The Volokh Conspiracy
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SCOTUS Stays Injunction Against Removal of CPSC Commissioners
Further indication that independent agencies will not be "independent" much longer.
Today the Supreme Court stayed a district court order barring President Trump from removing the three Democratic members of the Consumer Product Safety Commission. The Court's order is not particularly surprising given its prior order staying a similar injunction barring the removal of other appointees to independent agencies. The three justices appointed by Democratic Presidents dissented.
As has become increasingly common, the Court issued the order with minimal explanation and without argument. The unsigned order in Trump v. Boyle suggested that lower courts should take greater cues from such orders than they have been, even though such orders are not precedential. From the order:
The application is squarely controlled by Trump v. Wilcox, 605 U. S. ___ (2025). Although our interim orders are not conclusive as to the merits, they inform how a court should exercise its equitable discretion in like cases. The stay we issued in Wilcox reflected "our judgment that the Government faces greater risk of harm from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty." Ibid. (slip op., at 1). The same is true on the facts presented here, where the Consumer Product Safety Commission exercises executive power in a similar manner as the National Labor Relations Board, and the case does not otherwise differ from Wilcox in any pertinent respect.
Justice Kavanaugh wrote separately to note that he would have granted cert before judgment in addition to granting the stay application. He wrote:
When an emergency application turns on whether this Court will narrow or overrule a precedent, and there is at least a fair prospect (not certainty, but at least some reasonable prospect) that we will do so, the better practice often may be to both grant a stay and grant certiorari before judgment. In those unusual circumstances, if we grant a stay but do not also grant certiorari before judgment, we may leave the lower courts and affected parties with extended uncertainty and confusion about the status of the precedent in question. Moreover, when the question is whether to narrow or overrule one of this Court's precedents rather than how to resolve an open or disputed question of federal law, further percolation in the lower courts is not particularly useful because lower courts cannot alter or overrule this Court's precedents. In that situation, the downsides of delay in definitively resolving the status of the precedent sometimes tend to outweigh the benefits of further lower-court consideration.
So it is here. Therefore, I not only would have granted a stay but also would have granted certiorari before judgment.
Apparently he did not have too many takers for this position. The three dissenters object to resolving these sorts of issues on the emergency docket, but did not want to accelerate the Court's resolution of the underlying question. Joining Justice Kavanaugh's call for certiorari would likely hasten Humphrey's Executor's demise.
Justice Kagan penned a brief dissent on behalf of the three liberal justices, lamenting the Court's hostility to Humphrey's, and in particular the justices' willingness to "the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation." As Kagan notes, this could have the practical effect of eliminating bipartisan commissions with regulatory authority.
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"The unsigned order in Trump v. Boyle suggested that lower courts should take greater queues from such orders than they have been, "
I think you meant "clues"?
He likely meant “cues.”
-l 🙂
"... take greater queues ..."
District court judges need to fall into line.
So...any president in the future can fire:
FCC commissioners, CPSC commissioners, Post Office Board, etc etc etc. What's even the point of having bipartisan commissions anymore? Might as well make them all single head commissions with terms the same as the presidents. Why even bother having Congress create departments with panel heads at all.
I actually believe that should be the case all the way down the line, that there should be absolutely no civil service protection at all (other than the chaos that trying to replace millions of government employees would create).
It used to be like that until the late 1800s. It was a disaster and that is why it was changed.
"Those who forget their history..."
So much for Burke and Chesterton as conservative heroes...
And it's a disaster now and needs changing again.
Lol. Spoken like a guy who has never had to deal with government employees in exempted positions they got due to family and social connections.
All guys (and gals) have to deal with such employees.
There will always be an infestation of parasites, political hacks and loyalists in the government bureaucracy. The only question is whether you favor leaving them in place for decades, or bringing in the exterminators every four years. Obviously, if they are 95% loyal to your team, you will favor the keep-em-for-decades plan. If they're 95% agin you, or even if you inhabit a Rawlsian veil of ignorance, you will favor the regular exterminator visit.
Although it seems to take a bit of time to clear out even the most obvious cases :
https://x.com/lukerosiak/status/1948024551163740354/photo/1
The system was started because say I get elected governor and appoint my drunk nephew, who has never held a regular job, as a middle manager with a decent salary. Then in 4 or 8 years another guy gets elected and appoints HIS drunk nephew, firing my drunk nephew. The powers that be decided there should be a better way.
None of this is applicable to policy positions. If I am governor, I want my employee in that place and the next guy or gal wants his or her person in that place. This is acceptable while the first is just nepotism.
Yup, there should be a better way. That doesn't mean the current system is it.
Now that we've tried the current system for a bit, it's become obvious that it has lots of its own drawbacks. Maybe enough that the older system was actually less bad.
This is an appeal to bipartisanship, of a subject whose purpose is to preserve one party's control after they leave power.
That is the opposite of bipartisanship.
I cannot throw in with it as a high value any more than swapping out at a whim. In both cases, the real problem is power mongers sticking their fingers into everything to get in the way.
"The whole system is out of order!"
Ahhh, Arthur Kirkland.
No, under a (possible) future president, it will be [D]ifferent. That's the whole point of doing this through non-precedential orders as much as possible.
Why do you want executive branch agencies insulated from the executive branch?
Yes, that is the new rule (with a special exception for the Federal Reserve, because the elite really cares about the soundness of its money). Of course, the new rule renders boards and commissions pointless. The president needs subordinate officers, since he can't do everything himself, but boards and commissions are now pointless, since there can be no deliberation among people all of whom were appointed and can be removed by one person. It's like the situation reflected in some state incorporation laws which require a minimum number of directors, but then specify that there need not be more directors than there are shareholders, because what's the point?
Going forward, (i) obviously Congress won't create any more boards or commissions, (ii) presidents won't bother to appoint more than the minimum number of members necessary to constitute a quorum (itself a pointless formality), and (iii) probably, at various points when someone detects a cost saving, the existing boards and commissions will be abolished in favor of individual directors.
What's even the point of having bipartisan commissions anymore?
If they are purely advisory, then it's reasonable - sometimes - to want to listen to advice from a range of sources. Diversity of opinion and so on.
The difficulty arises if the commission has any actual executive or regulatory power, which they can choose to exercise contra the policies of the actual President / Congress. Then it just becomes a food fight for control. (Plus a little bit of sinecuring for your pals when your team lost the election. Hacks gotta eat.) So the embedding of agencies and commissions with power is about denying executive power to the winning team's President. Making sure when your team wins the government machine is 100% behind you, but when the other team wins, they face a bureaucracy stacked with their opponents.
Since the commissions and agencies are essentially controlled by the left - The Stupid Party has taken decades to wise up to the long march - then obviously "independent" commissions are great - if you are a leftie. If they had been stacked by the right over decades, then the lefties would be all over the unitary executive theory like a rash.
The life or death of "independent" commissions and agencies is all about goring oxen.
But as I say, if they were merely advisory, there'd be less to fight about. Not nothing, of course, as even advice with a heaped spoonful of one party dogma, is relevant to the Overton Window.
Do you understand what the word "bipartisan" means?
Of course.
In the context of federal commissions and agencies, “bipartisan” means having members appointed at times carefully selected to try to maintain partisan control for as long as possible; and employees carefully selected to be 90% committed Democrats, with 10% reserved for communists.
Surely you know this ?
Yeah, no, that's not how these work.
This is so stupid. They haven’t overruled Humphrey’s Executor. It’s still the law. But they want their hastily written emergency orders hinting they’ll overturn Humphrey’s to govern the lower court’s equitable discretion instead of the merits opinion that has been on the books for 90 years? Despite always insisting those don’t control? Christ this court sucks.
The district court should just expedite the ruling. Problem solved right?
I think that they made it pretty clear in Selia Law that Humphrey's Executor is like Bivens: we didn't overrule it but not one inch further. I don't think it is so hard for judges to get that.
Kind of hard for them to take that cue when Selia law focused so much on the individual director vs the multimember board aspect. Again this court sucks.
Vertical stare doesn't work that way!
FFS you went to law school.
This is also stupid because their Wilcox order, in an effort to reassure everyone that Trump can’t fire the governors of the Fed (because they know Trump is a moron who shouldn’t have more direct influence over monetary policy), said unique structure or history or whatever can mean a different outcome.
And now they’re mad that lower courts are analyzing the nature of the agency and the appropriate remedy in light of binding precedent and not the emergency order that already has a gaping hole in it?
Again this court sucks. I hope the majority enjoys their fire prone microwaves five years from now.
I agree with you that their attempt to insulate the Fed is completely unprincipled and results oriented.
One of the lower court judges not taking the "cues" was a well-known Trump appointee. Maybe, Trump 2.0 judges will be better at that.
So when the Constitution says "see that the laws be faithfully executed", what it really means is "ignore whatever bits of the law you feel like"?
Like all the immigration laws that have been ignored for a generation?
Trump and MAGA are like 97% win rate in the only court that matters.
Eat shit, insurrectionists and coup plotters.
Funnily enough, that’s probably what you’ll be doing in a rather literal sense under Trump’s deregulatory agenda.
SCOTUS once again shitting on the rule of law on the shadow docket.
It is also absurd that Trump not getting what he wants immediately is an "irreparable harm" that warrants such drastic action.
“Could” have the practical effect? Really? How understated.
Adler doesn't quote Kagan's snappiest verbiage;
Turtles all the way down. Layering nothing on nothing.
"So only another under-reasoned emergency order undergirds today’s.
Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-
reasoned) orders to cite. “Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way
down.’” Rapanos v. United States, 547 U. S. 715, 754 (2006)
(plurality opinion). The majority rejects Congress’s design
of a whole class of agencies (except, as Wilcox somehow has
it, the Federal Reserve) by layering nothing on nothing."
Kagan is right for calling them out on that. You can't do originalism but make exceptions because you want to be a center right country club Republican.
That’s not why they’re making that exception dude.
Well, then please enlighten us.
Sure: the CPSC and such aren't really very important in the grand scheme of things. But a politically compromised central bank would be a disaster. They're protecting their (and everybody's) retirement accounts.
Assuming that is true, shouldn't any originalist realize that he will be determining things enacted in 1787 that no longer work in 2025? I mean the founding fathers were not Moses. Even if we assume that they were 100% right for setting up a country in 1787 then surely there must be some of those things that no longer work and need changed.
Any originalist must realize this to be consistent. Otherwise he is no more than a living constitutionalist, imposing his own ideas of what is right and good for society.
Yes. Nobody thinks there's any principle other than "the consequences of doing otherwise would be extremely bad" behind the "…except the Fed" doctrine.
As Justice Gorsuch says, it seems that we are in vehement agreement on this.
The Fed carve-out is beyond dishonest.
Two competing theories of constitutional law apply:
1. Unitary Executive Theory
2. Humphrey’s Executor
I am sure I am not telling anyone anything they do not already know. However, to suggest courts/SCOTUS are just going off the rails ignores these competing theories.
Under Humphrey’s:
The Court interpreted Article II narrowly, saying that not all officers fall under the President’s direct control. The key logic:
• The FTC was created by Congress as an independent agency that performs quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial functions, not purely executive ones.
• Because these commissioners aren’t executing the President’s will, but rather carrying out duties defined by Congress, the President’s Article II power does not extend to firing them at will.
• This preserves a constitutional balance: Congress can create agencies insulated from political influence to ensure neutral, expert decision-making.
Under unitary executive theory:
Humphrey’s limits the President’s ability to control the executive branch, violating a more robust reading of Article II:
• The unitary executive theory holds that all executive authority must be under Presidential control, including hiring and firing.
• From this view, restricting removal undermines the President’s accountability for the execution of laws—because he cannot control the people carrying out those laws.
I am curious about opinions here. Is Humphrey’s aligned with Article II’s Executive Power Clause and the Take Care Clause ?
Also, what is the direct oversight of these agencies? Or more accurately, how are they made accountable? Is the APA the defacto law of the land for these agencies that operate under its auspices as there is no executive oversight, limited public oversight, and diffuse responsibility? These agencies make, enforce and judge their own laws! That is problematic at best.
Agencies today wield combined powers that Madison, Hamilton, and others saw as tyranny by definition:
“The accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands…may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny.”
— James Madison, Federalist No. 47
The tension you are feeling, IMHO comes from the idea that administrative agencies are permitted to have legislative power. The non-delegation doctrine should be revived so that the executive does not have such power.
Then it would be non-controversial. The executive, the President has full executive powers. Now it seems like he has rather large legislative powers as well.
Whether Congress follows through on that is questionable but you make a valid point. Thank you.
I understand that in general, fired employees can get money damages and hence injunctive relief is unnecessary. But members of independent government commissions with substantial powers are hardly ordinary employees with no interest in exercising the powers of their offices. To regard them as such is inconsistent with Humphrey’s Executor’s reasoning.
Humphrey’s Executor is still the law of the land. Staying an existing injunction requires a merits determination. And for the shadow docket, the merits determination should be based strictly on the law as it is. It is no place to overturn, or act contrary to, a precedent. Any decision to overrule Humphrey’s Executor shoild be based on full briefing and argument after having fully percolated in the courts below.
That's an interesting twist, but why couldn't you say it about any job? Not only do I get paid but I also get the enjoyment of whatever duties or tasks I was assigned. It gave me a reason to get out of bed in the morning. I don't know that any job has been viewed that way. The remedy for an illegal termination has always been back pay.
And I realize that everyone wants to hang on to Humphrey's Executor but lower courts and the public should view it like Bivens. It is a boat that is dead in the water. It is also like Lemon. The Court for whatever reason won't use the words "Humphrey's Executor is hereby overruled" but it has made clear that it is not following it anymore.
You're ignoring the fact that mandamus was long regarded as a means to restore someone to office.
Besides, if we apply the doctrine rex (praeses) non potest peccare, no removal has actually taken place. Declaratory judgment could work to restore someone.
The executive, the President has full executive powers
I don't see the word "full" in Art. II.
It lists some executive powers. One is to obtain opinions in writing from the principal officers of each executive department.
The Congress delegates with instructions to agencies. This can be quite open-ended. Presidents do not always have carte blanche to remove the people in charge.
Scholars have pointed out how they have done so for quite some time. Even Myers v. U.S. had strong dissents from Holmes, Brandeis, and a stronger than usual dissent from McReynolds.
The "non-delegation doctrine" is still in place.
A general argument I have seen (as is usual here) is that it hasn't been enforced strongly enough.
Meanwhile, people don't want to rely on their elected representatives to pass laws setting up offices, including setting forth rules on how officers should be removed. The executive has some power to non-faithfully execute those laws.
If necessary, they are willing to have judges (including those not named "Kennedy") override the agency laws involved, though they might be miffed when artificial limits are set in place to protect certain monetary interests.
"The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America."
THE executive power. The full power. All of it.
If there is some other individual or group of individuals who yield executive power, where do we find that in the Constitution?