged failure to cooperate with a Special Committee of the Circuit ... investigating Judge Newman's alleged declining mental capacities." is a "high Crime[]" or a "Misdemeanor[]" ?; And,
ii) "... Judges ... shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour ..." How might an individual's "Behaviour" objectively be deemed "good" if they exhibit, in the eyes of their peers (and those who know them for a reasonable period of time), "declining mental capacities" ?
I will read more of the publicly available materials. However, this matter (which I have been aware of) smacks of a "judiciary" and sycophant, pandering, obsequious legal profession avoiding the obvious - The obnoxiously repeat falsehood that Article. III. judges have "life tenure" (again, most recently bloviated by justices sotomayor and kavanaugh) is a blatant contradiction to the meaningful words of the Constitution: "... shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour ...".
SCOTUS as the "one supreme Court" clearly has administrative oversight of all "inferior courts" (those usurpers of legislative and executive powers) and could remove J. Newman for "bad Behaviour" were it not for the fact that to do such would contradict the lie which is "life tenure".
Or, Congress could readily "defrock, dissolve and defund" J. Newman's "Office", as it was Congress which installed J. Newman, and "ordained and established" that Office.
It takes lawyers: Article. III. judges, law professors, and practicing attorneys, to make today's sad reality; ignoring that all lawyers, including judges, are mortal and subject to cognitive and physical decline, ultimately death (ironically the words: "life tenure" recognize this reality).
It is a great negative burdening the US judicial system for it to perpetrate lies and deny its member own physical and mental health risks, and mortality.
I have sympathy for J. Newman (having taken care of relatives suffering neurological decline), but more so I empathize with the American People who are losing faith in the viability of their most revered institutions.
I mean, it isn't.
Davey, Stick to your small practice ... assuming you're an actual attorney and not just using the name of another NYer.
"Impeachment" is limited to a political process alleging or "Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors."
The process brings forth various possible judgments, including something beyond mere removal from office.
Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States: but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law.
Judges do serve for "good behavior" (American spelling), which is not exactly the same as "life tenure."
Some scholarship argues that good behavior can be enforced in ways other than impeachment. IOW, a judge could be removed from office in another way. It's an outlier position, though I think it's valid. I can see people pushing back on it.
There is also regulation of the courts overall. It is not "removal from office" to require someone to recuse from certain cases. Ethical rules can be placed to regulate "good behavior."
It's trickier when lower court judges are blocked from doing their jobs, trying cases, for a period of time. Currently, that is allowed without using impeachment. It is legitimate for Congress, when regulating lower courts, to allow a process for that.
The term "stealth impeachment" is being used somewhat colloquially. She is effectively being denied, long-term, from doing her job. She is not only having her behavior regulated.
It is approaching removal. Does anyone think the people behind this expect her to go back to being a judge? I am unaware of someone else being treated in the same way. This doesn't mean it is unfair. It's a special case.
What to do with judges who are mentally and/or physically unfit to do their jobs has long been a complicated issue.
Even before the Constitution was ratified, Hamilton, in passing, assumed that an insane judge would obviously not be fit to be a judge. They would not be able to serve in good behavior. [Federalist Papers]
But when the issue came up with Judge Pickering, many senators were uncomfortable about assuming just that. He was removed for misconduct. This case raises related issues.
It might be useful just to pass a 25A-like amendment on the question. Art. II speaks of the "inability to discharge the powers and duties" leading to the vice president acting as president.
Without the 25A, how would that be enforced?
Could Congress pass a 25A-like statute to enforce it? It shows the value of an amendment clearly stating something that might be true. A president, of course, is a more serious position than a single judge. But multiple judges are already involved now.